Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Civils et guerre – Allemagne – 1900-1945"
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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Civils et guerre – Allemagne – 1900-1945":
Lilienthal, Georg. "The illegitimacy question in Germany, 1900–1945: Areas of tension in social and population policy". Continuity and Change 5, n. 2 (agosto 1990): 249–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000004008.
Tesi sul tema "Civils et guerre – Allemagne – 1900-1945":
Arnaud, Patrice. "Les travailleurs civils français en Allemagne pendant la Seconde guerre mondiale (1940-1945) : travail, vie quotidienne, accommodement, résistance et répression". Paris 1, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA010678.
Fauroux, Camille. "Les travailleuses civiles de France : des femmes dans la production de guerre de l'Allemagne national-socialiste (1940-1945)". Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0117.
This study considers how transnational work policies and nation-building projects shaped the intimate, daily lives of the 80,000 women who departed from France to work in Nazi Germany between 1940 and 1944. The large-scale employement of foreign labor in Germany was part of a broader strategy to increase military production without disturbing the Nazi family order. The German recruitement of French women created tensions for the French state which sought both to foster economic collaboration and restore the French family. This dissertation examines these transnational wartime labor policies and discourses and links them to personal experience, drawing on a case study of French women employed in Berlin's electronic industry. These women lived in foreign workers' camps organized by their employers. These camps were key in enabling surveillance and work coercion, while preventing families from living together. In this context, the women created precarious and informal romantic relations, many giving birth to children. Mother-child ties were monitored and facilitated in the camps, but became increasingly difficult to maintain as work pressure rose. Bridging transnational and personal scales, this thesis examines the nexus of war, work, and family while addressing themes of agency, gender, and memory
Cadiot, Aliénor. "Vichy et les Algériens : Indigènes civils musulmans algériens en France métropolitaine (1939-1944)". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0131.
The presence of tens of thousands of Algerians in metropolitan France between 1939 and 1944 is a known fact but one which has not been studied with precision, neither by the historiography of the Second World War, nor by that of the French colonial empire. Considered static, Algerian immigration is in reality a dynamic phenomenon. Indeed, between 1939 and 1942, three migratory waves took place between the two shores of the Mediterranean.On the eve of the war, Algeria is a territory worked by powerful and opposing political forces, ranging from separatism to assimilationism. At the end of 1939 and at the beginning of 1940, the Third Republic set up recruitments in Algeria for the needs of the war economy, as part of a wider recruitment process in various colonies. In this context, the installation of the Vichy regime in Algeria is a complex phenomenon, and it would be artificial to separate Algeria from the metropole.Simoultaneously, an intense surveillance of the populations considered as "North Africans", in majority Algerians, is organized: the Vichy regime sets up a secret service whose aim is to monitor the propagation of Nazi propaganda on both shores of the Mediterranean (the Algerian Affairs Service, SAA). This service is created in Marseilles, the nodal point of all questions relating to Algeria during the war years: indeed, beyond the SAA, the North African workforce services (MONA) of the whole metropole are also largely headed by that of Marseilles, which is in charge of managing the migratory flow across the Mediterranean. Indeed, just after the armistice, the new Vichy regime initiated a repatriation of Algerians to Algeria, which intensified from the summer of 1940 to the beginning of 1941, in the hope of reducing unemployment in the metropole. Conversely, from the year 1942 and in the broader context of forced recruitment of european workers by Germany, a new recruitment for the metropole is organized in Algeria, while many Algerians try to flee forms of work that do not suit them. This recruitment is particularly intense for the mining sector.In the occupied zone, surveillance efforts concentrate on Paris. The city is particularly suspect. Indeed, while the Parisian institutions dedicated to the administration of "North Africans" in the region are grappling with the conditions of the German occupation, a certain number of Algerians are in contact with both the collaborationist parties and with the occupation authorities, whether for political or commercial reasons. After the landing in North Africa on November 8th, 1942 and the following invasion of the southern zone three days later, as the entire metropolitan territory passed under German occupation and Algeria into the hands of the Allies, the Etat français makes efforts to overhaul the metropolitan services in charge of the administration of "North Africans", in fact inventing a new content for the phrase. Until the last days of the occupation, this administration will ensure that "North Africans" remain "loyal" to the Empire and to France
Régis, Nina. "Le pain de guerre allemand : une histoire culturelle de l'arrière, 1914-1919". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022TOU20083.
