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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Communist Party of Massachusetts"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 29 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 30 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Communist Party of Massachusetts"

1

Wilson, Veronica A. "'I chose the values I regarded as American': sexuality, ethnicity, and FBI informant Angela Calomiris". Twentieth Century Communism 20, n. 20 (1 maggio 2021): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864321832926391.

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For personal or political reasons undocumented and controversial to this day, Greenwich Village lesbian photographer Angela Calomiris joined forces with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) during the Second World War to infiltrate the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA). As Calomiris rose through CPUSA ranks in New York City, espionage efforts resulted in the Attorney General's office declaring the avant-garde Film and Photo League to be a subversive communist organisation in 1947, and the conviction of communist leaders during the Smith Act trial two years later. Interestingly, despite J. Edgar Hoover's indeterminate sexuality and well-documented harassment of gays and lesbians in public life, what mattered to him was not whether Calomiris adhered to heteronormativity, but that her ultimate sense of duty lay with the US government. This article demonstrates how this distinction helped Calomiris find personal satisfaction in defiance of patriarchal conservative expectations and heteronormative cold war gender roles. This article, which utilises FBI files, press coverage, some of Calomiris's papers and her memoir, concludes with a brief discussion of Calomiris's later life in Provincetown, Massachusetts, where she continued to craft her identity as a left-liberal feminist, with no mention of the service to the FBI or her role in fomenting the second Red Scare.

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2

Chambers, Collin L. "Having Faith in the Party Again: The Two-Line Party Struggle in the Chinese Communist Party". Human Geography 11, n. 1 (marzo 2018): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861801100104.

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At the present time, the Communist Party is not looked upon as an agent for revolutionary change. It is seen as an archaic artifact that needs to be left in the dustbin of 20th century history. Some in the “New Left” argue for a “post-party politics” – because contemporary party politics are so “closely bound up with structures of power, the possibility that political parties will transform themselves and formulate a new politics is extremely low” (Wang 2016, 169). In sum, we should not have faith in the Party in radically changing social formations. However, this view abstracts from the political and social dynamics of communist parties. Communist parties provide the “affective infrastructure” for activists (Dean 2016) and create the flexible, disciplined organizational form necessary for maneuvering through the complexities of a revolutionary moment. An investigation of the historical and contemporary “line struggles” within the Chinese Communist Party gives insight into how communist parties can foster change in a social formation. This paper seeks to install hope that the Party, particularly the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), can once again create revolutionary change.

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3

Leafstedt, Carl. "Rediscovering Victor Bator, founder of the New York Bartók Archives". Studia Musicologica 53, n. 1-3 (1 settembre 2012): 349–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.53.2012.1-3.24.

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Bartók’s American estate dates its origins to 1943, when he entrusted his music manuscript collection to the care of two fellow Hungarian emigrés, Gyula Báron and Victor Bator, both then living in the United States. After his death in 1945 the estate devolved into their care, in accord with the legal provisions of the will. For the next 22 years it was carefully managed by Bator, a lawyer and businessman who lived in New York City for the rest of his life. The onset of Cold War politics in the late 1940s presented numerous challenges to the estate, out of which emerged the tangled thicket of rumor, litigation, misunderstanding, confusion, and personal animosity that has been the American Bartók estate’s unfortunate legacy since the 1950s.As one of Hungary’s most significant cultural assets located outside the country’s borders, the American Bartók estate has since 1981 been under the control and careful supervision of Peter Bartók, now the composer’s only remaining heir. All but forgotten is the role Victor Bator played in managing the estate during the difficult years after World War II, when its beneficiaries became separated by the Iron Curtain, setting in motion legal and emotional difficulties that no one in the immediate family could have predicted. Equally overlooked is the role he played in enhancing the collection to become the world’s largest repository of Bartók materials.A considerable amount of Bator’s personal correspondence related to the early years of the Bartók estate has recently come to light in the U.S. Together with U.S. court documents and information gleaned from recent interviews with Bator’s son, Francis Bator, still living in Massachusetts, and the late Ivan Waldbauer, we can now reconstruct with reasonable accuracy the early history of Bartók’s estate. A strikingly favorable picture of Bator emerges. Bartók, it turns out, chose his executors wisely. A cultivated and broadly learned man, by the late 1920s Victor Bator had gained recognition as one of Hungary’s most prominent legal minds in the field of international business and banking law. His professional experience became useful to the Bartók estate as the Communist party gradually took hold of Hungary after World War II, seizing assets and nationalizing property previously belonging to individual citizens. His comfort in the arena of business law also thrust him into prominence as a public advocate for increased fees for American composers in the late 1940s - a matter of tremendous urgency for composers of serious music at the time. By reconstructing Bator’s professional career prior to 1943 his actions as executor and trustee become more understandable. We gain new insight into a figure of tremendous personal importance for Bartók and his family.

