Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Congresses, Internat., 1927"

A estrutura organizativa interna da Internacional Comunista (Comintern) era quase totalmente desconhecida àqueles que a observavam de fora. Contudo, ela foi fortemente influenciada pelas lutas políticas de bastidores, inclusive no Partido Comunista soviético, e pelas viradas geopolíticas promovidas pelos líderes de Moscou. Os três Estatutos da Comintern aprovados em seu 2º (1920), 5º (1924) e 6º (1928) Congressos Mundiais não esgotam a análise dos órgãos que a compunham, mas dão uma ideia de como sua estruturação, ao contrário do que pensa o senso comum, alterou-se radicalmente à medida que se desenrolavam as disputas de poder no Kremlin. Neste artigo, exponho os resultados de uma exaustiva comparação entre os três Estatutos, relacionando-os ao contexto político de cada época e apontando nas mudanças redacionais pistas sobre como se alteravam os conceitos de movimento comunista internacional e de revolução mundial.

Čenču Jezups or Dzērkste (real name Jezups Kindzuļs, 1888–1941?) was a Latgalian public figure, agronomist, publicist and writer. Date of his death is unknown – he was arrested in February 1941 by NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs), but after that there is no information about his further life. He participated in the Latgalian Awakening movement at the beginning of 20th century. Later J. Kindzuļs was one of the organizers of the Latgalian congress (1917) in Rēzekne and a member of Constitutional Assembly of Latvia (1920–1922). He was an editor of such periodicals as “Latgalīts” (1921), “Latgolas Zemkūpis” (1924–1935), “Latgolas lauksaimnīks” (calendar, 1924–1935). He wrote his novel “Pīters Vylāns” between 1935 and 1941. It was first published in Daugavpils in 1943 by writer and publisher Vladislavs Luocis. Later it was published again in Germany in 1967.Čenču Jezups’ novel “Pīters Vylāns” was analysed by Miķelis Bukšs, Ilona Salceviča, Oskars Seiksts. The mentioned papers reveal the meaning of Latgalian self-confidence, which is disclosed in “Pīters Vylāns”, but unfortunately the author of this novel seems to be forgotten. Therefore the aim of this research is to “decode” factors of inspiration in Čenču Jezups’ novel “Pīters Vylāns” to gain more information about author’s life and his value system.Inspiration is always connected with writer’s life experience. Furthermore, the writer creates his own world. Vladislavs Luocis wrote that J. Kindzuļs planned to write a trilogy (Lōcis 1965: 26), but because of Latvia’s occupation by the Soviet Union this intention was not fulfilled. Factors of inspiration are divided into two groups: literary and non-literary (Lukaševičs 2007: 5). Non-literary factors of inspiration are those connected with J. Kindzuļs’ life (social and political events, education and public activities, private life). Literary and cultural factors of inspiration refer to his interests and Latgalian self-identification.Novel “Pīters Vylāns” was written during the authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis (1934–1940) and deals with peasants’ life during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (1905–1907) in Latgale. The problems of Latgalian identity (to be russified or polonized, quest for identity as a possibility) are dealt with by means of such characters as Vera Semjonova, Stefa, Meikuls Stumbris and Buks. It may be that the characters Pīters Vylāns and Ontons Sleižs are the two sides of J. Kindzuļs’ alter ego. His life experience until World War I is revealed in Pīters Vylāns, but after 1920 – in Ontons Sleižs. J. Kindzuļs may have studied either agronomy or law in Petersburg (after 1907). He took part in Latgalian Musical society and later he worked in the editorial office of newspaper “Drywa” (1908–1912). J. Kindzuļs was involved in the First World War and after that he worked in Rēzekne Commerce School (1919). After 1922 he started farming in his household “Pelēķi” in Laucesa rural municipality and was busy with issues of agronomy in Latgale.J. Kindzuļs’ private life is revealed in two women characters: Elvira and Stefa. Kindzuļs himself had three wives: unknown (married before 1919), Hortenzija Kindzule (Dardedze, married about 1921), Jadviga Kindzule (Kondrāte, married before 1933). J. Kindzuļs became a widower twice. He had two sons: Česlavs (from his first marriage) and Andrivs Jēkabs (from the second marriage). The third child was a daughter, but he and his wife Jadviga lost her because she died of an illness when she was 3.Because of lack of information about J. Kindzuļs, there is no possibility to find out his interests. The only way to get more information about J. Kindzuļs is to research his novel “Pīters Vylāns”. From the novel we know that for J. Kindzuļs there are three groups of literary and cultural factors of inspiration. Firstly, it is Latgalian self-confidence, which appears in the use of Roman Catholic elements such as rites, prayers and honour songs for God. Secondly, it is syncretism of Christian faith and paganism, which is presented as rewriting of folksongs by hand and “vakariešona” or evening gathering. Thirdly, it is European culture, because it is clear that J. Kindzuļs knew, for example, such writers as Goethe, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, classical music (F. F. Chopin) and architecture. The amount of information about J. Kindzuļs must be enriched and research must be continued. Novel “Pīters Vylāns” was written after 1935 and it is autobiographical. Such characters as Pīters Vylāns and Ontons Sleižs reflect the personality of J. Kindzuļs, but Elvira and Stefa reveal some traits of his wives Hortenzija and Jadviga. J. Kindzuļs glorifies values which became significant after 1934: land and farming, peasants and unity. He describes the Latvians of Latgale during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (1905–1907), but at the same time he criticizes the tendency to be latvianized. The same attitude he has to russification. He accepts the ideological course of Kārlis Ulmanis policy and this ideological position of J. Kindzuļs is manifested as a form of rebellion.

This study delves into Siti Walidah’s journey as a gender equality pioneer within the ‘Aisyiyah movement, utilizing four research methods: heuristic research for source collection, source criticism for source validation, interpretation employing sociological and anthropological approaches, and historiography for systematic reporting. Findings reveal that Walidah’s family and marriage to Ahmad Dahlan strongly influenced her commitment to gender equality. Dahlan played a significant role in forming views and experiences that gave birth to ideas and tangible actions in the gender equality movement. Walidah pioneered the gender equality movement by establishing places of education: launching the Sapa Tresna association (1914), ‘Aisyiyah (1917), Internaat (1919), Musholla ‘Aisyiyah (1922) which became tools for building gender equality by providing opportunities and programmes for women to obtain equal educational rights as men. She played a pioneering role in empowering women within ‘Aisyiyah, leading its congresses, and departed from religious values to advocate for gender equality through the ‘Aisyiyah organization formed in 1917, solidifying her legacy as Indonesia’s first gender equality advocate.

