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1
Duclos-Orsello, Elizabeth. "The Fullness of Enslaved Black Lives as Seen through Early Massachusetts Vital Records". Genealogy 6, n. 1 (26 gennaio 2022): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6010011.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In genealogy, tracing names and dates is often the initial goal, but, for many, desire soon turns to learning about the embodied lives of those who came before them. This type of texture is hard for any genealogist to locate, but excruciatingly hard for those seeking to trace family histories that include ancestors who were enslaved in the northern parts of the colonies that would become the United States. Often, records thin to nearly nothing and frame all lived experiences through the lens of an enslaver. This is true especially of public records, created, maintained, and curated by the state apparatus. By adhering to the proposition that even materials that do not immediately reveal much about Black life may be useful if we consider what is missing and left out, this article suggests that these types of documents might help breathe some fullness into the individual and collective lives of those Black ancestors whose humanity the state denied. Emerging from a larger project to locate stories and histories of Black residents of one of the first colonized spaces in British North America, this article focuses on the ways in which the publicly available Massachusetts pre-1850 Vital Records—which have specific “Negroes” sections—serve as an unexpected source of useful, if fragmentary, evidence of not only individual lives, but collective histories of the communities in which Black ancestors lived. Highlighting creative approaches to analyzing these particular vital records, and centering women’s lives throughout, this article demonstrates what is possible to learn about patterns of childbearing, relationships between and among enslaved persons owned by different families, the nature of religious lives or practices, relationships between enslavers and enslaved, and the movements, over time, of individuals and families. Alongside these possibilities, the violence, limitations, and challenges of the vital records are identified, including issues related to Afro-indigenous persons, the conflation of birth and baptismal records, and differential access to details of the lives of enslaved men vs. women.
2
Goodall, Mimi. "The rise of the sugar trade and sugar consumption in early British America, 1650–1720*". Historical Research 93, n. 262 (14 ottobre 2020): 678–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa022.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This article draws on new archival sources to explore how sugar pervaded British North America much earlier that previous scholarly literature has suggested. Sugar arrived in North America with the very first colonists, and was widely available to a variety of consumers across the socio-economic spectrum. The product was foundational to the development of the North American economic world – in the creation of rum distilleries, grocers’ shops and through the use of commodity money. While sugar brought North American colonists closer to Britain through similar consumption patterns and a shared sense of taste, it also began to pull the two countries apart. By 1733, sugar had become a central source of tension between the colony and the metropole; it allowed colonists’ economic relationships to spread much further than Britain, and consequently, as America’s sweet tooth developed, its relationship with Britain began to decay.
3
Schrader, J., D. G. A. B. Oonincx e M. P. Ferreira. "North American entomophagy". Journal of Insects as Food and Feed 2, n. 2 (10 giugno 2016): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3920/jiff2016.0003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Eating insects is not a common Northern American practice today. However, in the past a variety of insect species was consumed in Northern America (north of Mexico including Greenland). The aim of this literature review is to provide an historical overview of North American entomophagy based upon both peer and non-peer reviewed sources on this topic. Regional differences in insect consumption and reasons for being underreported are discussed. We show that North American natives, and in certain cases colonists, collected and consumed a large variety of edible insects. These are categorised per order and where available, information on how these species were collected and processed is provided. Lastly, we mention reasons for the renewed interest in edible insects in North America, and make suggestions for future studies.
4
Leitner, Jonathan. "Classical World-Systems Analysis, the Historical Geography of British North America, and the Regional Politics of Colonial/Revolutionary New York". Journal of World-Systems Research 24, n. 2 (14 agosto 2018): 404–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.693.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A less-appreciated aspect of earlier or “classical” works of world-systems analysis (WSA), in particular that of Braudel, Frank, and Wallerstein in the 1970s-80s is the examination of why the thirteen North American colonies that became the United States split from Great Britain. Specifically, why did some of Britain’s North American colonies revolt in the mid-1770s, but not others? Why were some colonists pro-independence while others preferred remaining within the empire? Classical WSA suggested regional differentiation among colonists, and later works in the WSA tradition have examined these divisions in British North America, particularly within individual colonies, based on both larger divisions in the world-economy and localized core-periphery structures. Yet classical WSA’s analytical questions about British North America’s independence movement have been more directly addressed by historical geographers. This paper synthesizes classical WSA with works on the historical geography of British North America, and then examines the synthesis in light of colonial New York and its political-economic geography of several distinct regions, each with varying economic and political interests vis à vis the British Empire and the question of independence.
5
Beghdadi, Farouk. "Economy and the Shaping of the Immigration Policy of the British American Colonies (1624-1775)". Traduction et Langues 17, n. 1 (31 agosto 2018): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/translang.v17i1.562.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Peopling the English colonies in North America was of great importance. The English adopted many strategies to attract immigrants because they needed big numbers of workers to maintain their plantations and their presence in the new continent. This paper deals with the influence of the economic conditions of the British North American colonies in the shaping of their immigration policy. Usually, the focus is on the impact of immigration on the economy of a given society; however, the present work tries to investigate the role that the economy of the colonies played in molding the colonists’ policies towards the attraction of immigrants. The major issue of the paper is centered on the factors that influenced the colonial strategy towards immigration. The work suggests that the colonists’ economics played a key role in drawing the basis of the colonies’ immigration policy).
6
Myers, Travis L. "Misperceptions and Identities Mis-taken: Interpreting Various Hostilities Encountered by Moravians in Colonial New York and Pennsylvania". Studies in World Christianity 26, n. 2 (luglio 2020): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2020.0294.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This essay integrates Moravian studies, missiology and historical theology. It begins with a brief survey of the historiography of Moravian missions in colonial North America. It then surveys various reasons for periodic hostility against Moravians in New York and Pennsylvania between roughly 1740 and 1790. It recovers the ethnic and cultural diversity, prejudices and defensive actions of colonists that were a significant component of life in these contested spaces and turbulent times, thus demonstrating that so-called ‘religious’ persecution remains a complicated phenomenon. It suggests Moravians might have avoided certain instances of misperception and consequent ‘persecution’ had they adapted themselves culturally in ways they did not. Moravians were often perceived by other colonial Europeans as a threat to the security and stability of developing locales, and remained largely on the social periphery in colonial North America as a consequence of being both wrongly and rightly understood. As an international and transnational religious community pursuing its own global dispersal for the sake of mission, Moravian political neutrality and perceived ‘foreignness’ was misunderstood in times of war by English and Dutch colonists, especially, as sympathy for the enemy or even evidence of espionage, though the religious and secular fear of their being Catholic seems to have been eventually resolved. Because Moravians in the British colonies fraternised with Native Americans for the sake of mission and were part of an international fellowship also befriending Caribbean slaves, they were sometimes slandered by colonists who feared them as instigators of rebellion by these marginalised populations. Finally, the Moravian sense of being set apart by God from the broader society and called to suffer for the sake of their righteous difference and gospel influence, when acted upon, provoked hostility from colonists who perceived them as a threat to local balances of power, denominational order or family cohesion.