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Thorpe, Andrew. "The Communist Party and the New Party". Contemporary British History 23, n. 4 (dicembre 2009): 477–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460903198101.

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Fujio, Hara. "The Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party: Features of Co-operation". Journal of Chinese Overseas 6, n. 2 (2010): 216–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325410x526113.

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AbstractThis is an analysis of the relations between the Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party in several areas. It will begin with a discussion of the mutual support between the PKI leaders and the Kesatuan Melayu Muda prior to the declaration of Emergency in 1948, followed by an examination of their cooperation immediately after World War II. The second part will look at the activities of the MCP members in Indonesia up to the establishment of the Representative Office of the Malayan National Liberation League in Jakarta. There will be an account of the overt activities of the Representative Office and its covert activities after its closure. The article will also ascertain the actual relations between the two based on a close examination of the official documents of the two parties.

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Kluzik, Marcin. "“Niepodległość” Liberal Democratic Party". Sowiniec 26, n. 46 (30 giugno 2015): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sowiniec26.2015.46.04.

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The Liberal Democratic party “Niepodległość”/“Independence” was a radically anti-communist party and its aim was to overthrow the communist regime and make Poland an independent country, for the party had no doubt that other elements of its agenda could be realised only after Poland achieved independence. Its uncompromising anti-communist stance made the party reject the agreements made at the Round Table. The LDPN advocated political and economic liberalism, combining it with an attachment to a conservative and Christian canon of values.

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Hartono, M. Paulina. "“A Good Communist Style”". Representations 151, n. 1 (2020): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2020.151.2.26.

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This essay focuses on the history and politicization of radio announcers’ vocal delivery in China during the mid-twentieth century. It explores how Chinese Communist Party leaders used internal party debates, national policies, and broadcasting training to construct an ideal Communist voice whose qualities would ostensibly communicate party loyalty and serve as a sonic representation of political authority.

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Santoro, Stefano. "Il Partito comunista italiano e i regimi comunisti dell’Europa orientale attraverso la rivista “Rinascita”". Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, n. 2 (13 aprile 2022): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.2.09.

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"The Italian Communist Party and the communist regimes of Eastern Europe through the magazine “Rinascita”. The cultural magazine of the Italian Communist Party “Rinascita” was published from 1944 to 1991, thus following the evolution of that party from the post-WWII to its self-dissolution. Through an analysis of the articles published in the magazine, this contribution studies the evolution of the image of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe among the Italian communists, retracing the strategic and ideological changes that characterized the Pci, along a difficult path that from the cult of Stalin eventually came to social democracy. Keywords: Magazine “Rinascita”; Italian Communist Party; Eastern Europe; “Real socialism”. "

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L P GORE, Lance. "Revamping the Chinese Communist Party". East Asian Policy 07, n. 01 (gennaio 2015): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000021.

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The 2014 Party reform aimed to modernise the CCP. The Politburo passed the “Action Plan for Deepening Party-building Institutional Reforms”, outlining 26 concrete reforms in four key areas to be completed by 2017. Notable departures include the re-emphasis on ideological unity, the rollback on intra-party democracy, the renewed emphasis on intra-party legislation and the control on the growth of the Party's size. However there are inherent dilemmas in building a Leninist party in a globalised market economy.