В настоящей публикации представлен ранее нигде не публиковавшийся Протокол Пензенского епархиального съезда духовенства и мирян, который проходил с 25 апреля по 1 мая 1917 г. Он отражает общее настроение рядового духовенства и мирян Русской Православной Церкви начала XX в. на примере конкретной епархии. Пензенский Съезд проходил одновременно с аналогичными Съездами многих других епархиальных центров, чьи постановления получили своё развитие на Всероссийском Съезде духовенства и мирян в Москве и далее на Поместном Соборе Православной Российской Церкви 1917- 1918 гг. Вопросы, рассматриваемые участниками Пензенского Съезда, касались как общецерковных проблем, так и внутренних дел самой епархии; часть постановлений вошла в состав решений Поместного Собора. Количество вопросов, поднятых на Съезде, превышает два десятка и относится к самым разным сферам церковно-государственных и церковно-общественных отношений, а также к внутренним преобразованиям самой Церкви, одновременно олицетворяя общую тенденцию к Её обновлению и являясь следствием этих перемен. Но среди них важнейшими, по мнению делегатов Съезда, считались вопросы об отношении к происходящим в стране политическим событиям и о поэтапной реформе церковной организации, начиная с прихода и заканчивая уровнем Поместной Российской Церкви. This publication presents the previously unpublished Protocol of the Penza Diocesan Congress of the Clergy and Laity, which took place from April 25 to May 1, 1917. It reflects the general mood of ordinary clergy and laity of the Russian Orthodox Church at the beginning of the 20th century by the example of a specific diocese. The Penza Congress was held simultaneously with similar Congresses of many other diocesan centers, whose resolutions were developed at the AllRussian Congress of Clergy and Laity in Moscow and further at the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1917-1918. The issues considered by the participants of the Penza Congress concerned both general church problems and the internal affairs of the diocese itself; some of the decisions were included in the decisions of the Local Council. The number of issues raised at the Congress exceeds two dozen and relates to the most diverse spheres of church-state and church-social relations, as well as to the internal transformations of the Church itself, at the same time embodying the general tendency towards Her renewal and being a consequence of these changes. But among them the most important, in the opinion of the Congress delegates, were the questions about the attitude to the political events taking place in the country and about the gradual reform of church organization, from the parish level to the level of the Local Russian Church.

В статье рассматривается практика апелляций оппозиционеров, исключенных из партии в 1926–1928 годах. Дается анализ как известных, так и недавно рассекреченных источников и их интерпретация в контексте внутрипартийной борьбы. Кроме того, в статье рассматриваются изменения в оценке оппозиции на партийных съездах со стороны партийного большинства. Цель данного исследования – проанализировать апелляции оппозиционеров в контексте эмоционального давления со стороны партии. Как показано в работе, за несколько лет политической борьбы в коммунистической партии, оппозиция становится официально неприемлемой группой и исключается из партии. Параллельно этому процессу формируется процедура апеллирования на восстановление в партию для исключенных членов, включая и оппозиционеров. Оппозиционеры, вынужденные обращаться в партию по вопросу восстановления, заполняют апелляции эмоциональным содержанием. Эти эмоции могут свидетельствовать о еще одном, малоизученном измерении политической борьбы, а именно существовании «эмоциональных режимов» и «сообществ». Оппозиционеры могли подчиниться эмоциональным требованиям партийных органов и открыто выразить сожаление в своих прежних действиях. Некоторые выбирали путь продолжения политической борьбы и пытались инициировать дискуссию в своих обращениях, прибегая подчас к явно выраженной эмоциональной аргументации. Связи, укрепившиеся между ленинградскими оппозиционерами за время внутрипартийной борьбы, могут говорить об эмоциональной общности этой группы. Статья может представлять интерес как для специалистов в области политической истории СССР, так и для всех заинтересованных в истории России XX века. The article examines the practice of appeals of oppositionists who were expelled from the party in 1926–1928. The analysis of both well-known and recently declassified sources and their interpretation in the context of internal party struggle is given. In addition, the article discusses changes in the assessment of the opposition at party congresses by the party majority. The purpose of this study is to analyze the appeals of the opposition in the context of emotional pressure from the party. As shown in the work, after several years of political struggle in the Communist Party, the opposition becomes an officially unacceptable group and is excluded from the party. In parallel to this process, a procedure for appealing for reinstatement to the party is being formed for excluded members, including opposition members. The oppositionists, who are forced to appeal to the party on the issue of restoration, fill the appeals with emotional content. These emotions may indicate another, poorly understood dimension of political struggle, namely the existence of "emotional regimes" and "communities". The oppositionists could submit to the emotional demands of the party organs and openly express regret for their previous actions. Some chose the path of continuing the political struggle and tried to initiate a discussion in their appeals, sometimes resorting to clearly expressed emotional arguments. The ties that have strengthened between the Leningrad oppositionists during the internal party struggle can speak of the emotional community of this group. The article may be of interest both for specialists in the field of political history of the USSR, and for all those interested in the history of Russia of the XX century.

The author examines the policies of the Comintern in the context of the Soviet foreign policy in 1921–1922. He demonstrates that the dynamics of the former was not directly tied to the course of the latter and the turn to the NEP in March 1921. The Comintern had its own internal logic of development. With its help the communist leadership could manoeuvre between a more radical probing of the readiness of the capitalist world for a new wave of revolutionary destabilisation or a moderate policy of prolonged “siege” of capitalism, which involved rapprochement with social democracy under the banner of a “united workers' front”. By early 1922, following sharp discussions on the eve and during the Third Congress of the Comintern, its policies were gradually synchronised with the foreign policy course of Soviet Russia, which allowed rapprochement with West European Social Democracy to be exploited in Soviet foreign interests. However, there was little diplomatic gain from this, and after the failure of the Genoa Conference the Comintern continued to pursue a “united front” policy, no longer directly linked to the objectives of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, but as the basis of the Communist strategy for the struggle to ascend to power in Western Europe. At the same time, both in negotiations with the Social Democrats and in planning at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, the Communists prioritised their monopoly on power, regarding the policy of alliances and concessions as tactical and temporary, rejecting the “political NEP” and the pluralist model of multiparty democratic socialism.