7
Humphrey, Thomas. "The Anatomy of a Crowd". Journal of Early American History 5, n. 1 (6 aprile 2015): 68–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00501003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Over the past thirty years, historians of colonial British North America have turned their attention to crowd violence. Most crowds inflicted horrifying, ritualized violence on people and property. Crowds assaulted men and women who committed adultery or bigamy, or who beat their spouses too severely. And crowds attacked anyone who jeopardized people’s health with disease or who used their political and economic power to get rich at the expense of their neighbors. What becomes clear is that colonists adapted the rituals of rough music to various social, political, and economic grievances. Readers usually meet these people as they chased their targets, giving the impression that people formed crowds spontaneously. But some crowds acted more deliberately. In some cases, colonists resorted to violence only after determining what behavior upset them and then how best to address it. The question becomes, then, simply put, how did colonists learn the mobbing time had come?
8
Rodning, Christopher B. "Cherokee Towns and Calumet Ceremonialism in Eastern North America". American Antiquity 79, n. 3 (luglio 2014): 425–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.3.425.
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Calumet ceremonialism was widely practiced by Native American and European colonial groups in the Great Plains and Southeast during the late seventeenth century and the early eighteenth century. Cultural practices associated with smoking calumet pipes have roots in the prehistoric past, but the spread of calumet ceremonialism across the Southeast was associated with the spread of European colonists and colonialism. Calumet ceremonialism served the needs for groups to have a means of creating balance, and of setting the stage for peaceful interaction and exchange, during a period marked by considerable instability and dramatic cultural change. The presence of a redstone elbow pipe bowl fragment from the Coweeta Creek site in southwestern North Carolina demonstrates the participation of Cherokee towns in calumet ceremonialism, despite the remote location of this site in the southern Appalachians, far from major European colonial settlements, and far from areas such as the Mississippi River Valley and the upper Midwest where such pipes are much more common.
9
Welker, Martin H., e Nicole M. Mathwich. "An Army Marches on Its Stomach: Comparing Military Provisioning across North American Sixteenth- to Nineteenth-Century Forts". American Antiquity 88, n. 2 (aprile 2023): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2023.15.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractMilitary garrisons in North America were provisioned with a diet based primarily on domesticates. A relationship between colonial diets and nationality has been an assumed truism, encouraging the belief that colonial diets were static and predetermined by European norms and leading to devaluation of colonists’ adaptability and agency. We challenge that perspective using zooarchaeological data on soldiers’ diets at 49 American fortifications in North America. Statistical comparisons reveal that some sites relied heavily on provisioned livestock, while others did not. Dietary patterns were significantly impacted by accessibility, length of occupation, garrison size, and local infrastructure. This evidence suggests that reliance on wild game was an adaptive response to local environmental and cultural factors influencing the accessibility of preferred domesticates, regardless of nationality.
10
Graves, Gary R. "Avian commensals in Colonial America: when did Chaetura pelagica become the chimney swift?" Archives of Natural History 31, n. 2 (ottobre 2004): 300–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2004.31.2.300.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The clearing of primeval forest in eastern North America by European colonists led to a profound shift in the breeding ecology of the chimney swift (Chaetura pelagica). Historical accounts show that the swift, which nested in hollow trees during the pre-Colonial era, began nesting in chimneys as early as 1672 in New England, indicating that it was among the first native North American birds to nest commensally in European dwellings. Based on historical descriptions of nest sites and on changes in its vernacular name, the swift nested almost exclusively in chimneys on the Atlantic coastal plain by the late eighteenth century. Tree-nesting is now a rare phenomenon and fewer than two dozen instances of such behavior have been reported since 1900.
11
Hirschman, Elizabeth C., James A. Vance e Jesse D. Harris. "DNA Evidence for a Colonial Jewish Settlement in Appalachia". Ethnic Studies Review 42, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2019): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2019.421008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Using a 5,000-person DNA database from the Cumberland Gap Region of Appalachia, we document the presence of a Sephardic and Ashkenazic Jewish settlement in Central Appalachia. The settlement may have begun as early as the mid-sixteenth century with the Pardo Expedition and been substantially supplemented from the early seventeenth century onward with Jewish colonists from England, Scotland, and Wales. Additional persons found in this mountainous region show DNA origins from Southeastern Europe, North Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East. Thus the region may have served as a refuge for non-white, non-Christian persons arriving in Colonial North America.
12
Jordan, Thomas E. "“Stay and Starve, Or Go and Prosper!” Juvenile Emigration from Great Britain in the Nineteenth Century". Social Science History 9, n. 2 (1985): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020423.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The nineteenth century saw the beginning of large-scale migration of population from western Europe to various countries of the world. North and South America had proven hospitable in previous centuries and the southern tip of Africa presented an equable climate as well as strategic location. The islands of the southern seas reached by Cook and Van Diemen proved equally attractive if more remote. In retrospect it seems inevitable that, with the exception of South America, they were bound to be English-speaking. Even South America had its British farming colonists at one stage. In 1826 just under two hundred Highland Scots embarked for Topo in the highlands of Colombia (United Kingdom, 1827). Significantly, one hundred and two of them were under fourteen years of age.
13
Clayton, D. "On the colonial genealogy of George Vancouver’s chart of the north-west coast of North America". Ecumene 7, n. 4 (1 ottobre 2000): 371–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/096746000701556842.
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Clayton, Daniel. "On the Colonial Genealogy of George Vancouver’s Chart of the North-West Coast of North America". Ecumene 7, n. 4 (ottobre 2000): 371–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096746080000700401.
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Guðmundsdóttir, Lísabet. "Timber imports to Norse Greenland: lifeline or luxury?" Antiquity 97, n. 392 (aprile 2023): 454–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2023.13.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The native trees of Greenland are unsuitable for larger construction projects or shipbuilding. Instead, the Norse colonists (AD 985–1450) relied on driftwood and imported timber. The provenance and extent of these imports, however, remain understudied. Here, the author uses microscopic anatomical analyses to determine the taxa and provenance of wood from five Norse Greenlandic sites. The results show that while the needs of most households were met by local woodlands and driftwood, elite farms had access to timber imports from Northern Europe and North America. By demonstrating the range of timber sources used by the Greenland Norse, the results illustrate connectivity across the medieval North Atlantic world.