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Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik. "China’s Communist Party: From Mass to Elite Party". China Report 54, n. 4 (17 ottobre 2018): 385–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518806076.

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The Communist Party of China (CPC) is not withering away as predicted by some Western scholars. On the contrary, in recent years, the party has centralised and strengthened its rule over China. At the same time, party membership has changed. Today, workers and farmers only account for only one-third of the total party membership compared to two-thirds when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established. Instead, new strata and groups such as technical and management personnel have evolved. The composition of the party’s cadre corps has changed accordingly, and cadres today are younger and much better educated than during Mao’s time. The leading cadres form an elite which is at the heart of a ranking-stratified political and social system. This article discusses how the CPC has evolved from a mass to an elite party. It argues that in this process, the party has taken over the state resulting in a merger and overlap of party and government positions and functions, thereby abandoning Deng Xiaoping’s ambidextrous policy goals of separating party and government. Centralisation and reassertion of ranking-stratified party rule is Xi Jinping’s answer to the huge challenges caused by the economic and social transformation of Chinese society—not a return to Mao’s mass party.

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Tesi sul tema "Communist Party of Massachusetts"

1

Guedes, De Oliveira Marcos Aurelio. "Stalinism and the Brazilian Communist Party". Thesis, University of Essex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306072.

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Clark, Rhonda (Rhonda Ingold). "The Communist Party and Soviet Literature". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500452/.

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The Communist Party's control of Soviet literature gradually evolved from the 1920s and reached its height in the 1940s. The amount of control exerted over Soviet literature reflected the strengthening power of the Communist Party. Sources used in this thesis include speeches, articles, and resolutions of leaders in the Communist Party, novels produced by Soviet authors from the 1920s through the 1940s, and analyses of leading critics of Soviet literature and Soviet history. The thesis is structured around the political and literary developments during the periods of 1917-1924, 1924-1932, 1932-1941, and 1946-1949. The conclusion is that the Communist Party seized control of Soviet literature to disseminate Party policy, minimize dissent, and produce propaganda, not to provide an outlet for creative talent.

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Keith, Daniel James. "Party organisation and party adaptation : Western European communist and successor parties". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6897/.

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This study examines the development of Western European Communist parties (WECPs) and their post-Communist successor parties. These parties had always adapted in surprising ways as they struggled in political systems that they sought to overthrow. Following the collapse of Communism in 1989 in central and Eastern Europe (CEE) they continued to amaze. Some reformed themselves dramatically, sacrificing or transforming their policies in search of office and votes. A number of them moved into mainstream politics and became more influential as other parties brought them into governing coalitions or they expanded at elections. Several WECPs disappeared but others resisted compromising their orthodox Marxism- Leninism. These hard-line Stalinist parties managed to remain significant players in their party systems. This in-depth study analyses the reasons behind the divergent trajectories of five WECPs and their post-Communist successor parties in the Netherlands, Sweden, Ireland and Portugal. It does this by importing and refining an analytical framework developed to explain the diverse adaptation of Communist parties in CEE. Extensive primary research based on elite interviews and the analysis of party programmes is used to evaluate the framework's usefulness and its implications for studying the trajectories of Communist parties in Western Europe (and beyond). There are two main empirical findings from this research. First, it was elites with experience in working with groups and institutions outside their parties that led efforts to reform WECPs, just as in CEE successor parties. Second, mid-level elites in WECPs were not necessarily hardliners bent on resisting reform. Their leaders could be extremely effective in advocating reforms and convincing members into supporting them, meaning that organisational democratisation could be compatible with reform. This meant that organisational centralisation was not as necessary as it was in the successor parties in CEE. Moreover, reformist party leaders had not, like their counterparts in CEE, learnt to be centralisers through past struggles over reform. When party leaders did pursue elitist strategies to promote programmatic transformation this usually took place through shifting power to the party in public office rather than central office.

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Gunchev, Konstantin. "Party system fragmentation in post-communist Bulgaria". Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1296099121&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Merridale, Catherine Anne. "The Communist Party in Moscow 1925-1932". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1409/.

