Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Class of 1935"

The VII World Congress of the Comintern 1935 led to a sharp change in the tactics and strategy of the international communist movement and to a transition from radical “class against class” tactics to the formation of broad united anti-fascist fronts. In the period 1935-1939, the policy of “popu-lar fronts,” which consisted of building political alliances be-tween left-wing parties and organizations to fight the right, was implemented in many countries. In Latin America, where this tactic was implemented even before the VII Congress of the Comintern, “popular fronts” became widespread, some-times playing a significant role in the history of their coun-tries. Historiography covers in detail the history of the estab-lishing of alliances in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Cuba, etc. How-ever, the history of the organization of the “popular front” in Peru is less covered, although this story is interesting in that it largely reflects the problems that faced the sections of the Comintern. An attempt to form a "popular front" in Peru in 1934-1935, primarily based on the creation of an alliance be-tween the Communist Party of Peru (the CPP) and the Ameri-can Popular Revolutionary Alliance (the APRA) to participate in the 1936 elections, failed. There were several reasons for this: from the personal hostility of the APRA leader V.R. Haya de la Torre to the leader of the CPP E. Ravines before the policy that the CPP implemented according to the direc-tives of the Comintern during the period of “class against class” tactics in 1930-1933.

This biographical study of Dr. Bess Francis Coleman profiles the experience of an African American woman in the early twentieth century, employing a critical lens to explore how race, gender and class shaped her life and career, and the methodology of microhistory to draw out the ways in which her life exemplifies and signifies the essential work of African American women professionals during this era. Dr. Bess “Bessie” Anderson Francis Coleman (1893-1967) was the first documented African American woman licensed to practice optometry in the United States. A native of Kentucky, Dr. Coleman’s first career was as a schoolteacher in her native Harrodsburg. In 1923, she married pharmacist John B. Coleman, Jr. The Colemans moved to West Palm Beach, Florida in 1923, and then Chicago, Illinois in 1925 where they opened a chain of pharmacies in the Bronzeville neighborhood. Dr. Coleman received her training at the Northern Illinois College of Optometry from 1932-1934. In 1935, she moved back to Kentucky with her son, where she cared for her elderly parents and opened the only optometry practice in Lexington’s Brucetown neighborhood, well-known for its African American physicians. In 1942, she retired to Denver, Colorado’s African American enclave, Whittier. She died in 1967 and was buried in the Maple Grove Cemetery in her hometown.

The article examines the main lines of criticism of civilization within personalism. Basis of Berdyaev’s and Mounier’s criticism of society and their disagreements on this issue are identified through сomparison of their views. Such an analysis would have been impossible without reference to their texts of different periods: to the works of Mounier “Refaire la Renaissance” (1932), “Personalist and Community Revolution” (1935), “A Personalist Manifesto” (1936), “Personalism” (1949), as well as to Berdyaev’s texts “The Truth and Lie of Communism” (1931), “Christianity and the Class Struggle” (1931), “On Social Personalism” (1933), etc. Civilization as a subject of personalist thinking is necessarily explored at several levels. Firstly, the article analyzes the relationship between the concepts of personality and society and postulates the primacy of the personality as fundamental for European personalism. Secondly, the political dimension deserves separate consideration, which in the works of Munier and Berdyaev has an ambiguous status. Criticizing this or that social system, both authors approach to the search for some third way. Various characteristics of this way reveal themselves in the projects of the coming civilization, namely in the “New Middle Ages” by Berdyaev and “New Renaissance” by Mounier. However, they cannot be defined only as political, and a third level reveals itself in the personalistic criticism of civilization, associated with calls for a spiritual revolution and the moralistic nature of the requirements for the future society of “new humanism”.

Het ADVN bewaart een verzameling documenten uit de periode 1935-1939 van het Doktersgild Van Helmont, aangesloten bij het Algemeen Vlaamsch Geneesherenverbond. Daarin bevindt zich een brief van 6 november 1939 van het doktersgild aan professor Jules Bordet, hoofd van het Pasteur Instituut in Brussel. De dokters eisen in deze brief dat het instituut voortaan de Nederlandse taal zou gebruiken in zijn contacten met Vlaamse artsen in Vlaams-Brabant en Brussel.Nobelprijswinnaar Jules Bordet en zijn instituut waren exponenten van de dominerende Franstalige klasse in België in de 19de en de eerste helft van de 20ste eeuw. In de loop van de jaren 1930 hadden echter steeds meer artsen een Nederlandstalig diploma verworven. Bovendien moest het instituut zich aanpassen aan de taalwetgeving die sinds 1932 van kracht was. De brief dient dan ook gesitueerd in de strijd om de toepassing van de taalwetgeving in overheidsdiensten en om de vernederlandsing van de medische praktijk in Vlaanderen.________A simple principle of justice: Physicians and the language legislation on the eve of the Second World WarThe ADVN holds a collection of documents from the period of 1935-1939 belonging to the Guild of Physicians of Helmont, which was associated with the General Flemish Association of Physicians. It includes a letter dated 6 November 1939 from the Guild of Physicians to Professor Jules Bordet, chief of the Pasteur Institute in Brussels. In this letter the doctors demand that the Institute would use the Dutch language in future contacts with Flemish physicians in Flemish Brabant and Brussels.Nobel Prize winner Jules Bordet and his Institute were exponents of the dominating French speaking class in Belgium during the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. However, during the 1930’s a growing number of physicians had obtained a medical diploma drawn up in the Dutch language. Moreover the Institute had to conform to the requirements of the language legislation, which had been in force since 1932. Therefore this letter needs to be seen in the context of the struggle for the application of the language legislation in public services and for the Dutchification of medical practice in Flanders.