16
Cohen, Charles L. "The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity". Church History 72, n. 3 (settembre 2003): 553–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700100356.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The proposition that, to paraphrase Carl Degler, Christianity came to British North America in the first ships, has long enjoyed popular and scholarly currency. The popular account, sometimes found today in evangelical Christian circles, holds that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries colonists erected a mighty kingdom of God whose gates the humanist barbarians have unfortunately breached. The scholarly variation derives from Perry Miller's eloquent melodrama about Puritanism's rise and fall. Miller anatomized Puritanism as a carapace of Ramist logic, covenant theology, and faculty psychology surrounding the visceral vitality of Augustinian piety, an intellectual body that grew in health and cogency in Tudor-Stuart England and then suppurated on the American strand, corrupted by internal contradictions, creeping secularism, and periwigs. Miller understood that he was describing one single Christian tradition—Reformed Protestantism of a particularly perfervid variety—but such was his narrative's majesty that his tale of New England Puritanism ramified into the story of Christianity in the colonies; in the beginning, all the world was New England, and, at the end, the extent to which the colonists had created a common Christian identity owed mightily to Puritan conceptions of the national covenant. Miller was too good a scholar to miss the pettiness of Puritan religious politics and the myriad ways in which even the founding generation of Saints failed to live up to their own best values, but his chronicle of Puritan decline parallels the popular vision that the colonial period represented the “Golden Age” of Christianity in America: the faith began on a fortissimo chord but has decrescendoed ever since. The logic of this declension scheme spotlights some historical issues while ignoring others. The central problem for declension theory is to explain how and why Christianity's vigor ebbed, whereas the creation of a Christian culture in the colonies—the erection of churches, the elaboration of governing apparatuses, the routinization of personal devotion and moral order—is made unproblematic: it just spilled out of the Mayflower and the Arbella onto Plymouth Rock and Shawmut.
17
Kjelland, Arnfinn. "Mapping and Analysing Remigration Based upon Norwegian Farm- and Genealogical History Projects". Journal of Migration History 4, n. 2 (12 settembre 2018): 314–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00402005.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this article I attempt to utilise the vast efforts invested in a particularly Norwegian genre of local history, namely the farm and genealogy books (bygdebok, plural bygdebøker), to analyse aspects of migration, especially remigration from North America, in a micro-historical perspective. Such books, of which a rather large corpus exists, contain detailed longitudinal data on people and holdings within a limited region, usually a rural municipality or parish. Consulting two works from this bygdebok genre as primary sources, I identify and analyse those people who re-migrated to Norway after having been in North America prior to the commission of the 1910 census.
18
Macarthur, John. "Colonies at Home: Loudon's Encyclopaedia, and the architecture of forming the self". Architectural Research Quarterly 3, n. 3 (settembre 1999): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135500002074.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the early nineteenth century, the small house in its own garden formed a crucial image of agricultural reform in Britain and in the aspirations of those leaving for North America and Australasia. The material and social technologies of the ‘cottage’ became not only equipment for the colonial enterprise, but a kind of colonization of the home by a new kind of family. These issues are apparent in J. C. Loudon's Encyclopaedia where the whole gamut of architecture is re-examined as a subject of interest to agricultural reformers, colonists, democrats and homemakers, especially women.
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Noujain, Elie Georges. "History as Genealogy: An Exploration of Foucault's Approach to History". Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 21 (marzo 1987): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100003544.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Anyone familiar with contemporary French culture could not fail to notice that, in the field of ideas, history and the philosophy of history occupy in France a more central place than in England or North America. The work and concerns—including the methodological concerns—of historians like Marc Bloch, Fernand Braudel and the Annalistes, Georges Lefebvre, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Michel de Certeau, Jacques Le Goff and Francois Furet, are known, discussed and taken on board by most French intellectuals and academics.
20
Noujain, Elie Georges. "History as Genealogy: An Exploration of Foucault's Approach to History". Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 21 (marzo 1987): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00003540.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Anyone familiar with contemporary French culture could not fail to notice that, in the field of ideas, history and the philosophy of history occupy in France a more central place than in England or North America. The work and concerns—including the methodological concerns—of historians like Marc Bloch, Fernand Braudel and the Annalistes, Georges Lefebvre, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Michel de Certeau, Jacques Le Goff and Francois Furet, are known, discussed and taken on board by most French intellectuals and academics.
21
Price, T. Douglas, e Hildur Gestsdóttir. "The first settlers of Iceland: an isotopic approach to colonisation". Antiquity 80, n. 307 (1 marzo 2006): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00093315.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The colonisation of the North Atlantic from the eighth century AD was the earliest expansion of European populations to the west. Norse and Celtic voyagers are recorded as reaching and settling in Iceland, Greenland and easternmost North America betweenc. AD 750 and 1000, but the date of these events and the homeland of the colonists are subjects of some debate. In this project, the birthplaces of 90 early burials from Iceland were sought using strontium isotope analysis. At least nine, and probably thirteen, of these individuals can be distinguished as migrants to Iceland from other places. In addition, there are clear differences to be seen in the diets of the local Icelandic peoples, ranging from largely terrestrial to largely marine consumption.
22
Duquet, Michel. "The Timeless African and the Versatile Indian in Seventeenth-Century Travelogues". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 14, n. 1 (4 febbraio 2005): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/010318ar.
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Abstract The seventeenth century saw the early stages of significant trading on the west coast of Africa as well as the establishment of permanent settlements in North America by Dutch, French and English explorers, merchants, colonists and missionaries in a period marked by the imperial contest that had been set in motion on the heels of the discovery of America in 1492. The travelers who wrote about their voyages overseas described at length the natives they encountered on the two continents. The images of the North American Indian and of the African that emerged from these travel accounts were essentially the same whether they be of Dutch, French or English origin. The main characteristic in the descriptions of African native populations was its permanent condemnation while representations of the Indian were imbued with sentiments ranging from compassion, censure and admiration. The root causes for this dichotomy were the inhospitable and deadly (to Europeans) tropical environment of Africa’s West Coast and the growing knowledge of local societies that Europeans acquired in North America. The analysis of the contrasting images of natives on both sides of the Atlantic and the context within which they were produced are the focus of the paper.
23
Burnham, Michelle. "Early America and the Revolutionary Pacific". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, n. 4 (ottobre 2013): 953–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.4.953.
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In 1776 the russian merchant grigor ivanovich shelikhov outfitted a ship bound from the siberian peninsula of kamchatka to the Aleutian Islands, which dot the sea at the westernmost reach of the North American continent. The expedition would hunt sea otters for trade in China, where the pelts fetched a high price. The same year nearly two hundred Spanish colonists arrived at the presidio in Monterey after a six-month journey from present-day southern Arizona. The expedition, led by Juan Bautista de Anza, aimed to populate northern California as part of Spain's efforts to resist encroachment from the north by Russian merchants like Shelikhov. Meanwhile, also in 1776, the explorer James Cook left England for the South Pacific in Britain's continuing attempt to rival France's scientific discoveries and access to potential trade goods in Asia. Throughout the European Atlantic, publications and translations of Cook's final travel narrative circulated details of the profitable trans-Pacific fur trade that until this point had largely been enjoyed by the Russians. Together, the Shelikhov, Anza, and Cook expeditions illustrate inter-European competition for resources and trade in the eighteenth-century Pacific while also suggesting the extraordinary transcultural, intercontinental, and multilingual reach of those encounters—including exchanges between several European nations (such as Russia, Spain, England, France), a variety of indigenous peoples (including Aleuts, Tlingits, Haidas, Ohlones, Tahitians, Hawaiians), and the inhabitants of and visitors to Canton (among them Chinese merchants and laborers, foreign traders from many European nations, and sailors and slaves from the Philippines, India, and other regions of Asia).