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The thesis examines the Communist Party in Moscow between 1925 and 1932. Its structure, role and membership are studied, together with its relationship with the population of Moscow. A study is also made of politics in the period, with special reference to the oppositions of the 1920's. Four broad problems are discussed. The first is the relationship between the central Party leadership and the Moscow Committee. Second is the role of the grassroots activist in political life. Thirdly, the failure of the oppositions is studied in detail. Finally, popular influence over the Party is examined with a view to discussing how far the revolution had been 'betrayed' in this period. It is found that the Moscow Committee was less autonomous than other regional organs, but that grassroots initiative played an important part in political life. In general, people were reluctant to engage in formal opposition. This largely explains the defeat of the Left and Right oppositions, who failed to attract significant support. The majority of Muscovites remained apathetic or hostile to the Party, but a core of committed activists within it was responsible for many of the period's achievements. To the extent that they supported and even initiated policy, Stalin's 'great turn' included an element of 'revolution from below'.

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Zhang, Yang. "Taming factions in the Chinese Communist party". Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2170.

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How does the Chinese Communist Party tame factions from breaking it apart? Relying on thousands of biographies, the dissertation attempts to uncover the complex network of Chinese political elites and investigate how institutions constrain the expansion of factions. First, it finds that the rule of avoidance has been effectively implemented. Native provincial officials are often assigned with secondary party positions, especially so in deeply indebted provinces that are heavily reliant on the central government for fiscal transfer. Second, the centralization of the disciplinary inspection system helps maintain the momentum of the anticorruption campaign since the 2012 leadership succession. Compared to native officials, the officials who were transferred from a different province or a central government agency are likely to investigate much more corrupt party cadres in their jurisdictions. Third, when it comes to promotions of provincial party secretaries, many performance-based criteria appear to be less important than factional ties. Good economic performance such as fast GDP growth does not increase a provincial party secretary’s odds to join the Politburo. However, the effects of factional ties are mixed. For example, family ties to a top party leader greatly increase the likelihood of promotion, but college ties disadvantage the candidates. Finally, the dissertation shows that network centrality in the Central Committee is a strong predictor of the outcomes of the Politburo turnover. The network centrality is positively associated with party seniority, but due to the age limits, it cannot grow without a ceiling.

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Hardman, Helen. "The Communist Party National Conferences in the Soviet Union, Hungary and Yugoslavia 1988: Institutional Choice and Communist Party Power". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491382.

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This thesis is a comparative study of three communist party national conferences held in the Soviet Union, Hungary and Yugoslavia between May and June 1955. New evidence, from archival materials and interviews conducted in these countries, shows how the conferences were convened in consonance with one another and how actors in these states collaborated for the purpose of modernising their respective parties with a view to rebuilding the party's legitimacy and maintaining the one-party state.

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Zumoff, Jacob Andrew. "The Communist Party of the United States and the Communist International, 1919-1929". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1382502/.

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The American Communist movement, born out of a left-wing split from the American Socialist Party in 1919, was divided into several hostile organisations that understood very little about American politics, culture or society. In its early years, the Communist International (Comintern) repeatedly intervened into the American Party. Far from hindering the Party's understanding and appreciation of American conditions, this intervention helped transform the Party from a marginal sect of isolated immigrants in 1920, to an important part of American politics in the 1930s. This intervention stemmed from the desire of the early Comintern, under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, to create an international revolutionary Communist movement. However, in the mid- 1920s, as the leadership and ideology of the Russian Communist party changed. Under the rubric of building 'socialism in one country', the Comintern now intervened more and more to create a stable, Pro-Stalin leadership. The first portion of this thesis, comprising the first four chapters, illustrates how between 1919 and 1923 Comintern intervention was necessary to politically and organisationally construct a Party. The Comintern helped achieve unity amongst the competing groups; forced the Party to take advantage of the opportunities for legal work; compelled the Party to intervene into the labour movement. The next four chapters examine the change in Comintern intervention between 1923 and 1929. During this period, internecine factionalism, increasingly devoid of a political basis,t ore the Party asunder,and sapped its ability to intervene into society. The Comintern continued to intervene, but largely to play one faction off against another. In the aftermath of the 1928 Sixth Congress, the Party leadership purged first its left, Trotskyist wing, led by James P. Cannon, and within the year, the right, Bukharnite, wing, led by Jay Lovestone. The Comintern then installed a pliant leadership that finally ended factionalism and carried the now Stalinised Party into the 1930s.The final chapter analyses the changing Communist perspective on the 'Negro Question', from ignoring black rights to championing the right of Southern blacks to independence. Here, the Comintern, acting on pressure from pioneer black Communists, insisted that the Party address this important issue.At the Sixth Congress, the Comintern adopted the theory that blacks in the American South were a oppressed nationality, and had the right to form a separate state. Whilst this programme was not in accord with reality, it forced the Party to aggressively fight for black rights, so that by the 1930s it was well known for its stand for black liberation.

