Articoli di riviste sul tema "Civil supremacy over the military – United States"

While civilian supremacy over the armed forces is accepted as a matter of faith in Western countries, this supremacy often means little more than supremacy of the executive branch of government over top generals. Indeed, efforts to regulate armed forces through broader domestic or international legal frameworks, including international criminal law, have been resisted in some military quarters (particularly in the United Kingdom and the United States) with the military and its backers raising concerns of “legal encirclement” or “lawfare.” The author argues for broad civilian and democratic oversight of armed forces, including through increased judicial and quasi-judicial scrutiny of overseas military actions at the domestic and international levels. The author concludes that broad democratic oversight not only promotes compliance with international legal norms but supports operational effectiveness as well.

After a period of preoccupation with the study of the military in post-colonial states, some scholars have begun to turn their attention to the analysis of politics in post-military states in the Third World.1 This shift, however, has had a considerable impact on perceptions of the traditional rigid dichotomy between military and civilian régimes. In particular, there is increasing scepticism about the ability of the latter to restore political order, to establish the supremacy of civil institutions over the armed forces, and to acquire popular legitimacy. There seems little doubt that the pre-eminence of the soldiers, and their ability to dictate the degree of participation in politics, has continued to persist in a number of African countries, thereby producing systems of government that are a mixture rather than a clear manifestation of either a military or a civilian régime.

Almost 160 years after the American Civil War, where the Union defeated the Confederacy and ended slavery in the United States, approximately 1,910 tributes remain to Confederate military leaders located on public property in the 11 original Confederate states, particularly in cities with an exceptionally high density of Black residents. To Blacks, this iconography delivers a clear message of White supremacy. Six states have enacted laws to protect and preserve these memorials, making it almost impossible to use the court system to move them to private property. This paper explores connections between support for a myth called the Lost Cause, which is a revisionist history intended to spread misinformation about the true cause of the American Civil War, and attitudes toward placement of Confederate symbols on public land. We show that there is significant belief in the Lost-Cause myth among many White U.S. Southerners. Furthermore, we find those who believe most in the myth are the least likely to want to move the monuments or end taxpayer support for their maintenance.

National security rhetoric has gained prominence due to increasingly pervasive digitalization, the emergence of cutting-edge technologies, and developments in artificial intelligence and machine learning. Increased reliance on these areas fuels industrial development but also renders national economies vulnerable to foreign interference. Ultimately, the current wave of technological development with its potential threats intensifies competition between states and redefines their economic and military advantages over potential global rivals. Against this background, certain states have expanded the scope of their export control regimes by extending the lists of controlled items and/or imposing ‘catch-all’ control. Used in conjunction with economic sanctions, weaponized tariffs, and extensive investment screening mechanisms aimed to protect national security interests, such measures go beyond conventional non-proliferation purposes to address economic security, technological supremacy, and human rights concerns for which those states are willing to sacrifice the economic efficiency that accompanies trade liberalization. Using the United States, the European Union, China, and Russia as case studies, this article discusses to which extent different export control objectives of these international actors have been securitized. Securitization of certain states’ interests is inevitable, even if not desirable. Yet, this article argues that international law can be managed to control and limit the level of securitization of domestic policies in order to strengthen the international legal system as a whole. export controls, national security, economic security, securitization, emerging technologies, technological supremacy

The objective of this paper is to identify the process by which military research and development (R&D) priorities affect the evolution of major sectors of the civil economy in capitalist states. Military priorities channel a significant proportion of the resources that capitalist societies devote to R&D: for the United States in the period 1982–4, military R&D amounted to 28.9 per cent of gross domestic expenditure on R&D. The nature of military priorities favours some areas of technological development over others, and when these favoured areas are opened up for military purposes, it is often possible to build a major civil industry on the resultant technology. Examples of this process include nuclear power, civil aviation, space satellites and computers. Some, though by no means all, of the commanding heights of civil economies are thus powerfully shaped by the opportunities created by specifically military R&D.