During the First World War, as it was impossible to import raw material and cereals from enemy countries, Germany had to impose bread rationing on the population. The first food to be rationed was bread. From the beginning of the conflict in 1914 to the treaty of Versailles in 1919, this study’s objective is to understand the experience of this food and in what way it’s qualitative and quantitative evolution influenced the Homefront’s will to support the war. The question leads to link the history of the senses with the history of emotions, the study of social practices and of cultural representations, of the press and the censorship, of the politics of bread, of the medicine and of the food security. The anticipation of the first shortages materializes from 1914 to 1916 through the creation of new institutions and the search for new substitutes to replace flour, but also through the invention of a war bread, which consumption becomes a patriotic gesture. From 1916 on, the bread’s qualitative and quantitative decline leads to the expression of disgust and to its refusal, although it continues to be suffered by the consumers and mocked by the enemies. From 1918 to 1919, war bread remains in the heart of demands for the return to the tastes of peace times and a more fundamental reassessment of the rationing system, as well as the State’s role. This study had been made possible thanks to many precious archives and invites to question several prejudices concerning « the German war bread » rooted in a more ancient opposition between white and black bread. The conservation of material traces and the transmission of bread-making practices in the long run indicate the capital role of this food for the experience, but also for the remembrance of the war. They prove the interest of a subject which stakes stretch out until the Second World War
Während des Ersten Weltkrieges, als keine Rohstoffe und Getreide mehr aus den benachbarten verfeindeten Staaten importiert werden konnten, mussten Lebensmittel in Deutschland rationiert werden. Das erste rationierte Lebensmittel war das Brot. Vom Anfang des Krieges an, im Jahre 1914, bis zum Vertrag von Versailles im Jahre 1919 geht es darum, die Broterfahrung zu erforschen und zu zeigen, inwiefern die qualitativen und quantitativen Veränderungen die Bereitschaft, der in der Heimat verbliebenen, den Krieg weiterhin zu unterstützen, beeinflusste. Diese Frage ermöglicht es, die Geschichte der Sinne und der Emotionsgeschichte, die Studie der sozialen Praktiken und der kulturellen Darstellungen, der Presse und der Zensur, der Brotpolitik, der Medizin und der Ernährungssichterheit, miteinander zu verbinden. Den ersten Mangelerscheinungen wurde zwischen 1914 und 1916 einerseits durch die Bildung von neuen Institutionen und durch die Suche nach neuen Ersatzmehlsorten entgegengewirkt, andererseits durch die Erfindung eines Kriegsbrotes, dessen Konsum als eine patriotische Geste gedeutet wurde. Ab 1916 rief die qualitative Verschlechterung des Grundnahrungsmittels, das abgelehnt, doch oft erduldet und von den Feinden verspottet wurde, das Gefühl des Ekels hervor. Zwischen 1918 und 1919 befindet sich das Kriegsbrot im Mittelpunkt der Forderungen nach einer Rückkehr zu den Geschmäckern der Friedenszeiten, und zugleich einer grundsätzlicheren Infragestellung des Rationierungssystems und der Rolle des Staates. Ermöglicht wurde diese Forschung durch eine günstige Quellenlage. Durch diese werden Vorurteile bezüglich des « deutschen Kriegsbrotes » hinterfragt, die mit der viel älteren Gegenüberstellung zwischen Weiß- und Schwarzbrot zusammenhängen. Die langfristige Konservierung der materiellen Spuren und die Weitergabe der Herstellungspraktiken deuten auf die wesentliche Rolle des Nahrungsmittels für die Kriegserfahrung, aber auch für die Erinnerung an den Krieg. Sie beweisen die zentrale Stelle eines Themas, das bis zum Zweiten Weltkrieg weiterhin eine Schlüsselrolle einnimmt
Fagot, Maude. "Kommunikation in Kriegsgesellschaften am Beispiel der Evakuierung der deutsch-französischen Grenzregion (1939/40)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040155.
While France and Great-Britain were about to declare war on Germany, more than one million persons were evacuated from the Franco-German Border. Led on both side of the border by civilian and military authorities, the Alsatians, Lorrainers, Badners and Saarlanders living between the defence lines (Maginot-Line, Siegfried Line) were transported inside their own country. These evacuations measures formed – after the mobilization on the front of the men in-age to fight – the second important measure of war, which turned these civil societies into war societies. This transformation has not only consequences on political, economic and social level, but also on communication, which is the topic of this doctoral thesis. The evacuations phenomena allow us to shed light on state propaganda on a national and international level, to reveal the communication methods and interactions between the local authorities and the evacuees and finally to show the communications systems within groups of evacuees by analysing rumours on pillages of the evacuated region. This approach highlights a history of communication in both French and German war society based on top-down and bottom-up perspectives and on comparative and transnational analyses. Communication in war society appears as the fruit of negotiations and interactions in constant evolution between agents with different interests. This study emphasized the limits of the state’s influence over the population, both in a republican democratic state as the French Third Republic and in a dictatorial state with totalitarian ambitions such as the “Third Reich”
Francois, Anne. "Exploiter terres et populations conquises au nom du national-socialisme : l'Ostland dans les Ardennes pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale". Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMC030/document.