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Townsend, David James. "Electoral and party systems in post-Communist Russia". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq22038.pdf.

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Sanson, Esther Mary. "The Chinese Communist Party and China's Rural Problems". Thesis, University of Canterbury. Languages and Cultures, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1903.

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Vast disparities exist between China’s rural and urban areas. Throughout the history of Communist Party rule, ever-widening rural-urban inequality, problems with migration to the cities, and the threat of rural unrest have afflicted the countryside. Efforts by previous administrations have largely failed to solve the nation’s rural problems. China’s current leaders are determined to tackle these issues by means of a change in the direction in policy: the new focus is on sustainable development and social justice rather than rapid economic growth. At the same time, the central government hopes to strengthen the Communist Party’s power base and reduce potential threats to its ongoing reign. While the new policy direction is expected to improve the standard of living of China’s rural people and reduce social conflict in the short term, it may be insufficient to bring peace and satisfaction among the people in the long term.

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Libri sul tema "Communist Party of Massachusetts"

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1934-, Frank Peter, a cura di. The Soviet Communist Party. 3^a ed. Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986.

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India, Communist Party of, a cura di. Communist Party of India. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2009.

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Ismael, Tareq Y. Sudanese Communist Party: Ideology and party politics. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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(Marxist), Communist Party of India. Communist Party of India (Marxist). New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2009.

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(Marxist), Communist Party of India. Communist Party of India (Marxist). New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2011.

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Marx, Karl. Manifesto of the Communist Party. New York: International Publishers, 1995.

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Shambaugh, David L. China's Communist Party: Atrophy & adaptation. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008.

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India, Communist Party of, a cura di. Communist Party of India publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 1998.

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India, Communist Party of, a cura di. Communist Party of India publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2002.

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India, Communist Party of, a cura di. Communist Party of India publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 1996.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Communist Party of Massachusetts"

1

Nelson, Daniel N. "Worker-Party Conflict in Romania". In Communist Politics, 280–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18339-5_15.

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Pravda, Alex. "Elections in Communist Party States". In Communist Politics, 27–54. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18339-5_3.

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Scriven, Michael. "Enter the Party". In Paul Nizan: Communist Novelist, 10–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19401-8_2.

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Scriven, Michael. "Exit the Party". In Paul Nizan: Communist Novelist, 57–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19401-8_3.

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Hill, Ronald J., e Peter Frank. "The Party Membership". In The Soviet Communist Party, 19–46. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032677248-2.

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Hill, Ronald J., e Peter Frank. "Party–State Relations". In The Soviet Communist Party, 107–24. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032677248-5.

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Ristić, Irena. "The Socialist Party of Serbia". In Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe, 343–70. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369124.343.

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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party". In Governance and Politics of China, 108–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-26786-3_5.

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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party". In Governance and Politics of China, 80–106. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-0099-9_4.

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Saich, Tony. "The Chinese Communist Party". In Governance and Politics of China, 91–120. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-13046-4_4.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Communist Party of Massachusetts"

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"Chinese Civilization Characteristics of the Communist Party of China". In 2020 International Conference on Social Sciences and Social Phenomena. Scholar Publishing Group, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0001134.