Agriculture needed a simple engine running on cheap fuel to switch to mechanical traction. Due to its simplicity and ability to work on oil, colorization engines have become widespread, including in agriculture. (Research purpose) The research purpose is in identifying the key issues that influenced the creation of diesel engines with divided combustion chamber: indirect, pre-chamber, as well as studying the story of the creation of the indirect diesel, the first diesel tractors. (Materials and methods) The article notes the importance of the International Congress of figures involved in the construction and use of internal combustion engines, and the exhibition organized at the same time. The exhibition presents 95 engines, 23 of them were created at Russian factories. The holding of the international event and the wide participation of domestic engine manufacturers in it testified to the development of engine design in Russia. (Results and discussion) The article notes that despite the success of the world engine building, the problem of creating a lightweight diesel of high specific power, suitable for installation on automotive equipment, has not been solved yet. The article consideres the history of creation of a high-speed turbocharged diesel engine with a "soft" flow of the working stroke. (Conclusions) A two-cylinder pre-chamber diesel engine with a capacity of 18 kilowatts (25 horsepower) at 800 rpm by P. L'Orange was produced by Benz & Cie in 1922 and intended for agricultural machinery. The Benz-Sendling S6 motor plow with the Benz & Cie diesel was launched in March 1923. In addition to three-wheeled tractors and motor plows, since 1923, Benz and Sendling have offered a four-wheeled model of the BK diesel tractor. The first serial diesel tractor in Europe is considered to be the Deutz tractor. Produced in 1927, the MTH 222 tractor was equipped with a 14-horsepower single-cylinder engine with an additional chamber.

Introduction. The article studies the processes of transformation of the state-legal system and establishment of the Soviet Republic in Ukraine in 1917-1921, accompanied by the confrontation of internal political forces, which followed differential approaches and offered variable models of nation-state formation. The paper analyses the ways of defining the state organisation of Ukraine after the overthrow of the monarchy by the Bolsheviks, as well as the Ukrainian political forces, acting from separatist, “self-styled” positions.The peculiarities of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (hereinafter - UNR) of the period of the Central Rada, Skoropadsky’s Ukrainian Power, and the Directory. The role of the Ukrainian Central Rada (hereinafter - UCR), the General Secretariat of Ukraine and the All-Ukrainian National Congress in the transformation of the state structure of Ukraine is analysed.The significance of universals - acts of constitutional nature for the development of the legal system of Ukraine was revealed. The peculiarities of the political struggle between the adherents of “Ukrainianism” and supporters of the Bolsheviks in the years of the Socialist Revolution and the Civil War were determined. The most important normative legal acts being crucial for the establishment of the Soviet power in Ukraine were identified. Research methods. The main methodological principles of the research were the principles of historicism, unity of theory and practice, comprehensive study of social processes and phenomena, unity of history and logics. The main methodological approach of the research was the system approach. General scientific (historical, functional, theoretical modeling, hypothesis construction) and special (formal-legal, historical-legal, comparative-legal) methods of legal research were used. Results.The paper found that during 1917-1921 in Ukraine there was a transformation of the statelegal system, characterised by the transition from the monarchical form of government (after the overthrow of the monarchy in the Russian Empire) to the republican system of bourgeois, nationalliberal type, and later - to the establishment of a republic of the Soviet type. The article revealed that the national-state development on the Ukrainian regions in the years of the All-Russian Revolution was determined by: 1) the aspiration of regional political forces to create national, autonomous local authorities independent of the center (centrifugal process); 2) the formation of Soviets as official local authorities with their gradual transition under the control of the Bolshevik Party (centripetal process).Ukrainian governmental development occurred gradually, reflecting the specifics and course of the military and political confrontation (winter 1917-1918, early 1919, winter 1919-1920). The first Constitution of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, adopted in Kharkov by the III All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets (March 1919), became the legal act that confirmed the victory of Soviet power in Ukraine.

AbstrakPerlawanan intelektual pribumi yang dilakukan oleh organisasi berideologi komunis menggunakan beberapa media, diantaranya surat kabar Soerapati. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri atas empat tahapan kerja: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi dan historiografi. Konsep dan teori yang digunakan adalah konsep ruang publik Habermas dan teori konflik Dahrendorf. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa surat kabar Soerapati pertama terbit setelah kongres PKI dan SR di Sukabumi pada tahun 1923. Hal ini diawali dengan perpecahan SI saat kongres di Madiun yang menghasilkan disiplin partai. PKI dan SR menggunakan media surat kabar Soerapati untuk melakukan perlawanan terhadap pemerintah kolonial dan pemerintah lokal, selain itu surat kabar Soerapati menjadi media perdebatan ideologi di internal organisasi pergerakan. Simpulan dari penelitian ini adalah perlawanan yang dilakukan oleh PKI dan SR berakhir dengan penangkapan dan pembuangan yang diberitakan di surat kabar Soerapati. Hal ini menjadi salah satu faktor surat kabar Soerapati harus disita dan dilarang terbit pada tahun 1925. AbstractThe Indigenous intellectual resistance carried out by communist ideology organizations using multiple media, including Soerapati newspapers. By used the historical method consists of four stages of work: heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. Concepts and theories used is the public sphere concept of Habermas and conflict theory of Dahrendorf. The results concluded that newspapers first published after the congress Soerapati PKI and SR in Sukabumi in 1923. It was preceded by a split time SI congress in Madiun who produce a discipline party. PKI and SR Soerapati using the press to fight against the colonial and local governments, in addition to the Soerapati newspaper became the ideological debates media movement organizations internally. The conclusions is carried out by the resistance of the PKI and SR ended with the capture and disposal by newspapers Soerapati. This is one factor newspaper Soerapati be confiscated and banned in 1925.