AbstractIn 1953, Alejandro Herrero Ayllón and José Antón Pacheco published “La Casa Pinariega. A General Study” in issue 5 of the journal Celtiberia. This was part of a university research that won first prize in a competition held in 1933 and was almost published in the journal Arquitectura in the summer of 1936. Thanks to extensive research on the career of Herrero Ayllón (ETSAM, class of 1935) it was possible to locate the full original proposal entitled “La casa popular en la Región de Pinares de Soria y Burgos”, submitted to the ‘Competition-Exhibition of Spanish Popular Architecture’, organised by the ‘Asociación Profesional de Alumnos de Arquitectura’ (APAA). This article examines this proposal, highlighting popular architecture as a rationalist point of reference present in the debates on tradition and modernity among students and teachers at the Madrid school in the pre-war period. Content present in the postwar period and in initial projects by Herrero Ayllón.ResumenEn 1953, Alejandro Herrero Ayllón y José Antón Pacheco publicaron “La Casa Pinariega. Un estudio general” en el número 5 de la revista Celtiberia. Se trata de una investigación universitaria que obtuvo el primer premio en un concurso convocado en 1933 y que estuvo a punto de ser publicado en la revista Arquitectura en el verano de 1936. Una amplia investigación sobre la trayectoria de Herrero Ayllón (ETSAM, promoción de 1935) ha permitido localizar la propuesta original titulada “La casa popular en la Región de Pinares de Soria y Burgos”, presentada al “Concurso-Exposición de Arquitectura Popular Española”, organizado por la “Asociación Profesional de Alumnos de Arquitectura” (APAA). Este artículo examina este trabajo que valora la arquitectura popular como un referente racionalista presente en los debates sobre tradición y modernidad entre los alumnos y profesores de la escuela madrileña en la preguerra. Contenido presente en la posguerra y en los proyectos iniciales de Herrero Ayllón.

When Franklin D. Roosevelt, a Democrat, was elected president in 1932, most African Americans did not support him since they were still loyal to the Republican Party. Moreover, New Deal policies, especially the Social Security Act in 1935, excluded farmers and domestics, and thus, most African Americans. One of the people who encouraged black voters to switch to the Democratic Party was Elizabeth McDuffie, a black servant in the Roosevelt White House. In the 1936 election, McDuffie went on the campaign trail and toured Chicago, Cleveland, Springfield, and St. Louis. As a domestic servant, McDuffie was a familiar face to southern migrants, and she convinced many black voters to switch to the Democratic Party. After her campaign tour concluded, McDuffie became acquainted with the large black population in Washington, D.C. McDuffie worked alongside middle-class activists to increase economic opportunities for women workers by sponsoring training programs for servants. But, as this article demonstrates, most black servants did not want training programs; they desired higher wages, better jobs, and inclusion in the Social Security Act. Working-class women in Washington wrote letters to the newspaper and in 1938, 10,000 rioted for jobs as federal charwomen, jobs that paid higher wages and offered savings for retirement. After McDuffie witnessed these events, she became a vocal critic of the limitations of New Deal programs while continuing to praise Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. This article argues that Elizabeth McDuffie’s career in Washington illuminates the contradictions of New Deal politics for black women workers.