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Chen, Qiaoling, e Dan Zhao. "Reflections on Liu Shaoqi's qCultivation of Communist Party Membersq". In 2017 2nd International Conference on Education, Sports, Arts and Management Engineering (ICESAME 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icesame-17.2017.146.

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Chen, Zehua, e Haifen Fu. "Research Review on the Transition of Communist Party of China". In 3rd International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (ICCESSH 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccessh-18.2018.16.

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Pan, Jine. "THE MAIN POINTS ABOUT HUMAN RESOURCES BUILDING IN THE REPORT OF THE 20TH NATIONAL CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA". In International Conference on Political Theory: The International Conference on Human Resources for Sustainable Development. Bach Khoa Publishing House, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51316/icpt.hust.2023.85.

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"The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China opened at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on the morning of October 16, and president Xi Jinping delivered a report on behalf of the 19th Central Committee. In the Report, there are many important statements about the field of human resources. These statements will guide China's government or the development of human resources in the next five to ten years, which means this is the direction and key areas of Chinese human resources in the future. The report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China pointed out that ""education, science and technology, and talent are the basic and strategic support for the comprehensive construction of a modern socialist country"", and the ""trinity"" of education, science and technology, and talent will be arranged and deployed as one. This is the requirement for highquality development for China to enter a new starting point and new journey, and contains the inevitable logic of supporting Chinese-style modernization with educational modernization. General Secretary XI Jinping pointed out in the report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China that ""cultivating a large number of high-quality talents with both ability and political integrity is a major plan for the long-term development of the country and the nation."" Which indicates: The Communist Party of China believes that: Talent is the first resource, and the fundamental source of national scientific and technological innovation lies in people. Therefore, the Communist Party of China has launched the strategy of strengthening the country with talents."

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Liu, Tian. "Manifesto of the Communist Party and the Socialist core values education". In 2016 International Conference on Advances in Management, Arts and Humanities Science (AMAHS 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/amahs-16.2016.94.

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6

Qiao, Xiaoming. "A Study on the Establishment of the Communist Party of Taiwan". In 2017 International Conference on Humanities Science, Management and Education Technology (HSMET 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/hsmet-17.2017.171.

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7

Pan, Yihui, Keqin Tu e Guangqing Wang. "On the Development Standard of Communist Party Members in Colleges and Universities". In 2017 3rd International Conference on Economics, Social Science, Arts, Education and Management Engineering (ESSAEME 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/essaeme-17.2017.13.

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8

Yu, Wenming. "A Research on Quality Guarantee Mechanism of Developing Undergraduate Communist Party Members". In 2016 5th International Conference on Social Science, Education and Humanities Research. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ssehr-16.2016.206.

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Xu, Yingfeng, e Jingxian Xu. "Consolidating the Status of the Communist Party of China under the mass line". In 2017 International Conference on Economic Development and Education Management (ICEDEM 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icedem-17.2017.13.

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Fang, Jiajue, e Chunxia Jiang. "Communist party of China building science level: the new era party's new mission". In 2018 4th International Conference on Humanities and Social Science Research (ICHSSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ichssr-18.2018.143.

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Communist Party of Massachusetts"

1

Meyer, David A., Megha Ram e Laura Wilke. Circulation of the Elite in the Chinese Communist Party. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, settembre 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada623940.

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2

Francois, Patrick, Francesco Trebbi e Kairong Xiao. Factions in Nondemocracies: Theory and Evidence from the Chinese Communist Party. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, ottobre 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w22775.

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3

Kominiak, G. J., J. C. Eisenberger e K. L. Menaul. The {open_quotes}Command and Control{close_quotes} philosophy of the Communist party of China. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), gennaio 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/212749.

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4

Kahn, Matthew, Weizeng Sun, Jianfeng Wu e Siqi Zheng. The Revealed Preference of the Chinese Communist Party Leadership: Investing in Local Economic Development versus Rewarding Social Connections. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, marzo 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24457.