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Galbreath, Kurt E., Heather M. Toman, Chenhong Li e Eric P. Hoberg. "When parasites persist: tapeworms survive host extinction and reveal waves of dispersal across Beringia". Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 287, n. 1941 (23 dicembre 2020): 20201825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2020.1825.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Investigations of intercontinental dispersal between Asia and North America reveal complex patterns of geographic expansion, retraction and isolation, yet historical reconstructions are largely limited by the depth of the record that is retained in patterns of extant diversity. Parasites offer a tool for recovering deep historical insights about the biosphere, improving the resolution of past community-level interactions. We explored biogeographic hypotheses regarding the history of dispersal across Beringia, the region intermittently linking Asia and North America, through large-scale multi-locus phylogenetic analyses of the genus Schizorchis , an assemblage of host-specific cestodes in pikas (Lagomorpha: Ochotonidae). Our genetic data support palaeontological evidence for two separate geographic expansions into North America by Ochotona in the late Tertiary, a history that genomic evidence from extant pikas does not record. Pikas descending from the first colonization of Miocene age persisted into the Pliocene, subsequently coming into contact with a second wave of Nearctic colonists from Eurasia before going extinct. Spatial and temporal overlap of historically independent pika populations provided a window for host colonization, allowing persistence of an early parasite lineage in the contemporary fauna following the extinction of its ancestral hosts. Empirical evidence for ancient ‘ghost assemblages' of hosts and parasites demonstrates how complex mosaic faunas are assembled in the biosphere through episodes of faunal mixing encompassing parasite lineages across deep and shallow time.
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Shrestha, Ravi Kumar. "The Impact of Western Civilization on Forests in Barkskins". Pursuits: A Journal of English Studies 7, n. 1 (8 giugno 2023): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/pursuits.v7i1.55389.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research article very critically scrutinizes how forests in North America are devastated by the growing human civilization. It deals with ecological degradation in an American novelist Annie Proulx’s novel Barkskins whose location is North America. In course of analysing the novel critically, the article describes how Barkskins revolves round the story of white colonists and indigenous Indians in North America or today’s Canada. Firstly, it reveals how two families: Sel family (a poor biracial family of French and Mi’kmaq) that cuts trees and Duke family (rich French family) that does business of fur are linked to trees and deforestation. Secondly, the article focuses on the impact of western civilization on forests regarding forests as the antagonist to western civilization. Western colonialism is also a vehicle of civilization that causes deforestation. Due to civilization, humanism is developed. So, anthropocentric nature of people causes deforestation. Thirdly, European civilization has a negative impact on Indigenous people and their culture. Apparently, forests are shown as a symbol of darkness, evil forces, backwardness and an obstacle for human progress, but in the name of civilization, whites do deforestation due to their greed of colonization and anthropocentric nature. Hence, the first objective of the research is to explore why the whites regard forests as the antagonist to civilization. Likewise, the second objective of the article is to discover the real cause of them to do deforestation. Besides, as for the broad theoretical methodology, Greg Garrard’s theory of Ecocriticism is applied for the textual analysis of Barkskins since the article deals with the ecological destruction of North America by whites and ecocriticism has emerged as a response to the heavy damage done to ecology by human beings.
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Salmon, Vivian. "Thomas Harriot (1560–1621) and the English origins of Algonkian linguistics". Historiographia Linguistica 19, n. 1 (1 gennaio 1992): 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.19.1.03sal.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Summary Thomas Harriot (1560–1621) was an outstanding mathematician and astronomer whose scientific writings – had they not been allowed to remain in manuscript – would long ago have earned for him an international esteem comparable with that of Galileo and Kepler. Only in recent decades has his status been recognised by scientists, but not, so far, by linguists. Yet he was the first English traveller to North America known to have recorded an indigenous language, for which he devised a dictionary and a phonetic alphabet. He also recorded a large number of Algonkin words during his stay in North Carolina in 1585–86, some of which are found in the account of his travels which he published in 1588, more than fifty years before Roger Williams’s (1603?-1683) Key into the Language of America (1643), which has often been regarded as the first such work. The manuscripts of the dictionary and the phonetic alphabet were thought to be lost, until a few years ago a sketch of the phonetic alphabet was found; and in 1988 a detailed holograph copy came to light. The present paper, while describing this recent discovery, provides a brief survey of linguistic relationships between speakers of North Carolina Algonkin and English colonists between 1586 and the arrival of the Mayflower pilgrims in 1621, and traces Harriot’s influence on later 17th-century linguists.
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Sweet, Timothy. "Pastoral Landscape with Indians: George Copway and the Political Unconscious of the American Pastoral". Prospects 18 (ottobre 1993): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300004841.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After squanto taught the colonists at Plymouth in 1620 “both the manner how to set [their corn], and after how to dress and tend it,” Indians seem to have disappeared from the American pastoral scene, except as unwelcome intruders. Seventeen years later, writes William Bradford, “the Pequots fell openly on the English at Connecticut, in the lower parts of the river, and slew sundry of them as they were at work in the fields.” Mary Rowlandson opens the story of her captivity during King Philip's War similarly, describing how the Narragansetts came out of the wilderness to attack the farmsteads at Lancaster, setting fire to buildings “with flax and hemp, which they brought out of the barn,” and later celebrated by feasting on the animals they had captured: “miserable was the waste that was there made, of horses, cattle, sheep, swine, calves, lambs, roasting pigs, and fowl (which they had plundered in the town) some roasting, some lying and burning, and some boiling to feed our merciless enemies.” These accounts — in which Indians violate the pastoral scene, killing peaceful tillers of the soil and wantonly consuming the stock that had been so carefully husbanded — suggest that in the 17th Century, despite the original beneficence of Squanto, Indian “savagery” was perceived as a threat not only to the lives of individual colonists but to agriculture itself, the foundation of the colonial economy in North America. But it was the agrarian culture of the English that turned the Indians into “savages,” for the Pequot War and King Philip's War began, as Francis Jennings has demonstrated, with the colonists' hunger for land.