The subject of this study is the organization of the National Women's Council in Russia at the beginning of the XX century. The study was conducted using a gender approach in history (historical feminology). In addition, the problems under consideration were studied using the methods of source studies, mainly internal criticism of historical sources. The source base of the article was made up of both documentary (legislation and materials of women's congresses and organizations) and narrative sources. First of all, these are the documents of the A.I. Filosofov Foundation: draft charters of women's organizations, letters of petition, responses of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and others. Of considerable interest is also the women's periodical press, which published reports and resolutions of women's congresses, memorable articles about representatives of the women's movement. The scientific novelty of the research lies both in the inclusion of new source complexes into scientific circulation, and in the reconstruction of the process of creating the All-Russian Women's Council, an organization that was seen as the coordinating center of the Russian women's movement. As a result of the analysis of sources and historiography, the authors came to the conclusion that at the beginning of the XX century the women's movement in Russia focused on the struggle for civil and political rights, for which it was necessary to unite the maximum possible number of women who aspired to equality. For this purpose, along with the creation of women's organizations and the publication of regular periodicals, women's congresses are beginning to be held. The First All-Russian Women's Congress for the first time raised the issue of creating a National Women's Council to unite all women's societies and organizations. Attempts to create the organization continued for 20 years, but were crowned with success only in 1917. However, Russian feminism has not been able to create an international organization. Despite the progressive nature of the activities of women's movement activists, the civil war in Russia interrupted the work of the organization.

Abstract Following the CPU’s merger with the Ottoman Freedom Society,1 the new CPU and the two other main opposition organizations, namely Sabahaddin Bey’s League of Private Initiative and Decentralization and the Dashnaktsutiun Committee, organized a second congress of “Ottoman opposition parties” in order to unite all of these organizations in a program of revolutionary action. Although this meeting, which the organizers labeled a “congress,” took place after the merger, the CPU central committee in Paris, now renamed the CPU External Headquarters, had in fact taken the first initiatives and had worked toward a congress on its own during the early negotiations. It was only during the final preparations for the gathering that the CPU External Headquarters received feedback from the CPU Internal Headquarters in the form of an approval of its action.

Abstract The successful campaign to close the clinics can be credited to the establishment of a semiautonomous federal agency, the Narcotic Division of the Prohibition Unit, which could mount a coordinated and enduring attack from its headquarters in Washington with its own field force of about 170 agents divided among thirteen districts.1 The head of the Narcotic Division, Levi G. Nutt, remained in his post from 1920 until early 1930, outlasting several Prohibition commissioners who succeeded one another as the enforcement of dry laws failed under widespread dishonesty and public contempt. One reason for the poor quality of prohibition enforcement was that jobs were openly filled by political patronage. Even Warren Harding informed Congress in 1922: “there are conditions relating to [Volstead Act] enforcement which savor of nationwide scandal. It is the most demoralizing factor in public life.” The Narcotic Division, however, was under civil service. Scandal in its operation occurred less often, although indiscretions discovered in 1929 led to Nutt’s removal in 1930. For the first decade of the Narcotic Division’s existence, enforcement of the Harrison Act was eclipsed by the drama of national liquor prohibition. Narcotic agents were eventually embarrassed by their association with dry agents, and there were several recommendations by the AMA as early as 1921 that Nutt’s agency be separated from Prohibition affairs. There were other loud dissidents, Internal Revenue Commissioner Roper among the earliest, who saw no reason for making the tax agency of the government responsible for Prohibition enforcement. Finally, in 1930, Prohibition was transferred to the Justice Department, and narcotic affairs were vested in a new unit, the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, which remained in the Treasury Department until 1968, when it too was turned over to the Justice Department and considerably revamped.

During the National Struggle period, the independent Canik Sanjak consisted of Samsun, Bafra, Çarşamba and Terme. Samsun port, which is an important export and transportation center, was the second gate to Anatolia after İnebolu in the Black Sea. Passengers, domestic and foreign delegations from Istanbul, Russia and the Caucasus, as well as some of the goods and military equipment, reached Anatolia via Samsun. Because of its importance, the Greeks bombarded Samsun on 7 June 1922 with military excuses.Samsun is a starting point for the history of the National Struggle. After Mustafa Kemal Pasha landed in Samsun on 19 May 1919, he started to organize the independence movement in Havza. All these studies were carried out in Samsun and its surroundings despite the pressures of the British occupation forces and the control officers of the Allied Powers. Samsun Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti, which was established after the Sivas Congress, pioneered the activities of the National Struggle in Samsun. Despite the reservations of the Samsun Governor and the Mayor, the First Parliamentary elections were held as a result of the cooperation of the Defense of Law Society with Ankara. National detachments were established by the Defense of the Law Society in order to defend the people against the Pontus gangs. The Defense of the Law Society had a great role in the organization of the meetings with the aid given to the families of the army and soldiers.Pontus Greeks were effective in and around Samsun until the end of the National Struggle. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, in a report he sent from Samsun, stated that about forty Greek gangs were operating in the area. Although the Grand National Assembly of Turkey established the Central Army in the late 1920s against these gangs who wanted to establish a Greek-Pontic state on the Black Sea coast, no definite result could be obtained. Thereupon, as of 8 February 1922, the task of combating the Pontusists was given to the 10th Division Command. After the investigations carried out by Deputy Internal Affairs Minister Fethi Bey in Samsun between 28 January and 25 March 1922, a comprehensive operation was launched against the Pontusists. In 1923, a Turkish-Greek population exchange signed between Greece and Turkey in Lausanne was started to get implemented after the Pontus rebellion. In accordance with the exchange agreement, exchanged Turks from Greece were settled in place of the Greeks who went to Greece in 1923-1924.

This chapter focuses on the long and politically divisive passage of the Smoot–Hawley tariff through Congress. The popular perception is that Congress enacted a higher tariff because it caved in to the demands of special interest groups. In fact, the tariff did not originate in response to demands by politically powerful industries facing competition from imports, but was offered up by Republican politicians who wanted to appease farmers during the presidential election campaign in 1928. The tariff was initiated near a business cycle peak when business was good, not in the midst of the Depression, and it was poorly suited to help farmers, many of whom depended on exports to foreign markets. Of course, the manner in which Congress handled the tariff gave rise to its association with special interest lobbying and logrolling (vote trading among members of Congress), a perception that is wholly accurate.

Chapter 4 explores how black women activists extended these gendered debates beyond American borders. It contextualizes their interest in and identification with the African and Pan-African liberation struggles of the 1970s and explores their speeches and conference resolutions from the 1972 All-Africa Women’s Conference and the 1974 Sixth Pan-African Congress as examples of how they articulated their ideal of the “Pan-African Woman.” The chapter illustrates how black women activists theorized a political identity that advocated for African-centered politics and gender equality across ideological, geographical, and organizational lines. It also foregrounds how they repositioned black American women at the forefront of diasporic liberation struggles, challenging black men’s real and imagined positions as the leaders of global Black Power struggles.