Rond 1910 werd in de BWP de Vlaamse kwestie een vrije kwestie. De ‘versmelting’ van twee volken in een ‘âme belge’, via tweetaligheid, werd afgewezen. Onder impuls van Huysmans beriep het Vlaamse socialisme zich op de idee van culturele autonomie: het recht op onderwijs in de moedertaal van de lagere school tot de universiteit en dus de vernederlandsing van de Gentse Rijksuniversiteit. Daarmee behoorde het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging. Het Waalse socialisme daarentegen verdedigde nog de superioriteit van het Frans en de mythe van een tweetalig Vlaanderen, en kantte zich tegen die Vlaamse hoofdeis.Tijdens de tweede fase (1919-1935) was de Vlaamse beweging verzwakt en het Vlaamse socialisme verdeeld. Huysmans slaagde er slechts met moeite in om een ongunstig partijstandpunt ter zake te verhinderen en de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie te behouden. Het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’ van november 1929 was gebaseerd op regionale eentaligheid en een minimale tweetaligheid in het leger en de centrale besturen. Het legde mee de fundamenten van de evolutie naar het beginsel van de territorialiteit inzake bestuur en onderwijs (1930 en 1932).Tijdens de derde fase (1935-1940) hield die pacificatie geen stand. Conflicten versterkten elkaar. De partijleiding kwam in handen van de Brusselaar Spaak en de Vlaming De Man, die met zijn Plan van de Arbeid in 1933 de BWP even uit de impasse had gehaald. Het ging om een nieuwe generatie die het socialisme een andere inhoud wilde geven: streven naar een volkspartij in plaats van klassenstrijd, een ‘socialisme national’, een autoritaire democratie als antwoord op een aanhoudende politieke crisis. Vooral aan Waalse kant werd daartegen gereageerd. Tevens werd de evolutie in het buitenlandse beleid, de zelfstandigheid los van Frankrijk, bekritiseerd. De Spaanse burgeroorlog en de eventuele erkenning van generaal Franco dreef de tegenstellingen op de spits. Voor het eerst had de partij met Spaak een socia-listische eerste minister (mei 1938-januari 1939). Hoewel alle socialisten tegen Franco waren, verschilden de Waalse socialisten van mening met de meeste Vlaamse socialisten over de vraag of de regering daarover moest vallen. Er was ook de tegenstelling over een al dan niet toenadering tot de christelijke arbeidersbeweging vanwege een dan noodzakelijke schoolvrede en een subsidiëring van de katholieke ‘strijdscholen’. Daarop entte zich de taalkwestie. In de Kamer viel de fractiecohesie terug tot 53%.De Vlaamse socialisten waren niet alleen veel sterker vertegenwoordigd in de fractie (40% in 1936), hun zelfbewustzijn nam ook sterk toe. Ze ergerden zich steeds meer aan het bijna exclusieve gebruik van het Frans in de fractie, in het partijbestuur en vooral tijdens congressen. Wie geen of weinig Frans kende, wilde niet langer als minderwaardig worden behandeld. Zeker als dat samenviel met een andere visie. Het eerste aparte Vlaams Socialistisch Congres ging door in maart 1937. Het wilde de culturele autonomie zo veel mogelijk doortrekken, maar keerde zich tegen elke vorm van federalisme, waardoor de Vlaamse socialisten in een klerikaal Vlaanderen een machteloze minderheid zouden worden. Bij de Waalse socialisten groeide de frustratie. Ze organiseerden aparte Waalse Congressen in 1938 en 1939. Ze benadrukten drie vormen van Vlaams imperialisme. De ongunstige demografische evolutie maakte een Vlaamse meerderheid in het parlement en politieke minorisering mogelijk. De financieel-economische transfers van Wallonië naar Vlaanderen verarmden Wallonië. Het verlies aan jobs voor ééntalige Walen in Wallonië en in Brussel was discriminerend. Dat laatste zorgde voor een francofone toenadering en een gezamenlijke framing. Het flamingantisme had zich al meester gemaakt van Vlaanderen, bedreigde via tweetaligheid nu de Brusselse agglomeratie, waarna Wallonië aan de beurt zou komen. Op 2 februari 1939 stonden Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten tegenover elkaar. De unitaire partij dreigde, naar katholiek voorbeeld, in twee taalgroepen uiteen te vallen. Zover kwam het niet. De wallinganten, die een politiek federalisme nastreefden, hadden terrein gewonnen, maar de meeste Waalse socialisten bleven voorstander van een nationale solidariteit. Mits een nieuw ‘Compromis’ dat met de Waalse grieven rekening hield. De mythe van het Vlaamse socialisme als Vlaams vijandig of onverschillig is moeilijk vol te houden. Wel ontstond na de Tweede Wereldoorlog een andere situatie. Tijdens de jaren 1960 behoorde de Vlaamse kwestie tot de ‘trein der gemiste kansen’ . Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.___________ ‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part Two: 1935-1940 Around 1910, the Flemish question became a free question in the BWP. The ‘merging’ of two peoples in a Belgian soul (âme belge) through bilingualism was rejected. According to Huysmans, Flemish socialism appealed to the idea of cultural autonomy: the right to education in one’s native language from primary school to university, and therefore, the transformation of the state University of Ghent into a Dutch-speaking institution. Hence, Flemish socialism became part of the vanguard of the Flemish Movement. Walloon socialism, on the contrary, continued to support the superiority of French in Belgium and the myth of a bilingual Flanders. It turned against this key Flemish demand.The next stages were dominated by the introduction of simple universal male suffrage in 1919. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders, the Socialist Party acquired a similar position in Wallonia. During the second phase (1919-1935) initially the Flemish Movement was weakened and Flemish socialism divided. Huysmans hardly managed to keep the Flemish question a free question. The ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’ (Compromis des socialistes belges) of November 1929 was based on regional monolingualism and a minimal bilingualism in the army and the central administration. The territorial principle in administration and education (1930 and 1932) was accepted. Dutch became the official language in Flanders.During the third phase (1935-1940) pacification did not hold. Conflicts strengthened one another. The party leadership fell into the hands of the Brussels politician Spaak and the Fleming De Man. The latter had just offered the BWP an answer to the socio-economic depression with his ‘Labour Plan’ (Plan van de Arbeid). This new generation wanted a different socialism: rather a people’s party than stressing class conflict, a ‘national socialism’, an authoritarian democracy as a response to a persistent political crisis. In particular Walloons reacted against these developments. At the same time, they critisized the foreign policy of diplomatic independence from France (‘los van Frankrijk’). The Spanish Civil War and the possible recognition of General Franco stressed the divisions. With Spaak, the party had a Socialist Prime Minister for the first time (May 1938-January 1939). While all socialists were opposed to Franco, Walloon socialists had a conflicting view with most Flemish socialists on whether the govern-ment should be brought down on this subject. There was also a conflict over the question of rapprochement with the Christian labour movement concerning a truce over the school question and subsidies for the Catholic ‘propaganda’ schools. The language question worsened the situation. In the Chamber, party cohesion dropped down to 53%.Not only were the Flemish socialists much more strongly represented in the socialist parliamentary group (40% in 1936), their assertiveness also increased. They became more and more annoyed with the quasi-exclusive use of French in their parliamentary group, in the party administration, and mostly during party congresses. Those who knew little or no French no longer wanted to be treated as inferior. Especially, when they had different opinions. The first separate Flemish Socialist Congress was held in March 1937. The Congress wanted to pursue cultural autonomy as far as possible, but opposed any form of federalism, as Flemish socialists would become a powerless minority in a clerical Flanders.Frustration grew among Walloon socialists. They organised separate Walloon Congresses in 1938 and 1939. They emphasized three forms of Flemish imperialism. Unfavourable demographic developments made a Flemish majority in Parliament and political minoritisation likely. Financial-economic transfers impoverished Wallonia to the benefit of Flanders. The loss of jobs for monolingual Walloons in Wallonia and Brussels was discriminatory. This contributed to common framing among Francophones: “Flemish radicalism” was accepted in Flanders, presently threatening the Brussels agglomeration via bilingualism, and Wallonia would be next.On 2 February 1939 Flemish and Walloon socialists opposed one another. The unitary party was in danger of splitting into two language groups, following the Catholic example. It did not come to that. The Walloon radicals, who pursued political federalism, had won some ground, but most Walloon socialists remained supporters of national solidarity, provided the adoption of a new ‘Compromise’ that took account of Walloon grievances.The myth of Flemish socialism as hostile or indifferent to Flemish issues is hard to maintain. After the Second World War, however, the situation became different.

This article investigates the use of coca by the Bolivian Army during the Chaco War of 1932–35. I present research that reveals the surprising extent to which the Bolivian Army provisioned coca to its soldiers as a substitute for adequate nutrition; as a morale booster; as a stimulant; and as a medicine. The article explores the social and cultural implications of mass coca consumption by Bolivian soldiers, many of whom were mestizos who had never before chewed the leaf. Ultimately, I argue that the pervasiveness of coca within the traumatic popular experience of the Chaco War sowed the seeds of a historic transformation of the politics of coca in Bolivia. The Chaco War initiated a process by which coca in Bolivia was transformed from a neo-colonial marker of the Indian caste to a material and symbolic element of an emergent interethnic working class. Through a comparative analysis of the Bolivian army's use of coca in the Chaco War with the German army's use of methamphetamine during World War II, this article concludes with a consideration of the ways in which the present case study expands our understanding of the crucial but under-studied historical relationship between drugs and warfare.