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5

Zankina, Emilia. Pro-Russia or anti-Russia: Political dilemmas and dynamics in Bulgaria in the context of the war in Ukraine. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), marzo 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0012.

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The war in Ukraine has had a serious impact on Bulgaria, both politically and economically. Bulgaria shares historically strong ties with Russia, and at least a third, if not half, of Bulgarians harbour deeply rooted pro-Russian sentiments. Although Sofia eventually supported sanctions against Moscow, sent humanitarian and military aid to Kyiv, and accepted Ukrainian refugees, key political actors in Bulgaria have vehemently opposed such decisions. Particular opposition has come from the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), the successor to the communist party, Bulgaria’s incumbent president, and at least one populist Radical Right party—Vazrazhdane or Revival—whose support has grown significantly since the start of the war. In the process, Revival and its leaders have managed to capitalize on the nationalist vote and pro-Russian attitudes in the country, almost entirely wiping out voter support for the more established Far Right parties.

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Biscaia, Afonso, e Susana Salgado. The Ukraine-Russia war and the Far Right in Portugal: Minimal impacts on the rising populist Chega party. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), marzo 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0026.

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The effects of the Russia-Ukraine war on Portuguese politics have been negligible, leading to only minor changes in political positions or the relative popularity of the parties. Chega was the first right-wing populist political party to achieve a parliamentary breakthrough in Portugal, emerging as the third-largest political force after elections in January 2022. It shares rhetorical features and positions with European counterparts but distinguishes itself by its flexibility. Unencumbered by association with the Russian regime, Chega has been free to take the more popular position among voters, supporting Ukraine. Furthermore, one of its foremost adversaries, the Portuguese Communist Party, took an ambiguous position regarding the invasion of Ukraine, making Chega’s decision about positioning clearer. Nevertheless, Chega has used the war instrumentally in service of its established priorities—namely, nationalism, opposition to immigration, and militarism. Moreover, after temporarily setting aside welfare chauvinism, the party reverted to this staple as the war continued. We shed light on the rhetoric and positioning of Chega and its leader, André Ventura, by analysing 47 parliamentary commentaries by Chega MPs in 2021 and 2022 and 28 tweets mentioning Ukraine, Russia, nationals from both countries, or the war posted by Ventura during the same period.

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Tohti Bughda, Enver. Uyghurs in China: Personal Testimony of a Uyghur Surgeon. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), luglio 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.010.

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Dr Enver Tohti Bughda is a qualified medical surgeon and a passionate advocate for Uyghur rights. Having been ordered to remove organs from an executed prisoner, Enver has since taken up a major role in the campaign against forced organ harvesting and is determined to bring China’s darkest secret to light. In this personal testimony, Enver shares his experience working as a surgeon in Xinjiang and reflects more broadly on the situation of Uyghurs in China, explaining that unless Uyghurs earn the sympathy and support of China’s Han majority, unless it is understood that all Chinese people are the victims of the same authoritarian regime, ethnic animosity will continue to serve the political purposes of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

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8

Arzheimer, Kai. To Russia with love? German populist actors’ positions vis-a-vis the Kremlin. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), marzo 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0020.

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Russia’s attack on Ukraine and its many international and national repercussions have helped to revive the fortunes of Germany’s main radical right-wing populist party, the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD). Worries about the threats posed to Germany’s traditional export-led industries by spiking energy prices, the country’s historical anxieties over becoming involved in armed conflict in Europe, and hundreds of thousands of refugees arriving in Germany seem to have contributed to a modest rise in the AfD’s poll numbers after a long period of stagnation. However, the situation is more complicated for the AfD than it would appear at first glance. While many party leaders and the rank-and-file have long held sympathies for Putin (and for Russia more generally), support for Ukraine among the German public remains strong, even if there is some disagreement about the appropriate means and the acceptable costs. At least some AfD voters are appalled by the levels of Russian violence against civilians. Like on many other issues, there is also a gap in opinion between Germany’s formerly communist federal states in the east and the western part of the country. The AfD’s leadership has responded by blaming the government and unspecified external actors for the economic crisis, calling for a “diplomatic solution,” and demanding a “return to normal.” While this policy has helped to keep the AfD’s base mobilized, the stated approach is scarcely feasible and has not led to a surge in support for the party among the general population.