The 1926 essay about the Federal Arbitration Act (FAA) authored by Julius Henry Cohen and Kenneth Dayton contains numerous insights into the purposes of arbitration, the promise of the FAA, and the intent of Congress in enacting the legislation. But tucked into this essay is also a statement about lawyer self-interest potentially leading them away from counseling clients to draft arbitration clauses or using arbitration services out of risk of earning lower fees....

Abstract The armistice was less than a year old when the next season began. The nation as a whole was looking forward to a period of peace and prosperity. But not everything was rosy. President Wilson, strenuously fighting for a League of Nations to maintain world stability, suffered a stroke-details of which were withheld from the public. But his partisan opponents in Congress, more aware of the seriousness of his illness, seized on it to scuttle America’s interest in and cooperation with the new body. High-minded or simply snobbish conservative groups and uglier reactionary ones on the order of the Ku Klux Klan were recruiting and becoming vocal. American clergymen, smug in the reflected glory of victory, urged a new sort of “preparedness”-this time preaching a crusade to destroy the forces of immorality. And no small number of those forces, they insisted, were controlling influences in the theatre. John Roach Straton, pastor of New York’s Calvary Baptist Church, typifying the sanctimonious meddlers, took pen in hand to write in Theatre that the stage must be placed under “proper control” because “the three greatest foundation stones of our Anglo-Saxon civilization ... the home, the purity of women, and the sanctity of the Sabbath” were gravely imperiled by modern plays. He instructed readers: “You will let the editors of your newspapers know what you think of their ‘dramatic critics,’ when they give a clean bill of health . . . to performances that dig up unspeakable moral filth,’’ and he exhorted those who continued to read to “never cease” their efforts until they have “rescued” the drama from “the unholy hands that today are strangling it to death.” Theatre lovers and theatre folk naturally demurred, although some oldtimers, such as Daniel Frohman, did lament that “romance and sentiment” had been supplanted by “sex and sensation.” The political left was also increasingly active, as Broadway would learn all too soon, with labor unions flexing their muscles and more extreme idealists extolling the promises of a new Russia in place of the genuine achievements of an older America. Of course, the economy was not all that it should be. The withdrawal of wartime farm subsidies began a precipitous slide in farm incomes, and by 1920 a post-war recession, which hit bottom in 1921, was apparent even at some box offices (although most straight plays were able to ask for and get a $3.30 top). Soon after, the economy seemed to rebound, albeit its underlying problems were ignored. So in the short run self-righteous troublemakers were more of a nuisance to the theatre . than were cash flow problems. Indeed, though the 1920s technically would not begin until January of 1921, the “Roaring 1\venties”-that “Era of Wonderful Nonsense,’’ those “Annees folles” as the French would eventually call them-were under way.

President Richard Nixon actively involved himself in the 1970 campaign in the hopes of securing a friendlier Congress (and to revenge himself upon critical Representatives and Senators), but instead undermined a primary public opinion accomplishment of the first two years of his administration: the mobilisation of a pro-Vietnam, pro-Nixon “Silent Majority.” While Vice President Spiro Agnew lashed out at the ‘nattering nabobs of negativism’ and ‘pusillanimous pussy footers’ in Congress, the president instead urged ‘the silent majority to speak out with power far greater than four letter or any other kind of words – the power of their votes.’ Ultimately, Republicans did not reclaim Congressional control in 1970 and this chapter argues that the 1970 midterms were, for many in the White House, a referendum on strategy and tactics for a White House far more concerned with the president’s 1972 re-election campaign than with the successes (or failures) of his fellow Republicans. As such, the lessons from 1970 – particularly the advantages of moving beyond the Silent Majority to target very specific interest groups – laid the foundations for the administration’s embrace of an early form of identity politics in the 1972 campaign.

Abstract This paper considers how the details of internally mounted mechanical oscillators are related to the acoustic scattering features observed in the measurements of Bucaro et al. (1997) and Photiadis et al. (1997). These measurements — the monostatic scattering as a function of frequency and angle from a submerged shell with many internal oscillators — have been interpreted (Bucaro et al., 1997) in the context of local admittance fluctuations caused by the presence of the oscillators. The theoretical basis for this effect is reviewed and specific details in the scattering spectrum are connected with certain shell/ oscillator parameters.

Gas turbine heat transfer studies commenced at Oxford University in 1969 when transient techniques previously used for measurements in hypersonic flows were applied to the gas turbine environment. Shock tubes were employed and subsequently a new form of transient tunnel, the Isentropic Light Piston Tunnel, was developed specifically for turbine heat transfer testing. During the following years further short duration facilities were developed to study blade and vane external aerodynamics and also the heat transfer in cooling passages was examined using liquid crystal techniques. All these transient facilities are described and the development of the instrumentation peculiar to these is explained. The results of the work on external and internal heat transfer are summarised. In particular, the film cooling studies, the blade and vane external heat transfer work and the wake simulation experiments are outlined. This paper is dedicated to the late Don Schultz.

The 1ife-expectancy of hemophiliacs has risen during the last decades from (for severe hemophilia) a mere 16 yrs in 1940, 23 yrs in 1964 to almost normal after coagulation factor preparations became available. Still, many hemophiliacs encounter ratings or refusals when applying for life-insurance.We carried out three mail surveys (1972, 1978, 1985) among Dutch hemophiliacs to establish excess mortality caused by hemophilia. Follow-up for non-respondents was carried out with help from the municipal authorities, while information on the deceased was obtained from the hemophilia treatment centers. To compare mortality with the general population, we constructed Kaplan-Meier reference curves for population groups with the same age and sex distribution, using national death tables. Pending completion of the follow-up for the 1972-1985 interval, this abstract supplies the results for the 1978-1985 period.The 1978 cohort included 578 individuals, with a mean age of 26 yrs (general male population: 33 yrs). None were lost to follow-up, 22 (3.8%) had died during the 7i yrs of observation. In the reference group 1.9% mortality would have been expected. So, overall relative mortality is increased twofold compared to the general male population (95% confidence interval 1.3-3.0). Patients with an inhibitor excluded, excess mortality did not differ much for severe, moderate and mild hemophilia (relative mortality: 2.3, 1.8, 1.5). In 11 cases hemorrhage was the cause of death, but in 6 cases this was associated with an underlying lethal disorder. In 9 cases the cause of death was not related to hemophilia and in 2 it remained unknown. An inhibitor was present in 4 (18%) of these 22 patients, but in only 4% of the total group of 578. In the 1972 survey 43% of the respondents who had applied for a life-insurance (n=199) reported a rating or a refusal, in 1978 47% of 227 and in 1985 53% of 676.The excess mortality caused by hemophilia is small and similar to that due to smoking cigarettes. Moreover, the excess may be caused in part by a carry-over effect from the time before modern treatment was introduced.