Sociologists and political scientists have long fretted over the dangers that a politicized military poses to democracy. In recent times, however, civil–military relations experts in the United States accepted retired or indeed still serving generals and admirals in high-ranking political posts. Despite customary revulsion from scholars, the sudden waivers are an indicator that military participation in momentous national security decisions is inherently political without necessarily being partisan, including when civilian authority defers to a largely autonomous sphere for objective military expertise. Military politics is actually critical for healthy civil–military collaboration, when done prudently and moderately. Janowitz and Huntington, founders of the modern study of civil–military relations, understood the U.S. military’s inevitable invitation to political influence. Here, we elaborate on two neglected dimensions, implicit in their projects, of military politics under objective civilian control based on classical virtues of civic republicanism: Aristotle’s practical wisdom and Machiavelli’s virtú.

In 1951, six years after the United States defeated Japan and commenced the Occupation of Okinawa, the U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyus (USCAR) issued an ordinance in support of agricultural cooperatives. Despite the appearance of altruism, the move marked the emergence of the U.S. anticolonial empire, a form that advocated racial and ethnic self-determination even as it expanded the U.S. military presence. This article shows how U.S. policymakers in Okinawa borrowed from modernization theory to implement models to foster ethnic identification through economic development. Their plans sought to render the United States an ally to Okinawa freedom despite the devastating effects militarism had on the local landscape. Specifically, military plans posited frameworks like the Okinawan economy, which strategically turned the military into a partner without whom Okinawa could not modernize. The article further focuses on agriculture, an arena where the contradictions of the U.S. Occupation was most acute. It argues that rehabilitating the local cooperative network drew Okinawans into the military project, not only to paper over the U.S. colonial presence, but also to further the reach of military discipline.

This paper discusses the unprecedented militarization of the Mexican government under the current presidency of Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. This paper presents an overview of the military infringement upon civil control that has existed since 2006 in Mexico and continues to exist due to various factors that will be discussed in this essay, such as: The United States’ strong military influence over the Mexican Armed Forces, the use of the military as a substitute for a failing presidential legitimacy, the use of ‘fuero militar’ to abuse civilians’ human rights and lastly, the Mexican government’s decision to use the military as the only possible solution to intervene and eliminate the drug cartels.

An early-2008 Foreign Policy index found that 88% of active and retired American servicemen and women agree that the war in Iraq has stretched the United States military dangerously thin. Another 60% think that the US military today is weaker than it was five years ago. 74% of those surveyed hold low regards for the civilian leadership expressing that civilian policymakers set unreasonable goals for the US military to accomplish. With current military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan serving as backdrops, these inflections serve as the basis of a much-needed conversation on the evolving roles and responsibilities of civilian and military agencies in the post-conflict environment. The immediate solutions to the military’s frustrations have been logical if not only reactionary or temporary stopgaps. If the military is stretched too thin, then expand it. Over the next five years there will be substantial increases in the Army and Marine Corps by as much as over 90,000 troops. If the military is weakening, then strengthen it. The President’s 2008 defense budget pushes defense spending to levels not seen since the Reagan Administration, bringing with it a slew of new military hardware meant to keep the US military on the cutting edge of technology and flexible in the face of emerging threats. If the military is lacking comprehensive training and doctrine to combat insurgencies, then revise doctrine. In December 2007, the US Army and Marine Corps revamped their Counterinsurgency Field Manual, the first time in over two decades either service had published a field manual devoted to counterinsurgency.3 The next President of the United States will face a dynamic range of transnational threats that will likely make us rethink the way modern wars are fought. From terrorism and counterinsurgency to combating the spread of weapons of mass destruction, from illicit trafficking of drugs, people, and guns back to traditional conventional warfare with rising superpowers such as China and Russia, the United States must maintain a variety of diplomatic and military responses at its disposal. As emerging threats in the twenty-first century appear to be rooted at the nexus of security and development, a single-sided military solution cannot fully resolve a multi-dimensional problem. There is a need to develop a more comprehensive civil-military approach to combating terrorism, insurgency, and asymmetric warfare, something that has not fully materialized on the strategic or on the operational level. In order to do this, there is a need to tear down the stereotypes and reintroduce the hippie (statesmen) to the snake-eater (soldier).