28
KAKALIOURAS, ANN M. "The repatriation of the Palaeoamericans: Kennewick Man/the Ancient One and the end of a non-Indian ancient North America". BJHS Themes 4 (2019): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bjt.2019.9.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article considers the repatriation of some the most ancient human skeletal remains from the United States as two sorts of ending: their end as objects of scientific study, and their end as ancient non-American Indian settlers of North America. In the 1990s, some prominent physical anthropologists and archaeologists began replacing ‘Palaeoindian’ with the new category of ‘Palaeoamerican’ to characterize the western hemisphere's earliest inhabitants. Kennewick Man/the Ancient One, a nearly nine-thousand-year-old skeleton, convinced some anthropologists that contemporary Native American people (descendants of Palaeoindians) were not biologically related to the very first American colonists. The concept of the Palaeoamerican therefore denied Native American people their long-held status as the original inhabitants of the Americas. New genetic results, however, have contradicted the craniometric interpretations that led to these perceptions, placing the most ancient American skeletons firmly back in the American Indian family tree. This article describes the story of Kennewick Man/the Ancient One, the most famous ‘Palaeoamerican’; explores how repatriation has been a common end for many North American collections (Palaeoindians included); and enumerates what kind of ending repatriation may represent materially and ethically for anthropological science.
29
Scribner, Vaughn. "“Quite a Genteel and Extreamly Commodious House”". Journal of Early American History 5, n. 1 (6 aprile 2015): 30–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00501001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
When investigated through the tavern space, the processes of social differentiation so often associated with more populated northern “urban crucibles” appear less geographically determined than previously supposed. Colonial elites throughout British North America attempted to impose order and control over society during the eighteenth century. Elites’ quest for social differentiation and public order thus went beyond place. Whether patricians’ efforts occurred in Williamsburg or New York, such endeavors centered around the colonies’ most popular, accessible, and numerous public space—the tavern. This article will use Chesapeake and Low Country taverns to demonstrate, through outwardly broad but nonetheless effective comparisons with taverns in the northern colonies, that colonists throughout the eastern seaboard experienced very similar processes of social differentiation despite living thousands of miles apart. The tavern places Chesapeake and Low Country urban centers on an equal footing with their northern counterparts in their contributions to elites’ attempts at order and control.
30
Rahe, Paul A. "THE POLITICAL NEEDS OF A TOOLMAKING ANIMAL: MADISON, HAMILTON, LOCKE, AND THE QUESTION OF PROPERTY". Social Philosophy and Policy 22, n. 1 (gennaio 2005): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052505041014.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
When Benjamin Franklin suggested that man is by nature a tool-making animal, he summed up what was for his fellow Americans the common sense of the matter. It is not, then, surprising that, when Britain's colonists in North America broke with the mother country over the issue of an unrepresentative parliament's right to tax and govern the colonies, they defended their right to the property they owned on the ground that it was in a most thorough-going sense an extension of themselves: the fruits of their own labor. This understanding they learned from John Locke, who based the argument of his Two Treatises of Government on the unorthodox account of providence and of man's place within the natural world that Sir Francis Bacon had been the first to articulate. All of this helps explain why the framers of the American constitution included within it a clause giving sanction to property in ideas of practical use.
31
Fedin, A. V., e E. M. Yanenko. "«THE WILD MAN» ARCHETYPE AS PERCEIVED BY NATIVE AMERICANS BY EUROPEANS: FROM THE MIDDLE AGES TO THE EARLY MODERN AGE". Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 06, n. 02 (30 giugno 2022): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2022-06-02-140-145.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The discovery and exploration of the Americas in the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries "archaised" the consciousness of Europeans, awakening ancient myths and archetypes associated with them, which in turn influenced their perception and understanding of the indigenous inhabitants of the New World. The image of the "savage" was based on the ancient archetype of the " wild man", which became the "alter ego" of civilized and cultured Europeans. The image of the "savage" was based on the ancient archetype of the "savage man", which became the "alter ego" of the civilised and cultural European. The activation of this archetype as a result of the exploration of America finally constructed a coordinate system whose dichotomies still largely determine the Western worldview: civilization and barbarism, progress and regress, true faith/ideology/science and paganism/ignorance. From this point of view, it is interesting to examine the forms that the "savage" archetype took at different times of contact between Europeans and American Indians, in this case comparing the perception of the natives of North East North America (Woodland) by Vikings in the 10th to 11th centuries and by French colonists and missionaries in the 16th to 18th centuries. Stereotypes of "barbarism", "rudeness", "lust" and other anti-social qualities were the basis on which Europeans began to have direct contact with the Native Americans. At the same time, as relations developed and native cultures and ways of life were understood, a new perception of the "savage" was born, combining both the initial negativism and the positive traits that emerged. The result was the emergence of peculiar "hybrid" images.
32
Sukhobokova, Olga. "The British-French struggle for Canada (the end of the 1680s – the beginning of the 1760s)". American History & Politics: Scientific edition, n. 15 (2023): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.15.8.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article is devoted to the four wars between Great Britain and France in the late 1680s and early 1760s, as a result of which it was determined who would own the territory of modern Canada: King William’s War or War of the League of Augsburg, Queen Anne’s War (or War of the Spanish Succession), King George’s War (War of the Austrian Succession) and the Seven Years’ War (Conquest). The purpose of the article is to consider the British-French wars of the 17th – 18th centuries on the territory of Canada, which determined its future. The research methodology is based on the principle of historicism and problem-chronological and complex approaches. Comparative and analytical methods made it possible to compare the starting positions of Great Britain and France in North America and the course and results of their armed struggle for Canada in the context of the wars of both empires on different continents. The scientific novelty of the study consists in an attempt to show the complexity, consistency and patterns of the British-French struggle for Canada. Its circumstances and main milestones are traced, which influenced not only the results of the struggle, but also laid the foundation for the development of Canada for the following centuries. This, as well as insufficient attention to the problem in Ukrainian Canadian studies, strengthens the relevance of this article. Conclusions. As a result of the British-French wars, Great Britain became the victor and the most powerful colonial and maritime empire. Instead, France ceded positions and possessions, in particular in North America. The first three wars began in Europe, and later hostilities also began in North America, involving mainly the colonists and their Native American allies. But the last, Seven Years’ War began precisely in North America. The British used regular troops in it. The British fleet also played a significant role, as well as the larger population and production capacity of their colonies compared to the French. If in the first three wars the French were able to compensate for these factors due to more effective mobilization and the involvement of Indians as allies, then in the fourth and last war they were defeated. The main consequence was the termination of the existence of New France and the consolidation of dominance in the region of Great Britain, which determined the further development of Canada as a colony, and later the dominion of Great Britain.
33
White, Sam. "A comparison of drought information in early North American colonial documentary records and a high-resolution tree-ring-based reconstruction". Climate of the Past 15, n. 5 (11 ottobre 2019): 1809–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/cp-15-1809-2019.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract. Historical documentary records contain valuable information on climate, weather, and their societal impacts during the pre-instrumental period, but it may be difficult to assess the objectivity and reliability of this information, particularly where the documentary record is incomplete or the reliability of the information it contains is uncertain. This article presents a comprehensive review of information relating to drought found in original written records concerning all early European expeditions (1510–1610 CE) into the present-day US and Canada, and compares this information with maps and time series of drought generated from the tree-ring-based North American Drought Atlas (NADA). The two sources mostly agree in the timing and location of droughts. This correspondence suggests that much of the information in these early colonial historical records is probably objective and reliable, and that tree-ring-based drought atlases can provide information relevant to local and regional human historical events, at least in locations where their reconstruction skill is particularly high. This review of drought information from written sources and tree-ring-based reconstructions also highlights the extraordinary challenges faced by early European explorers and colonists in North America due to climatic variability in an already unfamiliar and challenging environment.