Abstract Evidence of adverse bone adaptation after arthroplasty has led to an increasing interest in the study of the bone remodelling process (BRP). A number of theories have been developed to simulate the process [1,2,3], with the objective of computing the effect of a change in the mechanical environment on bone geometry (i.e., external bone remodelling) or bone material properties (i.e., internal bone remodelling). However, the application of the theories continues to demand critical evaluation of a number of their features and assumptions. Part I of this presentation deals with the analysis of the stability characteristics of the simulated BRP, and with the selection of the mechanical stimulus assumed to drive the process.

Abstract Presented in this paper is the design and implementation of a saturating idle speed controller for a Ford V-8 fuel injected engine subjected to a torque load disturbance. The performance specification for the controller design is |Δrpm| ≤ 140 rpm where the controlled input is the by-pass air valve (BPAV). The controller design is realized using a frequency domain approach developed in Herman and Franchek (1997). An experimental verification of the controller is presented. The performance objective is satisfied using saturation control during the engine speed transients.

Abstract In this paper we analyze the nonlinear dynamic behavior of an internal exhaust gas recirculation system based on the mean-value model of an experimental engine equipped with a camshaft phaser. We develop a dynamic camshaft timing schedule that regulates the internal exhaust gas recirculation system while maintaining transient engine torque response similar to an engine with zero exhaust gas recirculation. The dynamic schedule consists of a steady-state map of the camshaft timing for optimum exhaust gas recirculation based on throttle position and engine speed, and a first order lag that regulates the transition of the camshaft timing to the optimum point. A scheme for adjusting the time constant of the first order lag depending on engine speed and throttle position is described.

Abstract Following knee surgery, especially after anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) reconstruction, a small percentage of patients complain about significantly decreased patellar mobility accompanied by anterior knee pain, sometimes severe. The limited mobility and knee pain usually do not disappear even with aggressive physical therapy. Arthroscopic exploration of these knees reveals a closure of the patellar tendon-tibial (PTT) interval, i.e., severe fibrous adhesion of the patellar tendon to the anterior aspect of the tibia, the formation of fibrous tissue between the quadriceps tendon and the femur, and a ‘closed-off’ suprapatellar pouch. Other investigators have also noted such adhesion (Paulos et al., 1987 & 1994; Jacobson et al., 1989), and Hughston (1985) attributed the tendon adhesion to the scarring of infrapatellar and suprapatellar fat pad caused by the surgery. While the adhesions are important clinical problems associated with knee surgery, no study to date, other than our experimental study on patellar tendon contracture, has quantitatively investigated the effect of these adhesions on knee kinematics and contact forces (Ahmad et al., 1997). In this study, we use a 3-D mathematical model of the knee joint to analyze the effects of the patellar tendon adhesion (PA) to the anterior tibia, and the quadriceps tendon adhesion (QA) to the anterior femur. Our objective, therefore, is to demonstrate the effects of these types of post-operative adhesions on patellofemoral joint mechanics.

Advanced prefilming airblast atomizers are widely used for low emission combustors since they deliver a fine spray almost independently of the fuel flow rate. The droplet spectrum produced by this type of atomizer results from the aerodynamic forces at the atomizer edge and from the fuel properties prior to the film disintegration. Therefore, the wall film temperature is an important parameter affecting the fuel properties and in turn the atomization quality. Even though this atomizer type became well investigated (Lefebvre 1989, Rizk et al. 1987, Sattelmayer et al. 1989), still no general quantitative relationship between atomizer design and spray quality could be established since the fuel state at the atomizer edge cannot be precisely predicted yet. In extending earlier experimental and theoretical work on airblast atomizers (Sattelmayer et al. 1989, Himmelsbach et al. 1994, Willmann et al. 1997) and recent advances in the numerical modeling of wall film flows (Rosskamp et al. 1997a), this paper presents a numerical approach to judge the effect of fuel mass flow, air flow and the film length (i. e. length of atomizer lip) on the temperature of the liquid at the atomizer edge. The computer code developed provides detailed information on the wall film flow and the nozzle wall temperature. For the prediction of heat transfer to the film a new model has been developed which is based on measurements of the internal film flow (Elsäßer et al 1997). This new numerical approach can serve as a design tool to evaluate the effects of design modifications during atomizer development with view to their effect on atomization performance. The paper includes the theory for two-phase flow modeling and a generic parameter study that points out that the liquid loading and the length of the atomizer lip are important parameters in atomizer design. The calculations presented in the paper emphasize the necessity of coupled two-phase flow calculations because the film strongly interacts with the gas phase and the predicted atomizer performance is sensitive to changes in the air flow.