MERV GRIFFITHS was born in Sydney on 8th July 1914, grew up in Northbridge and was educated in schools in North Sydney, including North Sydney Boys’ High School, which he attended from 1930-32. He entered what he, mischievously referred to as “The University” [University of Sydney] in 1934 to study Zoology. This period was difficult financially for all, including the University of Sydney, but in spite of the effects of underfunding and crowded conditions, Merv followed his biological interests under the tutelage of Professor W. J. Dakin and a small staff in the Zoology Department. He shared the Caird Scholarship and Haswell Prize with his friend and colleague Darcy Gilmour in 1936, obtained his Bachelor Degree in Zoology with first Class Honours in 1937, followed by his Master of Science in 1938. Merv first began publishing in the scientific literature in 1936 with a paper on The colour changes in batoid fishes in the Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales.

The thesis looks at the origin and development of Lancashire dialect literature between the publication of John Collier's ('Tim Bobbin') A View of the Lancashire Dialect in 1746, and the death of Allen Clarke ('Teddy Ashton') in 1935. The thesis is partly chronological, paying particular attention to the largely unexplored period of dialect writing between the 1890s and the 1930s, which suggests that earlier assessments of dialect literature need revision. The period before the First World War witnessed the development of a dialect literature closely linked to the labour movement in Lancashire, and contributed to the development of a distinctive socialist culture. For a time at least, dialect literature escaped from the middle class patronage which characterised it in the 1850s and 1860s, aided by the existence of an independent, Lancashire-based, press. Dialect literature was never a pure, unadulterated 'voice of the people', and it was used both by middle and working class social forces to support rival value systems. An argument in dialect suggested a practical, common sense, wisdom, regardless of the actual message. Dialect poetry was used by different writers to support imperialist adventures, Irish home rule, left-wing socialism, and to oppose strikes, women's suffrage, and restrictions on access to the countryside. The literature represented divisions within the working class, as well as attempts from the middle class to influence it. Differing class and political standpoints were, on occasions, transcended by a wider regional consciousness in which dialect had a prominent place. Particular themes within dialect literature are explored, contributing to current debates on class, identity, and gender. The treatment of women, war and imperialism, work, and the 'Cotton Famine' of 1861-4 are examined in separate chapters. Selfcriticism, and defences of dialect writing, are looked at in Chapter 6 on "Defending Dialect".

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the efficacy of the procedures described in the PEAK-E curriculum in generating derived intraverbal categorization responses in both a vocal categorization context and written problem-solving context, replicated across three children with disabilities. Six four-member equivalence classes were taught, including three class member stimuli (A, B, and C) as well as one function class name (D), using a match-to-sample arrangement. These classes were divided into two stimulus sets (i.e., classes 1-3 and classes 4-6) and trained using pre-class (D-C training followed by mixed A-B/B-C training) and post-class formations (Mixed A-B/B-C training followed by D-C training). The procedures were efficacious in generating derived intraverbal categorization responses for one participant in a vocal context, and additional exemplar training was required for the emergence of vocal categorization responses in the other two participants. None of the participants were able to solve the written problem-solving tasks following training and testing of all target relations.

Through the historical analysis of a public housing project built in Greenbelt, Maryland in 1937, this dissertation investigates how federal housing policies attempted to impose middle-class gender roles and relations on members of the working-class as a central means to alleviate class tensions heightened during the Great Depression. Informed by recent developments in Women's History and the Social History of Architecture, this project examines how attempts to rehabilitate working-class families and communities necessitated removing them from cities and imposing paradigmatic gender norms. A new form of housing and town-planning became a critical means to achieve these ends. This federal housing project in Greenbelt has long been celebrated as the first successful example of federal support for progressive urban planning. The planners of Greenbelt drew from existing progressive ideologies that understood decentralized communities, or suburbs, as the answer to the decay and squalor of urban centers. Viewing Greenbelt solely in terms of its progressive legacy is limiting, however, unless that legacy is investigated using class, race, and gender analysis. With the planning, design, and administration of the new community in Greenbelt, New Deal planners envisioned a new form of architecture, town-planning and administration that would provide a social and physical environment conducive to the formation of viable, stable, working-class families. These planners assumed that if working-class residents adopted the gender relations that were normative in the middle-class, long term problems of poverty and social disorder would disappear. The built environment of Greenbelt, contemporary photographs, and federal administrative records provide significant evidence to study the relationship between "class rehabilitation" and gender norms. This project offers a new approach to understanding the New Deal housing policies and the construction of a domestic ideal.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This doctoral thesis is the study of the theory of prosperity of the neo-pentecostal denomination of churches and in particular the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God. The overall objective is to understand the theory of iurdiana prosperity provides access to a "new" social class, entrepreneurial. The specific objective is to understand the relationship between the spiritual capital and the trajectory of the faithful iurdiano entrepreneur to a "new" social class: the entrepreneurial middle class. For realization of our objectives was used qualitative methodology and intentional quantitative based on questionnaires, interviews and analysis of programs and religious events of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God. Ten interviews intentionally selected were analyzed. For the construction of the research object, we are relying on the theory of cultural reproduction of Pierre Bourdieu and empirical research conducted within the group in question. The choice of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God was made to be that one of the most important religious institutions and more faithful. We chose to study this issue in a specific region of São Paulo, the local Brás region of high concentration of neo-Pentecostal evangelicals and faithful of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God
Esta tese de doutorado se constitui no estudo sobre a teoria da prosperidade das igrejas de denominação neopentecostal e, em especial da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus. O objetivo geral é compreender se a teoria da prosperidade iurdiana propicia o acesso a uma “nova” classe social, a empreendedora. O objetivo específico é a compreensão da relação entre o capital espiritual e a trajetória do fiel iurdiano empreendedor a uma “nova” classe social: a classe média empreendedora. Para realização de nossos objetivos foi utilizada metodologia qualitativa e a quantitativa intencional baseada na aplicação de questionários, entrevistas e análise de programas e eventos religiosos da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus. Foram analisadas dez entrevistas selecionadas intencionalmente. Para a construção do objeto de pesquisa, nos apoiamos na teoria da reprodução cultural de Pierre Bourdieu e em pesquisas empíricas realizadas no contexto do grupo em análise. A escolha da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus se fez por ser essa uma das instituições religiosas mais importantes e com maior número de fiéis. Optou-se pelo estudo desse tema em uma região específica da cidade de São Paulo, a região do Brás local de grande concentração de evangélicos neopentecostais e fiéis da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus

Histories of the working class in France have largely ignored the existence of working-class conservatism. This is particularly true of histories of the interwar period. Yet, there were an array of Catholic and right-wing groups during these years that endeavoured to bring workers within their orbit. Moreover, many workers judged that their interests were better served by these groups. This thesis explores the participation of workers in Catholic and right-wing groups during the 1930s. What did these groups claim to offer workers within the wider context of their ideological goals? In which ways did conservative workers understand and express their interests, and why did they identify the supposed ‘enemies of the left’ as the best means of defending them? What was the daily experience of conservative workers like, and how did this experience contribute to the formation of 'non-left' political identities? These questions are addressed in a study of the largest Catholic and right-wing groups in France during the 1930s. This thesis argues that, during a period of left-wing ascendancy, these groups made the recruitment of workers a top priority. To this end, they harnessed particular elements of mass political culture and adapted them to their own ideological ends. However, the ideology of these groups did not simply reflect the interests of the workers that supported them. This thesis argues that the interests of conservative workers were a rational and complex product of their own experience. They were formed by a large range of materials, from preconceived attitudes to issues such as gender and race, to the everyday experience of bullying and intimidation on the factory floor. This thesis shows that workers could conceive of their interests in a number of different ways, and chose from a range of different groups to try and further them.

La tesi doctoral: Sant Adrià de Besòs del món rural a l'urbà. Indústria i immigració: la formació de la classe obrera (1900-1939), analitza el pas del món rural agrari al món urbà industrial i la formació de la classe obrera del municipi del Pla de Barcelona. Analitza com s'ha desenvolupat la colossal transformació econòmica, urbanística, social, política i cultural del municipi analitzant els factors geogràfics –riu Besòs i mar Mediterrània– i la influència que, sobre el procés d'urbanització, industrialització i creixement, va exercir la capital de Catalunya. Explica com va produir-se la transformació del territori sota la direcció dels propietaris de les terres, els industrials i l'arquitecte municipal –responsable de la planificació urbanística–, i segons els interessos dels grans propietaris barcelonins, que van vendre les terres a indústries o urbanitzacions. El control de l'Ajuntament i el suport de les elits locals, propietaris de terres, pagesos, comerciants i petits industrials; els va permetre dirigir tot el procés de creixement urbà i sotmetre a les classes populars i treballadores immigrants i adrianenques fins a l'arribada de la Segona República. La tesi analitza exhaustivament la població adrianenca que va arribar al municipi entre el 1920-1935 atreta per la industrialització lligada a la Segona Revolució Industrial, que necessitava una gran quantitat de mà d'obra; contingents humans que arribaren de la Catalunya interior, de les regions veïnes (València i Aragó), de Múrcia i d'Andalusia (Almeria). L'estudi inclou les variables socials i demogràfiques dels adrianencs i dels immigrants i un estudi complet de totes les grans empreses: origen, producció, accionistes, directius, treballadors, evolució econòmica o col·lectivitzacions (1936-1939). Finalment, analitza la vida social, política i cultural del municipi, amb un ampli estudi de les associacions, partits polítics i sindicats des de principis de segle fins a la derrota de la democràcia i de les classes populars i treballadores que van defensar la Segona República. El treball és l’estudi dels estatuts, juntes, llistats d'afiliats, activitats i tendències polítiques. Demostra com el món associatiu va ser un espai de vida democràtica en un poble sotmès a la dictadura de la burgesia local i barcelonina, per un sistema polític com el de la Restauració o el de la Dictadura de Primo de Ribera, que els deixava al marge del sistema o els reprimia sense contemplacions. L'estudi de la formació de la classe obrera adrianenca i la seva participació política demostra la forta influència del republicanisme federal –ERC i en molta menor mesura de l'EEF– i de l'anarcosindicalisme (CNT), en la formació de la consciència de classe dels treballadors i dels sectors populars i la seva incorporació decidida a la lluita de classes. El treball finalitza amb una anàlisi del cost humà de la Guerra Civil, de la repressió franquista i del retorn al poder de la dreta adrianenca de sempre, ara amb un Ajuntament feixista imposat per la força de les armes de la Dictadura Franquista.
La tesis doctoral: Sant Adrià de Besòs del mundo rural al urbano. Industria e inmigración: la formación de la clase obrera (1900-1939), analiza el paso del mundo rural agrario al mundo urbano industrial y la formación de la clase obrera del municipio del Pla de Barcelona. Analiza cómo se ha desarrollado la colosal transformación económica, urbanística, social, política y cultural del municipio analizando los factores geográficos –río Besòs y mar Mediterráneo– y la influencia que, sobre el proceso de urbanización, industrialización y crecimiento, ejerció la capital de Cataluña. Explica cómo se produjo la transformación del territorio bajo la dirección de los propietarios de las tierras, los industriales y el arquitecto municipal –responsable de la planificación urbanística–, y según los intereses de los grandes propietarios barceloneses, que vendieron las tierras a industrias o urbanizaciones. El control del Ayuntamiento y el apoyo de las élites locales, propietarios de tierras, labradores, comerciantes y pequeños industriales; les permitió dirigir todo el proceso de crecimiento urbano y someter en las clases populares y trabajadoras inmigrantes y adrianense hasta la llegada de la Segunda República. La tesis analiza exhaustivamente la población adrianense que llegó al municipio entre el 1920-1935 atraída por la industrialización ligada a la Segunda Revolución Industrial, que necesitaba una gran cantidad de mano de obra; contingentes humanos que llegaron de la Cataluña interior, de las regiones vecinas (Valencia y Aragón), de Murcia y de Andalucía (Almería). El estudio incluye las variables sociales y demográficas de los adrianense y de los inmigrantes y un estudio completo de todas las grandes empresas: origen, producción, accionistas, directivos, trabajadores, evolución económica o colectivizaciones (1936-1939). Finalmente, analiza la vida social, política y cultural del municipio, con un amplio estudio de las asociaciones, partidos políticos y sindicatos desde principios de siglo hasta la derrota de la democracia y de las clases populares y trabajadoras que defendieron la Segunda República. El trabajo estudia los estatutos, juntas, listados de afiliados, actividades y tendencias políticas. Demuestra cómo el mundo asociativo fue un espacio de vida democrática en un pueblo sometido a la dictadura de la burguesía local y barcelonesa, por un sistema político como el de la Restauración o el de la Dictadura de Primo de Ribera, que los dejaba al margen del sistema o los reprimía sin contemplaciones. El estudio de la formación de la clase obrera adrianense y su participación política demuestra la fuerte influencia del republicanismo federal –ERC y en mucha menor medida de la EEF– y del anarcosindicalismo (CNT), en la formación de la conciencia de clase de los trabajadores y de los sectores populares y su incorporación decidida a la lucha de clases. El trabajo finaliza con un análisis del coste humano de la Guerra Civil, de la represión franquista y del regreso al poder de la derecha adrianense de siempre, ahora con un Ayuntamiento fascista impuesto por la fuerza de las armas de la Dictadura Franquista.
The doctoral thesis: Sant Adrià de Besòs from the rural to the urban world. Industry and immigration: the formation of the working class (1900-1939), analyzes the passage from the rural agrarian world to the urban industrial world and the formation of the working class in the municipality of the Pla de Barcelona. It analyzes how the colossal economic, urban, social, political and cultural transformation of the municipality has been developed through the analysis the geographical factors –Besòs River and the Mediterranean Sea– and the influence exerted by the capital of Catalonia on the process of urbanization, industrialization and growth. Its explains how the transformation of the territory under the leadership of landowners, industrialists and the municipal architect, responsible for urban planning, took place according to the interests of the great Barcelona owners, who sold land to industries or urbanizations. The control of the City Council and the support of the local elites, landowners, farmers, traders and small industrialists allowed them to control the entire process of urban growth and subjugate the immigrant and working classes and workers from St. Adrià until the arrival of the Second Republic. The thesis thoroughly analyzes the population from St. Adrià that reached the municipality between 1920-1935 attracted by industrialization related to the Second Industrial Revolution, which needed a large amount of labour; human contingents that arrived from the inner Catalonia, the neighbouring regions (Valencia and Aragon), from Murcia and Andalusia (Almeria). The study includes the social and demographic variables of locals and immigrants and a complete study of all the major companies: origin, production, shareholders, executives, workers, economic evolution or collectivization (1936-1939). Finally, the social, political and cultural life of the municipality is analyzed by means of a broad study of associations, political parties and unions since the beginning of the century until the defeat of democracy and the popular and working classes that defended the Second Republic. The work is the study of the statutes, boards, affiliated lists, activities and political tendencies. Proving demonstrating how the associative world was a place of democratic life in a town subject to the dictatorship of the local and Barcelona bourgeoisie, by a political system similar to that of the Restoration or of the Primo de Ribera Dictatorship that left them outside the system or repressed them without contemplations. The study of the formation of the working class in St. Adrià and its political participation shows the strong influence of federal republicanism –ERC and much to a lesser extent the EEF– and of anarcho-syndicalism (CNT), in the formation of class awareness among the workers and the popular sectors and their determined incorporation to the fight of classes. The work ends with an analysis of the human cost of the Civil War, the Franco repression and the return to power of the traditional right wing, now with a fascist city council imposed by the force of the arms of the Franco dictatorship.