34
Melton, Mallory A. "CROPPING IN AN AGE OF CAPTIVE TAKING: EXPLORING EVIDENCE FOR UNCERTAINTY AND FOOD INSECURITY IN THE SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY NORTH CAROLINA PIEDMONT". American Antiquity 83, n. 2 (14 gennaio 2018): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2017.63.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Engagement in sustained encounters with colonial actors had long-lasting demographic, social, and political consequences for Native American inhabitants of Southeastern North America during the colonial period (AD 1670–1783). Less clear is whether Native peoples who did not regularly trade with colonists also felt the destabilization experienced by more closely affiliated groups. This article explores Native lifeways in the seventeenth-century Eno River valley of the North Carolina Piedmont, a context for which archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence have produced divergent narratives. While extant archaeological findings suggest that daily life from 1650 to 1680 continued virtually unchanged from the preceding Late Woodland period, ethnohistoric accounts indicate that this area was victimized by Native slavers who abducted countless women and children. Seeking to reconcile these narratives, I conducted a diachronic analysis of botanical remains and architecture. Archaeobotanical data reveal that Jenrette site (AD 1650–1680) occupants adopted foodways that differed significantly from those of their Late Woodland predecessors, while architectural evidence indicates a brief village occupation. I argue that Eno River valley inhabitants introduced risk-averse subsistence practices that would have aided in coping with the threat and consequences of slave raiding and that these practices occurred within a social climate of fear and uncertainty that is documented ethnohistorically.
35
Denike, Margaret. "The Racialization of White Man's Polygamy". Hypatia 25, n. 4 (2010): 852–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2010.01140.x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper offers a genealogy of anti-polygamy sentiment in North America, elucidating certain racist and nationalist formations that are implicit in the historical valorization and enforcement of heterosexual monogamy. It tracks the white supremacist and heteronormative logic that conditions the widespread disdain toward polygamy, and that renders it fundamentally different from familial configurations that are associated with national identity. Relating political and philosophical doctrines to the archival documentation and insights of contemporary legal and cultural historians of anti-polygamy sentiment, it elucidates the racial Anglo-Saxonism of Hegel's ruminations on marriage and on the state, and highlights its reverberation within the political philosophy that justified the criminalization of polygamy and its supporting institutions in the nineteenth century and in contemporary immigration policy and same-sex marriage advocacy in Canada and the United States.
36
Samuels, Mark E., Cassandra Lapointe, Sara Halwas e Anne C. Worley. "Genomic Sequence of Canadian Chenopodium berlandieri: A North American Wild Relative of Quinoa". Plants 12, n. 3 (19 gennaio 2023): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/plants12030467.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Chenopodium berlandieri (pitseed goosefoot) is a widespread native North American plant, which was cultivated and consumed by indigenous peoples prior to the arrival of European colonists. Chenopodium berlandieri is closely related to, and freely hybridizes with the domesticated South American food crop C. quinoa. As such it is a potential source of wild germplasm for breeding with C. quinoa, for improved quinoa production in North America. The C. berlandieri genome sequence could also be a useful source of information for improving quinoa adaptation. To this end, we first optimized barcode markers in two chloroplast genes, rbcL and matK. Together these markers can distinguish C. berlandieri from the morphologically similar Eurasian invasive C. album (lamb’s quarters). Second, we performed whole genome sequencing and preliminary assembly of a C. berlandieri accession collected in Manitoba, Canada. Our assembly, while fragmented, is consistent with the expected allotetraploid structure containing diploid Chenopodium sub-genomes A and B. The genome of our accession is highly homozygous, with only one variant site per 3–4000 bases in non-repetitive sequences. This is consistent with predominant self-fertilization. As previously reported for the genome of a partly domesticated Mexican accession of C. berlandieri, our genome assembly is similar to that of C. quinoa. Somewhat unexpectedly, the genome of our accession had almost as many variant sites when compared to the Mexican C. berlandieri, as compared to C. quinoa. Despite the overall similarity of our genome sequence to that of C. quinoa, there are differences in genes known to be involved in the domestication or genetics of other food crops. In one example, our genome assembly appears to lack one functional copy of the SOS1 (salt overly sensitive 1) gene. SOS1 is involved in soil salinity tolerance, and by extension may be relevant to the adaptation of C. berlandieri to the wet climate of the Canadian region where it was collected. Our genome assembly will be a useful tool for the improved cultivation of quinoa in North America.
37
Pearce, Margaret W. "Encroachment by Word, Axis, and Tree: Mapping Techniques from the Colonization of New England". Cartographic Perspectives, n. 48 (1 giugno 2004): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14714/cp48.457.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
It is well established that mapping has been an important tool for the colonization of North America. Techniques such as removal of toponymy, alteration of a boundary line location, and use of a map grid, were all successfully used for advancing colonial interests in the printed regional and national maps of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This article compares these known techniques to those that were used in local, town level mapping in Connecticut during the same period. Whereas toponymic removal and replacement are found to remain central to cartographic encroachment at the local level, English colonists also successfully encroached on unpurchased Native lands through other uses of toponyms, as well as new devices such as the axis, tree-marking, and appropriation of Native mapping style. Native people actively contested these encroachments at the town and colony levels; these resistances successfully slowed but did not stop the mappings’ effects. The final effectiveness of each encroachment technique is found to depend on its ability to maintain a vague definition of territory and boundaries within an aura of precision and legality.
38
Lightfoot, Kent G., Lee M. Panich, Tsim D. Schneider, Sara L. Gonzalez, Matthew A. Russell, Darren Modzelewski, Theresa Molino e Elliot H. Blair. "The Study of Indigenous Political Economies and Colonialism in Native California: Implications for Contemporary Tribal Groups and Federal Recognition". American Antiquity 78, n. 1 (gennaio 2013): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.78.1.89.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis article advocates for a comparative approach to archaeological studies of colonialism that considers how Native American societies with divergent political economies may have influenced various kinds of processes and outcomes in their encounters with European colonists. Three dimensions of indigenous political economies (polity size, polity structure, and landscape management practices) are identified as critical variables in colonial research. The importance of considering these dimensions is exemplified in a case study from California, which shows how small-sized polities, weak to moderate political hierarchies, and regionally oriented pyrodiversity economies played significant roles in the kinds of colonial relationships that unfolded. The case study illustrates how the colonial experiences of Native Californians differed from those of other tribal groups that confronted similar kinds of colonial programs involving Franciscan missionaries elsewhere in North America. The article stresses that the archaeology of colonialism is not simply an arcane academic exercise but, rather, has real-life relevancy for people who remain haunted by the legacies of colonialism, such as those petitioning for federal recognition in California.