Banco de la República is celebrating its 100th anniversary in 2023. This is a very significant anniversary and one that provides an opportunity to highlight the contribution the Bank has made to the country’s development. Its track record as guarantor of monetary stability has established it as the one independent state institution that generates the greatest confidence among Colombians due to its transparency, management capabilities, and effective compliance with the central banking and cultural responsibilities entrusted to it by the Constitution and the Law. On a date as important as this, the Board of Directors of Banco de la República (BDBR) pays tribute to the generations of governors and officers whose commitment and dedication have contributed to the growth of this institution.1 Banco de la República’s mandate was confirmed in the National Constitutional Assembly of 1991 where the citizens had the opportunity to elect the seventy people who would have the task of drafting a new constitution. The leaders of the three political movements with the most votes were elected as chairs to the Assembly, and this tripartite presidency reflected the plurality and the need for consensus among the different political groups to move the reform forward. Among the issues considered, the National Constitutional Assembly gave special importance to monetary stability. That is why they decided to include central banking and to provide Banco de la República with the necessary autonomy to use the instruments for which they are responsible without interference from other authorities. The constituent members understood that ensuring price stability is a state duty and that the entity responsible for this task must be enshrined in the Constitution and have the technical capability and institutional autonomy necessary to adopt the decisions they deem appropriate to achieve this fundamental objective in coordination with the general economic policy. In particular, Article 373 established that “the State, through Banco de la República, shall ensure the maintenance of the purchasing power of the currency,” a provision that coincided with the central banking system adopted by countries that have been successful in controlling inflation. In 1999, in Ruling 481, the Constitutional Court stated that “the duty to maintain the purchasing power of the currency applies to not only the monetary, credit, and exchange authority, i.e., the Board of Banco de la República, but also those who have responsibilities in the formulation and implementation of the general economic policy of the country” and that “the basic constitutional purpose of Banco de la República is the protection of a sound currency. However, this authority must take the other economic objectives of state intervention such as full employment into consideration in their decisions since these functions must be coordinated with the general economic policy.” The reforms to Banco de la República agreed upon in the Constitutional Assembly of 1991 and in Act 31/1992 can be summarized in the following aspects: i) the Bank was assigned a specific mandate: to maintain the purchasing power of the currency in coordination with the general economic policy; ii) the BDBR was designatedas the monetary, foreign exchange, and credit authority; iii) the Bank and its Board of Directors were granted a significant degree of independence from the government; iv) the Bank was prohibited from granting credit to the private sector except in the case of the financial sector; v) established that in order to grant credit to the government, the unanimous vote of its Board of Directors was required except in the case of open market transactions; vi) determined that the legislature may, in no case, order credit quotas in favor of the State or individuals; vii) Congress was appointed, on behalf of society, as the main addressee of the Bank’s reporting exercise; and viii) the responsibility for inspection, surveillance, and control over Banco de la República was delegated to the President of the Republic. The members of the National Constitutional Assembly clearly understood that the benefits of low and stable inflation extend to the whole of society and contribute mto the smooth functioning of the economic system. Among the most important of these is that low inflation promotes the efficient use of productive resources by allowing relative prices to better guide the allocation of resources since this promotes economic growth and increases the welfare of the population. Likewise, low inflation reduces uncertainty about the expected return on investment and future asset prices. This increases the confidence of economic agents, facilitates long-term financing, and stimulates investment. Since the low-income population is unable to protect itself from inflation by diversifying its assets, and a high proportion of its income is concentrated in the purchase of food and other basic goods that are generally the most affected by inflationary shocks, low inflation avoids arbitrary redistribution of income and wealth.2 Moreover, low inflation facilitates wage negotiations, creates a good labor climate, and reduces the volatility of employment levels. Finally, low inflation helps to make the tax system more transparent and equitable by avoiding the distortions that inflation introduces into the value of assets and income that make up the tax base. From the monetary authority’s point of view, one of the most relevant benefits of low inflation is the credibility that economic agents acquire in inflation targeting, which turns it into an effective nominal anchor on price levels. Upon receiving its mandate, and using its autonomy, Banco de la República began to announce specific annual inflation targets as of 1992. Although the proposed inflation targets were not met precisely during this first stage, a downward trend in inflation was achieved that took it from 32.4% in 1990 to 16.7% in 1998. At that time, the exchange rate was kept within a band. This limited the effectiveness of monetary policy, which simultaneously sought to meet an inflation target and an exchange rate target. The Asian crisis spread to emerging economies and significantly affected the Colombian economy. The exchange rate came under strong pressure to depreciate as access to foreign financing was cut off under conditions of a high foreign imbalance. This, together with the lack of exchange rate flexibility, prevented a countercyclical monetary policy and led to a 4.2% contraction in GDP that year. In this context of economic slowdown, annual inflation fell to 9.2% at the end of 1999, thus falling below the 15% target set for that year. This episode fully revealed how costly it could be, in terms of economic activity, to have inflation and exchange rate targets simultaneously. Towards the end of 1999, Banco de la República announced the adoption of a new monetary policy regime called the Inflation Targeting Plan. This regime, known internationally as ‘Inflation Targeting,’ has been gaining increasing acceptance in developed countries, having been adopted in 1991 by New Zealand, Canada, and England, among others, and has achieved significant advances in the management of inflation without incurring costs in terms of economic activity. In Latin America, Brazil and Chile also adopted it in 1999. In the case of Colombia, the last remaining requirement to be fulfilled in order to adopt said policy was exchange rate flexibility. This was realized around September 1999, when the BDBR decided to abandon the exchange-rate bands to allow the exchange rate to be freely determined in the market.Consistent with the constitutional mandate, the fundamental objective of this new policy approach was “the achievement of an inflation target that contributes to maintaining output growth around its potential.”3 This potential capacity was understood as the GDP growth that the economy can obtain if it fully utilizes its productive resources. To meet this objective, monetary policy must of necessity play a countercyclical role in the economy. This is because when economic activity is below its potential and there are idle resources, the monetary authority can reduce the interest rate in the absence of inflationary pressure to stimulate the economy and, when output exceeds its potential capacity, raise it. This policy principle, which is immersed in the models for guiding the monetary policy stance, makes the following two objectives fully compatible in the medium term: meeting the inflation target and achieving a level of economic activity that is consistent with its productive capacity. To achieve this purpose, the inflation targeting system uses the money market interest rate (at which the central bank supplies primary liquidity to commercial banks) as the primary policy instrument. This replaced the quantity of money as an intermediate monetary policy target that Banco de la República, like several other central banks, had used for a long time. In the case of Colombia, the objective of the new monetary policy approach implied, in practical terms, that the recovery of the economy after the 1999 contraction should be achieved while complying with the decreasing inflation targets established by the BDBR. The accomplishment of this purpose was remarkable. In