The conceptual and empirical analysis of the interrelationship between gender and ethnicity has been largely neglected in the social sciences in general, and in Latin America in particular. The current research examines this relationship in the context of the local labour market of the Caribbean port of Limon, Costa Rica. The presence of a significant Afro-Caribbean minority along with the predominant white/mestizo population in the city, allows for the analysis of the distribution of ethnic and gender groups in the local economy, and the ways in which gender and ethnicity intersect with one another to produce particular patterns of employment differentiation. The above interrelations are explored with special reference to labour market segmentation and segregation. The approach adopted comprises the synthesis of three perspectives, the first of which is concerned with tracing the historical development of the region and city as an enclave economy. The second perspective deals with the labour market itself where current patterns of labour demand also influence segmentation and segregation. The third examines the contemporary household level, where factors such as household structure and gender ideologies (both of which may be mediated by ethnicity) operate to shape the supply of labour. Combination of the above three elements in the context of an holistic approach indicates that the configuration of employment differentiation in the enclave economy of Limon departs from more generally found patterns of vertical segmentation in gender and ethnic terms. Instead, horizontal distribution prevails in which Afro-Caribbean women do not occupy the most subordinate position in the labour market. Explanations for this lie in the historical evolution of the labour market and the dynamics of interaction between contemporary factors operating within the spheres of both household and workplace. A survey of 250 randomly-sampled households was conducted in three low-income settlements in Limon using structured and semi-structured questionnaires and targeting both male and female respondents. An employer survey was also conducted of 17 firms in the city, including large and small-scale enterprises. The principal conclusion is that a reconsideration of conventional conceptual approaches to labour markets is necessary in order to fully recognise the importance of the interaction between gender and ethnicity in employment differentiation.

In the last years of the Weimar Republic, beginning with the onset of recession in 1929, right-leaning German Jews faced an existential question: where would they fit into this reconfigured political space? For those Jews whose political identity placed them on the Right, the decline of the DVP and DNVP was of critical importance. They perceived class—or, more precisely, the working class model of Marxism—to be a threat on the order of antisemitism. The question for them was whether there would be room for German Jews in a Right that hailed a Volk based on racial descent. The chapter describes the attempts of German Jews on the Right to define and defend their place in the German Volk, or in other instances their turning away from their previous right-wing allegiances and toward alternative categories of belonging.