Plaintiffs and respondents, Amerada Hess Shipping Corp. and United Carriers, Inc., were respectively the charterer and owner of the Hercules, a crude oil tanker that was bombed in international waters by Argentine military aircraft during the war over the Malvinas or Falkland Islands. The ship was severely damaged and had to be scuttled off the coast of Brazil. After unsuccessfully seeking relief in Argentina, the companies filed suit against defendant and appellant, the Argentine Republic, in the Southern District of New York. Plaintiffs argued that the federal courts had jurisdiction under the Alien Tort Statute (28 U.S.C. §1350 (1982)), which confers federal jurisdiction over “any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.” The district court dismissed the suit for lack of subject matter jurisdiction, holding that the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976 (28 U.S.C. §§1330, 1602-1611 (1982)) (FSIA) is by its terms the sole basis of federal jurisdiction over cases against foreign states. A divided panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit reversed. The Supreme Court (per Rehnquist, C.J.) unanimously reversed the Second Circuit and held that the FSIA provides the exclusive basis of federal jurisdiction over suits against foreign states.

The Taiwan issue has always been the most controversial topic in US-China relations. Moreover, the Taiwan Strait is often considered the most likely site of a military confrontation between the United States and China. The issue of Taiwans sovereignty has been the subject of questions and controversy regarding the ownership of Taiwans regime and sovereignty in the aftermath of the Second World War and the Communist Civil War. This paper analyses the political, economic, and cultural reasons for the establishment of diplomatic relations between the US and China. From the perspective of the construct of international relations, although the Taiwan issue is a dispute, the current analytical perspective suggests that whether China and the US will go to war in Taiwan will always exist, but to a greater extent it will be resolved through economic warfare, political approaches, and other means.

Cost distribution theory suggests that the costs to the median voter in a democracy of fighting an insurgency with firepower are relatively low compared to a more labor-intensive approach. Therefore, this voter will favor a capitalintensive counterinsurgency campaign despite the resulting diminished prospects of victory. Primary and secondary sources show that President Lyndon Johnson and his civilian aides were very much aware that, although they considered a main force—focused and firepower-intensive strategy to be largely ineffective against the insurgency in South Vietnam, it was politically more popular in the United States. Importantly, civil-military agreement on warfighting strategy does not undermine this explanation, which assumes that civilian leaders, and ultimately the public, play an essential role in that strategy's determination. Appointing and supporting Gen. William Westmoreland was just one means by which the Johnson administration ensured that the U.S. military emphasized the fight against conventional enemy units and relied on the use of firepower for the fight against Vietcong insurgents. Civil-military disagreements over strategy, however rare, therefore provide the essential test of cost distribution theory's explanatory power. When officials suggested that the U.S. military adopt more labor-intensive pacification approaches to fight the insurgency, the Johnson administration rejected them.