the first half of the first decade of the 2000s, economic activity recovered significantly and reached a growth rate of 6.8% in 2006. Meanwhile, inflation gradually declined in line with inflation targets. That was how the inflation rate went from 9.2% in 1999 to 4.5% in 2006, thus meeting the inflation target established for that year while GDP reached its potential level. After this balance was achieved in 2006, inflation rebounded to 5.7% in 2007, above the 4.0% target for that year due to the fact that the 7.5% GDP growth exceeded the potential capacity of the economy.4 After proving the effectiveness of the inflation targeting system in its first years of operation, this policy regime continued to consolidate as the BDBR and the technical staff gained experience in its management and state-of-the-art economic models were incorporated to diagnose the present and future state of the economy and to assess the persistence of inflation deviations and expectations with respect to the inflation target. Beginning in 2010, the BDBR established the long-term 3.0% annual inflation target, which remains in effect today. Lower inflation has contributed to making the macroeconomic environment more stable, and this has favored sustained economic growth, financial stability, capital market development, and the functioning of payment systems. As a result, reductions in the inflationary risk premia and lower TES and credit interest rates were achieved. At the same time, the duration of public domestic debt increased significantly going from 2.27 years in December 2002 to 5.86 years in December 2022, and financial deepening, measured as the level of the portfolio as a percentage of GDP, went from around 20% in the mid-1990s to values above 45% in recent years in a healthy context for credit institutions.Having been granted autonomy by the Constitution to fulfill the mandate of preserving the purchasing power of the currency, the tangible achievements made by Banco de la República in managing inflation together with the significant benefits derived from the process of bringing inflation to its long-term target, make the BDBR’s current challenge to return inflation to the 3.0% target even more demanding and pressing. As is well known, starting in 2021, and especially in 2022, inflation in Colombia once again became a serious economic problem with high welfare costs. The inflationary phenomenon has not been exclusive to Colombia and many other developed and emerging countries have seen their inflation rates move away from the targets proposed by their central banks.5 The reasons for this phenomenon have been analyzed in recent Reports to Congress, and this new edition delves deeper into the subject with updated information. The solid institutional and technical base that supports the inflation targeting approach under which the monetary policy strategy operates gives the BDBR the necessary elements to face this difficult challenge with confidence. In this regard, the BDBR reiterated its commitment to the 3.0% inflation target in its November 25 communiqué and expects it to be reached by the end of 2024.6 Monetary policy will continue to focus on meeting this objective while ensuring the sustainability of economic activity, as mandated by the Constitution. Analyst surveys done in March showed a significant increase (from 32.3% in January to 48.5% in March) in the percentage of responses placing inflation expectations two years or more ahead in a range between 3.0% and 4.0%. This is a clear indication of the recovery of credibility in the medium-term inflation target and is consistent with the BDBR’s announcement made in November 2022. The moderation of the upward trend in inflation seen in January, and especially in February, will help to reinforce this revision of inflation expectations and will help to meet the proposed targets. After reaching 5.6% at the end of 2021, inflation maintained an upward trend throughout 2022 due to inflationary pressures from both external sources, associated with the aftermath of the pandemic and the consequences of the war in Ukraine, and domestic sources, resulting from: strengthening of local demand; price indexation processes stimulated by the increase in inflation expectations; the impact on food production caused by the mid-2021 strike; and the pass-through of depreciation to prices. The 10% increase in the minimum wage in 2021 and the 16% increase in 2022, both of which exceeded the actual inflation and the increase in productivity, accentuated the indexation processes by establishing a high nominal adjustment benchmark. Thus, total inflation went to 13.1% by the end of 2022. The annual change in food prices, which went from 17.2% to 27.8% between those two years, was the most influential factor in the surge in the Consumer Price Index (CPI). Another segment that contributed significantly to price increases was regulated products, which saw the annual change go from 7.1% in December 2021 to 11.8% by the end of 2022. The measure of core inflation excluding food and regulated items, in turn, went from 2.5% to 9.5% between the end of 2021 and the end of 2022. The substantial increase in core inflation shows that inflationary pressure has spread to most of the items in the household basket, which is characteristic of inflationary processes with generalized price indexation as is the case in Colombia. Monetary policy began to react early to this inflationary pressure. Thus, starting with its September 2021 session, the BDBR began a progressive change in the monetary policy stance moving away from the historical low of a 1.75% policy rate that had intended to stimulate the recovery of the economy. This adjustment process continued without interruption throughout 2022 and into the beginning of 2023 when the monetary policy rate reached 12.75% last January, thus accumulating an increase of 11 percentage points (pp). The public and the markets have been surprised that inflation continued to rise despite significant interest rate increases. However, as the BDBR has explained in its various communiqués, monetary policy works with a lag. Just as in 2022 economic activity recovered to a level above the pre-pandemic level, driven, along with other factors, by the monetary stimulus granted during the pandemic period and subsequent months, so too the effects of the current restrictive monetary policy will gradually take effect. This will allow us to expect the inflation rate to converge to 3.0% by the end of 2024 as is the BDBR’s purpose.Inflation results for January and February of this year showed declining marginal increases (13 bp and 3 bp respectively) compared to the change seen in December (59 bp). This suggests that a turning point in the inflation trend is approaching. In other Latin American countries such as Chile, Brazil, Perú, and Mexico, inflation has peaked and has begun to decline slowly, albeit with some ups and downs. It is to be expected that a similar process will take place in Colombia in the coming months. The expected decline in inflation in 2023 will be due, along with other factors, to lower cost pressure from abroad as a result of the gradual normalization of supply chains, the overcoming of supply shocks caused by the weather, and road blockades in previous years. This will be reflected in lower adjustments in food prices, as has already been seen in the first two months of the year and, of course, the lagged effect of monetary policy. The process of inflation convergence to the target will be gradual and will extend beyond 2023. This process will be facilitated if devaluation pressure is reversed. To this end, it is essential to continue consolidating fiscal sustainability and avoid messages on different public policy fronts that generate uncertainty and distrust. 1 This Report to Congress includes Box 1, which summarizes the trajectory of Banco de la República over the past 100 years. In addition, under the Bank’s auspices, several books that delve into various aspects of the history of this institution have been published in recent years. See, for example: Historia del Banco de la República 1923-2015; Tres banqueros centrales; Junta Directiva del Banco de la República: grandes episodios en 30 años de historia; Banco de la República: 90 años de la banca central en Colombia. 2 This is why lower inflation has been reflected in a reduction of income inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient that went from 58.7 in 1998 to 51.3 in the year prior to the pandemic. 3 See Gómez Javier, Uribe José Darío, Vargas Hernando (2002). “The Implementation of Inflation Targeting in Colombia”. Borradores de Economía, No. 202, March, available at: https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/5220 4 See López-Enciso Enrique A.; Vargas-Herrera Hernando and Rodríguez-Niño Norberto (2016). “The inflation targeting strategy in Colombia. An historical view.” Borradores de Economía, No. 952. https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/6263 5 According to the IMF, the percentage change in consumer prices between 2021 and 2022 went from 3.1% to 7.3% for advanced economies, and from 5.9% to 9.9% for emerging market and developing economies. 6 https://www.banrep.gov.co/es/noticias/junta-directiva-banco-republica-reitera-meta-inflacion-3