39
Anderson, Emma. "The First Philosophes: The Impact of Indigenous Thought upon Christianity and Modernity". U.S. Catholic Historian 41, n. 3 (giugno 2023): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2023.a908124.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract: Intended as a wide-ranging "thought piece" and as a precis of a monograph-in-progress, this article argues that although Indigenous peoples are often seen as vanquished victims, this standard historiographic (and popular) portrayal overlooks the profundity and scope of their conceptual contributions to modernity. The Indigenous peoples of early modern North America did more than simply influence those Europeans who settled among them. They also exported—through the writings of the explorers, colonists, and missionaries who encountered them—ways of thinking and being in the world that profoundly engaged the imaginations and influenced the ideas of French philosophes. These valuable contributions have been overlooked, however, due to a range of insalubrious developments in the nineteenth century: from the new definition of Indigenous people as racial inferiors to the dismissal of Indigenous motifs in Enlightenment thought as distorted and largely fictitious. Given that we are experiencing in our own times a new wave of Indigenous influence, the time has come for a thorough reassessment of Native American contributions to modern Western thought.
40
Malvárez, Gabriela, Ignazio Carbone, Niklaus J. Grünwald, Krishnamurthy V. Subbarao, Michelle Schafer e Linda M. Kohn. "New Populations of Sclerotinia sclerotiorum from Lettuce in California and Peas and Lentils in Washington". Phytopathology® 97, n. 4 (aprile 2007): 470–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/phyto-97-4-0470.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Four populations of Sclerotinia sclerotiorum in North America were inferred previously, based on analyses of both rapidly evolving markers (DNA fingerprint and mycelial compatiblity), and multilocus DNA sequence spanning the range between fast and slow evolution. Each population was defined as an interbreeding unit of conspecific individuals sharing a common recent ancestor and arising in a unique evolutionary event. The present study applies this standard to extend characterization of S. sclerotiorum populations to the Western United States. Isolates of S. sclerotiorum (N = 294) were determined to represent three genetically differentiated populations: California (CA, lettuce), Washington (WA, pea/lentil), and Ontario (ON, lettuce). CA was the most diverse population yet sampled in North America. Clonality was detected in ON and WA. No DNA fingerprints were common among the populations. The index of association (IA), based on fingerprint, was closer to zero (0) for CA than it was for the other populations. High diversity and lack of association of markers in California are consistent either with genetic exchange and recombination, or with large population size and high standing genetic variation. Intra- and interlocus conflict among three DNA sequence loci was consistent with recombination. The coalescent IGS genealogy confirmed subdivision and showed CA to be older than WA or ON. The Nearest Neighbor statistic on combined data confirmed subdivision among all present and previously defined populations. All isolates had both MAT1-1 and MAT1-2, consistent with uniform homothallism.
41
Hernández, Flor, Joshua I. Brown, Marissa Kaminski, Michael G. Harvey e Philip Lavretsky. "Genomic Evidence for Rare Hybridization and Large Demographic Changes in the Evolutionary Histories of Four North American Dove Species". Animals 11, n. 9 (13 settembre 2021): 2677. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani11092677.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introductions and invasions provide opportunities for interaction and hybridization between colonists and closely related native species. We investigate this phenomenon using the mitochondrial DNA COI and 81,416 base-pairs of overlapping nuclear variation to examine the evolutionary histories and signatures of hybridization among introduced feral Rock Pigeon and Eurasian Collared-Dove and native White-winged and Mourning doves in southwestern North America. First, we report all four species to be highly divergent across loci (overall pair-wise species ΦST range = 0.17–0.70) and provide little evidence for gene flow at evolutionary timescales. Despite this, evidence from multiple population genetics analyses supports the presence of six putative contemporary late-stage hybrids among the 182 sampled individuals. These putative hybrids contain various ancestry combinations, but all involve the most populous species, the Mourning Dove. Next, we use a novel method to reconstruct demographic changes through time using partial genome sequence data. We identify recent, species-specific fluctuations in population size that are likely associated with changing environments since the Miocene and suggest that these fluctuations have influenced the genetic diversity of each dove species in ways that may impact their future persistence. Finally, we discuss the importance of using multiple marker types when attempting to infer complex evolutionary histories and propose important considerations when analyzing populations that were recently established or of domestic origins.
42
Jones, Terry L. "Marine-Resource Value and the Priority of Coastal Settlement: A California Perspective". American Antiquity 56, n. 3 (luglio 1991): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280893.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The value of marine resources and coastal environments to hunter-gatherers has long been debated, with the archaeological record frequently invoked as the ultimate test for various arguments. Optimal-foraging principles suggest that the temporal priority of the exploitation of one resource over another indicates its value with respect to subsistence efficiency, a crucial variable in overall reproductive success. If coastal habitats are highly valuable, their exploitation should be seen early in the archaeological record; if not, a time lag should be evident between the initial exploitation of terrestrial and coastal environments. A review of the archaeology of early marine-resource use in prehistoric California reveals complex patterning that does not exclusively support one position or the other. Certain of these data accommodate the traditional model of an adaptive transition between specialized hunting of terrestrial big game during the Paleoindian period and diversification, including marine-resource exploitation, during the Archaic period. Others, however, suggest that shellfish were part of the diet of the initial colonists of western North America, indicating the value of this resource to mobility-restricted members of hunting and gathering groups.
43
Sayre, Gordon M. "Insects and the American Farmer: Crèvecœur's Response to Buffon's and Raynal's Theories of American Nature". Eighteenth-Century Life 48, n. 2 (1 aprile 2024): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-11118292.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur's Letters from an American Farmer includes memorable scenes in which the farmer revives bees he has rescued from the craw of a king bird, and welcomes a hornet's nest inside his house. As I will argue, the book represented insects in a sentimental manner, as a retort to theories advanced by Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, and Georges-Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, that insects were noxious and overabundant in America. Insects played a key role in the late eighteenth-century controversy Antonio Gerbi called “the Dispute of the New World,” in which Crèvecœur's book weighed in to promote the North American colonies. In the collection of manuscript essays Crèvecœur presented to London publisher Davis and Davies in 1781, some described plagues ruining crops, or swarms biting colonists, but these texts were passed over, and not published until the 1920s. The article traces Crèvecœur's interactions with Buffon and with Raynal, who were variously rivals and mentors to him, as well as examining how the French-American soldier, farmer, author, and diplomat survived two revolutions and laid down principles today associated with sustainable agriculture.