Résumé: À la suite de l’exposition de Paris 1925, le peintre René Guiette demande à LC de lui construire une maison avec atelier à Anvers. Ce bâtiment superbe existe encore, le seul témoignage de LC construit en Belgique! LC vient pour la première fois à Bruxelles en 1926 pour donner une conférence. Après une deuxième conférence en 1928 il reçoit une commande de Jean Canneel-Claes pour une maison, publiée par Le Corbusier en 1929 comme « Maison pour M. X à Bruxelles ». En 1930, il est présent à Bruxelles pour le congres CIAM. En 1933, LC participe au concours pour la Rive Gauche d’Anvers. En 1938 on lui demande de participer à l’ exposition de Liège en 1939, mais rien n’est construit. LC est présent à l’exposition Universelle de Bruxelles 1958 avec le pavillon exceptionnel pour Philips. Après l’expo, Le Poème Electronique est démoli. Keywords: LC 5xBelgique, Stynen & De Meyer, deSingel, Riverside Tower. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.896

This article discusses the relationship between children's educational equipment and the urban context of the city of São Paulo between 1935 and 1985, a period in which public institutions called parks and children's corners lasted. The equipment was intended for the care of working-class children and young people and was designed by Mário de Andrade during his participation as São Paulo's Secretary of Culture. The objective is to recover the history of playgrounds and illustrate how the equipment distributed in the different areas of the city, mainly in places with an industrial vocation, implanted in large lots, in strategically located points and with relative visual permeability between the interior and the exterior, contributed to the appropriation and participation of the population in the social activities promoted by the municipality. The historiographic-based research is based on the argument that the deactivation of playgrounds due to the modernization of educational policies in the children's and youth area reflected in changes not only in pedagogical and social parameters, but also impacted urban relations and their articulation. with the immediate surroundings. The two case studies selected in Santo Amaro represent two distinct examples of uses after their deactivation. Keywords: Children's playground, working class neighborhood, Santo Amaro, public policy. O presente artigo aborda a relação entre equipamento educacional infanto-juvenil e o contexto urbano da cidade de São Paulo entre os anos de 1935 e 1985, período em que perduraram as instituições públicas denominadas de parques e recantos infanto-juvenis. Os equipamentos eram destinados ao atendimento das crianças e jovens das classes operárias e foram idealizados por Mário de Andrade durante sua participação como Secretário da Cultura de São Paulo. O objetivo é recuperar a história dos parques infantis e ilustrar como os equipamentos distribuídos nas diversas zonas da cidade, principalmente em locais com vocação industrial, implantados em grandes lotes, em pontos estrategicamente localizados e com relativa permeabilidade visual entre o interior e o exterior contribuíram para a apropriação e participação da população nas atividades sociais promovidas pela municipalidade. A pesquisa de base historiográfica apoia-se sobre o argumento de que a desativação dos parques infantis em função da modernização das políticas educacionais na área infanto-juvenil refletiu em alterações não apenas nos parâmetros pedagógicos e sociais, como também impactou as relações urbanísticas e sua articulação com o entorno imediato. Os dois estudos de casos selecionados em Santo Amaro, representam dois exemplos distintos de destinações de uso após a desativação dos mesmos. Palavras-chave: Parque infantil, bairro operário, Santo Amaro, política pública.

In response to the needs of the market place for turbines in the 5000 to 6000 hp class, Solar Turbines Incorporated has responded with an uprate of their Centaur engine. Discussed in this paper are the features of the uprated engine, the Development Plan and the methodology for incorporating into the design the advanced aerodynamic and mechanical technology of the Mars engine. The Mars engine is a high efficiency 12,500 hp engine which operates at a turbine inlet temperature of 1935°F. State-of-the-art computer aided methods have been applied to produce the design, and the results from this approach are displayed.

The yield of a long-term hay agrophytocenosis created in 1935 in the V. R. Williams Federal Scientific Center for Forage Production and Agroecology without fertilization over the past 28 years is 2.7–4.2 t/ha dry matter (DM), with the annual application of N120P60K90 is 6.5–8.1 t/ha DM, the quality of feed meets the requirements for hay from natural lands of the first and second class. Aftereffect of applying high doses of lime (36–72 t/ha CaCO3 and 60–120 t/ha Ca(OH)2) has been preserved to the present time, which is expressed in an increase of yield both without fertilization and application of N120P60K90.

Information about the history of algological research on the coast of the Barents and the White Seas from the 19th century to the present day is presented. The first description of the algae of the Murman coast was carried out by Elena Stepanovna Zinova, who is the author of the book "Algae of Murman" (in two volumes), published in 1912. A great contribution to the systematics of algae in the northern seas was made by Anna Dmitrievna Zinova, the author of many works on the biogeography of algae, the macrophyte-algae identification guides. Currently, 190 species of macrophyte algae have been described in the Barents Sea. They are represented by: red (Rhodophyta division – 82 species), brown (Phaeophyceae class of Ochrophyta division – 72 species) and green (Chlorophyta division - 36 species) algae. The species composition of algae of the Murmansk coast is the most diverse (167 species). The presence of 241,130 tons of kelp in the Barents Sea has been shown, including 200,000 tons in the Murmansk coast, and 50,000 tons of fucus algae. The development of algae research on the Murmansk coast was facilitated by the organization of the Murmansk Biological Station of the USSR Academy of Sciences on the coast of Zelenetskaya Bay in the settlement of Dal'niye Zelentsy (1935). Currently, it exists as a seasonal biostation of the MMBI RAS. As a result of long-term studies of macrophytes of the Barents Sea, the following have been determined: 1) the optimal photoperiod (16 : 8 – "light-dark") for the growth of most algae, as well as its compensatory role in regulating the growth of macrophytes; 2) the negative effect of ultraviolet B on the development of algae; 3) the optimal temperature for growth and mechanisms of cold resistance of macroalgae; 4) the influence of hydrostatic pressure on the vertical distribution of macrophytobenthos in the sublittoral; 5) the significance of the intensity of water movement, of the type of substrate and of salinity for the reproduction, the growth and the macrophyte-algae distribution; 6) the range of tolerance to the effects of oil and diesel fuel (DF) in macroalgae; 7) the plantation-biofilter technology for cleaning coastal water areas from oil products, the symbiotic association for macrophyte-algae and hydrocarbon-oxidising bacteria.