In May 1940, the population of the Ardennes fled from the arrival of the German troops. The economic and agricultural ressources of the department, which yet had been subject to evacuation plans since the thirties, were given up to the occupying forces. A few weeks later, a large area of the North-East of France including the Ardennes was declared « forbidden zone ». The cultivable land was confiscated from its owners and taken over for the benefit of the Reich by a company named Ostland, which had already orchestrated a similar spoliation movement in Poland since its invasion. One of its local subsidiaries, WOL III , set up in the Ardennes a vast project to implement the National Socialist agricultural methods which required an abundant workforce. Some German farmers, called crop managers, were sent out there to run large farms on which several thousands of French and colonial prisoners as well as 5000 Ardennes farmers were working under duress. Jewish labourers were also recruited and thousands of Poles, expelled from their villages, were deported to work on these farms with intensive agriculture. This situation caused social tensions that were particuliarly evident during the Liberation and during the « purification » trials involving some WOL employees. French authorities tried to manage the liquidation of the German company and the organisation of the repatriation of the Poles, two difficult operations that took many months to complete. Recognition of Ostland victims was uneven and late since it occurred only from the 1990s onwards. Distinct memories specific to the different groups of workers also emerged at that time and were expressed during commemorations
Cerovic, Masha. "Les Enfants de Joseph : les partisans soviétiques : révolution, guerre civile et résistance armée à l'occupation allemande en URSS (1941-1944)". Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010669.
Chopard, Thomas. "La guerre aux civils : les violences contre les populations juives d'Ukraine (1917-1924) : guerre totale, occupations, insurrections, pogroms". Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0147.
Civil War that ravaged the former Russian Empire after 1917, was also the moment of the worst anti-Jewish persecution before Holocaust, a mix between a deadly war and a new wave of specific violence against Jews. This work explores why emerged a new form of anti-Semitism, fulfilled with religious and economic resentment, but also deeply renewed by a new powerful myth : judeo-bolshevism. Anti-Semitism worsens after 1917 revolution because the Jew's image was a powerful imaginary antagonism for nationalisms - both Ukrainian and Russian - that fought against the supporters of a soviet regime in Ukraine. Anti-Semitism was therefore a basic category in daily management of civilian populations, and especially of the two million Jews in Ukraine, by fighting armies. This context led to mass perpetration of anti-Jewish pogroms that are analysed in details in their patterns and variations. The most extreme forms of violence are emphasized, especially cases of violence from Christians against their Jewish neighbours that moulded a politic of ethnic cleansing and sometimes of extermination. Finally are analysed the immediate and long term effects of violence on the victims. Massive war refugees were brutally managed by neighbour countries, in a last moment of violence. Recomposition of the Jewish population and its prompt integration to the new Soviet society closed this sequence of a decade of war
Geiger, Wolfgang. "L'image de la France dans l'Allemagne hitlérienne et pendant l'après-guerre immédiat". Nantes, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996NANT3007.
This analysis of the image of france and the french is based on about a hundred of monographs (political and historical works, journalistic reports, memories of soldiers). Concerning the war period, we have also exploited the weekly das reich and special reviews as well as archive documents dealing with the perception of the french by the german authorities and with their cultural propaganda. The analysis demonstrates that until 1938, in the context of hitler's peace propaganda", different views of the french could coexist: first, friedrich sieburg's approach which was nevertheless marked by a sentiment of "love and hate", second, paul distelbarth's francophile approach (eclipsed by the defense of nazi germany in the french edition of his book); and third, the ethno-racism of the so-called "raciologues". But all tendencies agreed on the antithetical opposition between french and german "being", culminating in the idea that the french work for living whereas the german live for working. But different political judgements about the degree of "french guiltiness" in this war were opposing each other even in the propaganda writings of 1939 40. Behind the problems of tactics which dominated during the occupation of france, concerning the question of collaboration from the german point of view, the stereotypical perception of the french was intensified, but more than one author revealed a sentiment of ambiguity or even of "love and hate" in a sieburgian way, at least by being jealous of the status of the intellectuals and more generally of culture in france. Were the french able to change their attitude after german victory and under the pressure of collaboration, this was the question dominating the writings about vichy france. The last part of the thesis points out in which mesure many of these stereotypes persisted in occupied western germany, beyond the political turn of 1945
Ingrao, Christian. "Les intellectuels SS du SD, 1900-1945". Amiens, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001AMIE0007.