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Nikula, Blair, e Robert Cook. Status and distribution of Odonates at Cape Cod National Seashore. National Park Service, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.36967/2303254.

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Odonates are significant components of most wetland habitats and important indicators of their health. At Cape Cod National Seashore (CACO), we compiled odonate records dating back to the 1980s and, based partly on that data, identified 41 wetland sites for sampling, representing six freshwater habitats (kettle pond, inter-dune pond, dune slack, riparian marsh, vernal pool, and bog). We surveyed these sites for adult odonates during the 2016?2018 field seasons. Ten sites were surveyed all three years (total 19-20 surveys/site); all ten had at least some historical data. The remaining 31 sites were surveyed for one field season, a total of 6-8 times each. We conducted 391 surveys, recording 53,435 individuals and 74 species (45 dragonflies and 29 damselflies); not all individuals were identified to species. Abundance and species richness varied significantly between habitats. For all individuals recorded, abundance was greatest at vernal pools and kettle ponds. Riparian sites had the lowest abundance. Species richness was highest at kettle ponds, including several species of conservation concern, two listed as Threatened by the state of Massachusetts. Riparian marshes and dune slacks had relatively low richness. Among the 10 sites surveyed three years, we found significant annual variation in abundance and species richness. There was significant and generally greater between-site variation in abundance within a year than between years at sites. Community analysis found pond depth, habitat type, and presence of predaceous fish were significant factors explaining between-site variation in community composition. Habitats also differed significantly in community composition. Multidimensional scaling showed sites tend to cluster together by habitat type. Vernal ponds have the highest average community similarity to all other habitats (53.5%), with dune slack (52.9%), bog (52.0%) and inter-dune (51.5%) close behind. In contrast, riparian sites (46.3%) and kettle ponds (39.5%) are least similar to other habitats. Overall, 86 species of odonates have been recorded at CACO, a rich and diverse assemblage reflecting the variety and quality of freshwater habitats present. Although these habitats are relatively well-protected, stressors include climate change, nutrient inflow from adjacent development, road runoff, and trampling of emergent vegetation. A plan for monitoring is beyond the scope of this project. Ideally, it would be best to use the insight into odonate variation obtained from these surveys to develop a monitoring program designed to meet standards of statistical confidence and power currently employed in NPS monitoring programs.

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London, Jonathan. Vietnam’s Education System: How Coherent Is It for Learning? Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), marzo 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2023/131.

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The disappointing performance of education systems in developing countries in improving learning outcomes has spurred research aimed at establishing what features of education systems determine their effectiveness or failure in improving learning outcomes. There has been special interest in the challenge of making education systems more coherent for learning, i.e., developing systems in which accountability relations among stakeholders across key elements of education policy design support and sustain strong learning outcomes. In the emergent literature on the political economy of education, a great deal of attention has been directed at Vietnam, a lower-middle income country whose results on assessments of learning have been vastly higher than all other countries in its income group and have even surpassed learning assessment results of many OECD countries. This has led to a raft of research papers asking, “how did Vietnam do it?” Addressing this question, this paper explores Vietnam’s education system’s coherence for learning through an analysis of accountability relations across three key elements of education policy design — delegation, finance, and information. Our aim is to ascertain how features of these policy elements’ practice may variously support or undermine the Communist Party of Vietnam’s objective of promoting quality education and improved learning outcomes for all. The potentially surprising answer to the “how coherent” question posed in the title is, not really that much. Analysis finds that Vietnam’s education system remains weakly "coherent around learning" and is best understood as a “formal process compliant” system that, despite its many strengths, is nonetheless underperforming relative to its potential. The implications of this for efforts to enhance the system’s performance around learning are explored in brief.

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