In consideration of the extremely rapid progress in turbomachinery technology after the WWII, when the first gas engine was run, modern turbomachinery could be considered a young subject. Developments in computational power and numerical techniques since the 1940s, totally changed designer’s perspectives, giving them the possibilities to increase power and sophistication of design tools consolidated by years of laboratory and field tests from the 1940’s and 1950’s. A huge database from which, we believe, “there is still so much to be learned” (Cumpsty, 1986) [1]. On the other hand turbomachinery performance correlations, or even design procedures, have tended to be developed in individualistic ways. A reason for this has been the use of different approaches within engineering companies and the development of customized design tools and correlation of previous experience or performance optimization. These circumstances reflected in an extraordinary knowledge, hided by confidentiality and intellectual property issues. In this respect, proprietary design techniques acts as a barrier to the dissemination of concepts at the early stages such as the university. This paper illustrates the design process of an industrial fan as taught at Sapienza, University of Rome, during lectures of Turbomachinery Design. Objective of the class was to help students learn to develop their own design tools from the available suggested literature Horlock (1958, 1962, 1966) [2] [3] [4], Dixon (1975) [5], Lakshminarayana (1995) [6], Cumpsty (1989) [1] and Lewis (1996) [8]. Moreover, the activities were oriented to the use of open source software, specifically Scilab, used to code preliminary design and optimization routines as well as OpenFoam for the CFD verification step.

Kanazawa Institute of Technology (KIT) started an education reform for new century from 1995. After that, around 2007, based on “Comprehensive Learning Initiative Process” (CLIP), “Comprehensive Active Learning-type Education” (CAL-E) has been introduced. The CAL-E aims at training engineering students’ comprehensive abilities to nurture them becoming competent engineers for society. There are several class formats within CAL-E program, they are “presentation,” “discussion on a topic” and “practice and seminar.” Depending on the objective and role of subjects, the best type of CAL-E class format is conducted accordingly. In this paper, we use Fluid Mechanics classes as an example to demonstrate the effectiveness of CAL-E-oriented classes and examine its effect on students through a questionnaire.

The National Park Service (NPS) Water Resources Division’s Natural Resource Condition Assessment (NRCA) Program initiated an NRCA project with Fort Pulaski National Monument (FOPU) in 2022. The purpose of an NRCA is to synthesize information related to the primary drivers and stressors affecting natural resource conditions at a park and to report conditions for natural resource topics selected by park managers. Resource conditions are evaluated as either a condition assessment or a gap analysis, depending on data availability. For FOPU’s NRCA, managers selected salt marsh, shorebirds, Eastern oyster (Crassostrea virginica), and butterflies as the focal resources. FOPU is comprised of two islands in coastal Georgia, McQueens and Cockspur, which are separated by the Savannah River near its confluence with the Atlantic Ocean. Cockspur Island contains the 19th century masonry fort, Fort Pulaski, and the monument’s visitor services and facilities and is primarily constructed with dredge material from the Savannah River. McQueens Island is almost entirely salt marsh habitat and most of its area is eligible federal wilderness, containing one of Georgia’s oyster recreational harvest areas (RHAs), Oyster Creek RHA. Both McQueens and Cockspur islands are designated as a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Marine Protected Area (MPA), underscoring FOPU’s natural resource significance. Riverine, freshwater, and estuarine wetlands cover 83.81% of FOPU, with the latter accounting for almost 99% of all monument wetlands. Persistently emergent vegetation of smooth cordgrasses (Spartina spp.) and unconsolidated shore represent the dominant wetland types. McQueens Island estuarine wetlands were evaluated for 11 functions and were rated primarily as high functioning, except for the wetland north of Highway 80, where the causeway has altered its ability to function properly. The wetland west of the Highway 80 bend is composed of unconsolidated material so was rated as moderately functioning in carbon sequestration, retention of sediments, and shore stabilization. In contrast, the unconsolidated shore wetland in the Oyster Creek RHA, where the highest concentration of FOPU’s oysters occurs, were rated high for all expected wetland functions. In 2013, over 75% of the total oyster area from within four of Georgia’s RHAs was in the Oyster Creek RHA. A spectral analysis of oyster density in Oyster Creek RHA, comparing 2013 and 2018 images, reported an increase in the high-density class, a decrease in the moderate-low class, and an increase in the no oyster class, with the latter likely a function of how oyster areas were drawn between the images. A successful 2013 enhanced reef project in Oyster Creek RHA reported a pre-enhancement oyster area of 2.68 m2 (28.8 ft2) that increased to 894.2 m2 (0.22 ac) of oysters by 2018. FOPU’s extensive salt marsh habitat and beaches provide critical food sources and habitat for shorebirds in the Atlantic Flyway, especially during the pre-breeding season. The American Oystercatcher (Haematopus palliates), Whimbrel (Numenius phaeopus), and the federally threatened rufa subspecies of Red Knot (Calidris canutus rufa) are identified as high priority species in the flyway and have been observed on Cockspur Island during the Manomet International Shorebird Surveys (2019–2022) at FOPU. The USFWS (2023) is seeking additional critical habitat designation, which will include Cockspur Island, for the rufa subspecies of Red Knot, whose estimated population abundance trend is declining throughout its entire range. FOPU’s non-wetland, upland habitat is primarily located on Cockspur Island and supports vegetation that can serve as host, roost and/or nectar plants for pollinators, especially butterflies. Cedar–Live Oak–Cabbage Palmetto (Juniperus virginiana var. silicicola–Q. virginiana–Sabal palmetto) Marsh Hammock and Cabbage Palmetto Woodland contain the most diversity of beneficial butterfly plants. While a comprehensive butterfly inventory is needed, fall migration surveys have recorded three target species of the Butterflies of the Atlantic Flyway (BAFA): monarch (Danaus plexippus), gulf fritillary (Agraulis vanillae), and cloudless sulphur (Phoebis sennae). Collectively, FOPU’s natural resources are affected by the sea level, which has risen by 0.35 m (1.15 ft) from 1935 to 2022. Hardened shorelines, such as causeways or armored structures, are identified as the greatest threat to the salt marsh habitat’s ability to migrate upland with continued sea level rise. Erosion along Cockspur Island’s north shore is an ongoing issue and FOPU managers have been working with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to develop solutions to address the erosion, while also creating habitat for shorebirds. Several agencies routinely monitor for water and sediment pollution in and around FOPU, which, if managed collectively, can inform landscape-level management actions to address drivers that are influencing resource conditions at the ecosystem level.