44
Springs, Lauren C., e James F. Garber. "THE BRITISH IN THE BAY: OCCUPATIONAL STRESS AND BIOLOGICAL DISPARITIES". Research Reports in Belizean Archaeology 18 (2023): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.62064/rrba.18.25.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Bioarchaeological and paleodemographic analyses conducted at St. George’s Caye have revealed diverse expressions of osteological stress among individuals interred in the island’s colonial cemetery. Dental pathologies, skeletal infections, and traumas are particularly common among a subset of individuals that also displayed evidence of significant enthesopathy development. The combination of depressed health, numerous traumas, and entheseal stress has been documented in similar frequencies in other bioarchaeological studies of working class and enslaved cemeteries of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in North America. Previous historic and archaeological research on St. George’s Caye has demonstrated that the island was populated by British colonists and free and enslaved people of African descent, and that the colonial population was primarily occupied with timber extraction economies during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In this paper we explore how patterns of demographic structure, disease, and trauma found at St. George’s Caye reflect participation in the logwood and mahogany economies in the Bay. We discuss how pathological variation within the cemetery may reflect patterns of social stratification and/or inequality that are prevalent in colonial discourses but have otherwise been absent from existing archaeological analyses at St. George’s Caye.
45
Oleinik, A. G., L. A. Skurikhina, E. I. Bondar e V. A. Brykov. "Phylogeography of northern Dolly Varden Salvelinus malma (Salmoniformes: Salmonidae) from Asia and North America: An analysis based on the mitochondrial DNA genealogy". Journal of Ichthyology 53, n. 10 (dicembre 2013): 820–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s003294521310007x.
Testo completo
46
Falk, Barbara J. "Resistance and Dissent in Central and Eastern Europe". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, n. 2 (15 aprile 2011): 318–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388408.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article offers both a genealogy of academic interest in resistance and dissent in the region, as well as an overview of current directions in research. Four kinds of sources are canvassed to paint as fulsome a picture as a short article permits. First, the original literature on dissent prior to the conclusion of the Cold War is reviewed, beginning with the seminal challenge to the “totalitarian” school presented by Gordon Skilling’s seminal article in World Politics . Second, key texts written in the two decades since the fall of communism on the impact of resistance and dissent are examined. Trajectories of initial research in the post-communist era are outlined, along with an assessment of how more recent texts of the “twenty years since the Fall” variety account for resistance and dissent. Finally, results of a short survey conducted by the author and sent to both established and emerging scholars in Europe and North America who are interested, have written on, and/or published on forms of resistance and dissent add a critical contemporary dimension to the analysis.
47
Durie, Bruce. "Clans, Families and Kinship Structures in Scotland—An Essay". Genealogy 6, n. 4 (9 novembre 2022): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6040088.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Anyone who has visited a Scottish Games or Gathering in North America will be struck by the number of Clan societies occupying tents around the Games ground and participating in a “Parade of Tartans”. Yet, a substantial number of these do not represent Highlands or Borders Clans, but are really descendants of Lowland Families. The “Clan” appellation has been applied wrongly to all of Scotland, as though this were the universal or at least the dominant form of social/kinship organization. The cultural appendages of that—kilts, tartans and Gaelic language—are considered uniformly Scottish. In reality, the clan system was a minority social structure in Scotland. The uncritical adoption of the term “Clan” ignores and minimizes the larger and more important Lowland Family structure. The nature of these two structures—Clan and Family—are compared and contrasted, and a case made for greater recognition of the Lowland Family as the pre-eminent form of social structure in Scotland. This has implications for, inter alia, genealogy, Scottish cultural and language studies, ethnicity and Y-DNA testing.
48
Fitzpatrick, Ian, e Mike Fitzpatrick. "Colonial American Fitzpatrick Settlers Part I: Making Sense of One Line". Journal of the Fitzpatrick Clan Society 1 (2020): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.48151/fitzpatrickclansociety00220.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Before the turn of the 17th century the settlement of Irish in the Americas lacked permanence. Soon after, Irish came to North America and the Caribbean in a steady flow, and by the mid 18th century a flood of Irish and Scotch-Irish had settled in the Americas. The reasons for that settlement were many and varied, as were the geographic origins and lineages of those Fitzpatricks among the influx. This article provides a review of the forces that pushed and pulled Irish and Scotch-Irish to the Americas. By way of example, a single Fitzpatrick line demonstrates how messy traditional genealogy of early Colonial American Fitzpatricks can get. That messiness is due in no small part to the cut and paste functionality at websites such as ancestry.com. But by careful review of authentic historical records, caution with speculative associations, and the power of Y-DNA analysis, it is possible to untangle the mess and bring back some much-needed clarity. In this article, the example used is that of the well-known colonial-settler William Fitzpatrick (born ca. 1690 AD), of Albemarle County, Virginia, who arrived in North American ca. 1728. Two living ancestors of William have been found to share a common ancestry from ca. 1650 AD — both bear a genetic mutation (FT15113) specific to William's line; this enables the ready identification of male descendants of William.
49
McCune, Amy R. "Biogeographic and stratigraphic evidence for rapid speciation in semionotid fishes". Paleobiology 22, n. 1 (1996): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0094837300016006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this study I take advantage of an unusual system of fossil lakes in eastern North America to estimate the time for speciation of endemic semionotid fishes. Twenty-one species are all found in sedimentary cycle P4, the deposits of a single Early Jurassic lake, in the Towaco Formation of the Newark Basin in New Jersey. To determine the degree of endemism in the fauna from this fossil lake and estimate time for speciation, I surveyed more than 2000 museum specimens from 45 named localities in the Newark Basin and related basins of the Late Triassic to Early Jurassic Newark Supergroup. Six species not found in deposits equal in age to P4 or older are considered to be endemics, eight species occurring in older deposits presumably colonized Lake P4, and evidence for whether the remaining seven species were endemics or colonists is equivocal. The time for the formation, decline, and evaporation of Lake P4, in which P4 sediments were deposited, has been estimated at 21,000-24,000 years. Because all endemic Semionotus first occur in the first third of lake history, the estimated time for speciation of endemics is six species in 5000-8000 years. This rate is remarkably similar to that estimated for the five cichlids in Lake Nabugabo that diverged from Lake Victoria cichlids in about 4000 years.
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Sogrin, Vladimir. "Why There Is No Socialism in the USA". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n. 5 (2023): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028075-0.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Why there is no socialism in the USA? The author tries to answer this question and identifies two main reasons of that. The first lies in the nature of American civilization. The second is in the politics of the ruling class. Violence was used. But there was also what modern political scientists call “soft power”. The first one, as a rule, was used by conservatism, and the second one by liberalism. At the present stage, these are, respectively, the Republican and the Democratic Parties. In the USA itself, the classic explanation is the work of L. Hartz, who explained the absence of socialism by the absence of feudalism. But is the rooting of socialism due to capitalism not to feudalism? The colonists attributed their departure from England either to the desire for enrichment, or to a religious reason. Protestant ethics, most fully embodied in Puritanism and placing on the individual all responsibility for his successes and failures, initially became the civilizational basis of North America, and then the United States. Another civilizational factor that pushed Puritanism was national consumerism, which has been forming since the 1920s. Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump are examples of Republican presidents. Presidents from the Democratic Party who relied on “soft power” (social reforms) in the fight against socialism in the article are Franklin Delano Roosevelt, John Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, Barack Obama.