Both parties involved in the civil war in Syria, reached to secure the support of other states and the control over considerable parts of the territory, but none of them could trigger a comprehensive military defeat against the other. The cost of the conflict where government forces as well as armed rebels continue to commit atroccities has been shocking. Security Council with regard to the problem of Syria was divided between a majority who wanted a strong response to implement the Responsibility to Protect and some who did not want. The debate between Western democracies was based on the fact if foreign governments should militarily intervene in Syria, being that they thought military intervention could aggravate the conflict and could increase the sufferings of ordinary Syrians. However individual countries and regional organizations took actions to maintain their responsibility to protect. The use of the veto by the permanent members of the Security Council to prevent the implementation of the "Responsibility to Protect " which aims to end the massive atrocities is inconsistent with the goals of the United Nations and makes the Security Council inappropriate on the situation when his involvement to resolve conflict situations is an urgent need. State sovereignty can no longer constitute an unrestricted license to mass killings and other atrocity crimes.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, elements within the U.S. ruling class came to believe that their country was militarily invincible. Indeed, they believed this newfound military superiority over any potential rival was something new in human history. So great was its technological advantage, the United States could destroy its enemies with complete impunity. A long-heralded Revolution in Military Affairs was taking place, enabling the United States to reshape the world. New smart technologies would disperse the "fog of war," making it possible for the United States to kill its enemies without their being able to strike back, and the "Vietnam syndrome" could be overcome once and for all.&hellip; Even so, at this point in time, the U.S. government proceeded with considerable caution. The then-secretary of defense, Dick Cheney no less, made clear that the United States did not invade and occupy Iraq at this time because of the danger of finding itself in a "quagmire" where it would be taking casualties while the Kurds, the Shia, and the Sunnis fought it out. The administration decided not to involve itself in "that civil war." Such a commitment would have had to involve the use of "overwhelming force" for an extended period if it was to have any chance of success. This was in 1991. Ten years later such caution had been replaced by an overweening self-confidence, by a belief that the United States could completely reshape the Middle East, starting with Iraq, and then moving on to Syria and Iran. And, moreover, this could all be achieved with a comparatively small invading and occupying army.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-6" title="Vol. 67, No. 6: November 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>

The article analyzes the origins and causes of public resistance in the United States about the issue of preservation of monuments, symbolizing the period of the Confederacy in the U.S. South during the Civil war (1861-1865). Indicates that the main factor in the confrontation was a victory in the presidential elections of 2016 of D.Trump, who in the minds of his Democratic Party supporters is associated with racial ideas of “white supremacy”. With the coming to power of D. Trump in the U.S. relatively powerful movement emerged, mainly in the southern States for the demolition and dismantling of Confederate monuments, which symbolize, in the opinion of left-liberal forces, the ideas and theories of superior and inferior races, who were believed to be sunk into oblivion after the adoption in the 1960-s of civil rights laws. Currently in the U.S. there are more than 1.5 thousand artifacts relating to or symbolizing the period of the Confederacy and glorify its military leaders. The specific histories of the dismantling of monuments of the Confederation in various States are outlined. However are considered and the counteractions of the opponents of dismantling the legacy of the Confederacy are considered, which created in the recent years the strong legal barriers for the protection of Confederate monuments under the pretext of protecting the cultural heritage of past historical periods. It is stated that in retrospect, the current wave of dismantling of the Confederate monument is to some extent а justified step because for the first 30 years of the twentieth century these monuments were erected as political symbols of the segregation-racist regime of apartheid established in 26 U.S. States after the adoption of the so- called laws of “Jim Crow” at the turn of XIX-XX centuries. In the conclusion it is stated that under the President D. Trump the severity of the problem of the removal/preservation of Confederate monuments and other monuments of the past American history will remain in the foreseeable future.

This article studies whether the pursuit of counterterrorism militarizes foreign aid flows. It focuses on the case of US foreign aid to sub-Saharan African states, which recently have experienced an increase in the presence of al-Qaeda or its affiliate terrorist organizations. This article argues that as terrorist groups carry out attacks inside a state’s territory, aid towards that state will serve such counterterrorism goals. For one, the state’s executive branch will receive increased military aid to immediately fight al-Qaeda or affiliates. For the other, the United States also steps up aid for civil society and development, which could over time undermine al-Qaeda’s mobilization and recruitment efforts. In an empirical analysis that covers 46 African states from 1996 to 2011, our results largely corroborate the hypothesized patterns for attacks that occur on a country territory and in the neighborhood. We note, though, that the overall composition of aid shifts relative to the military when there are direct attacks, something that does not occur when attacks happen in the neighborhood only. Our article concludes that concerns about militarization of aid are warranted, but that actual manifestations are nuanced.

No U.S. history textbook mentions Robert Allen, George H. Crosman, John H. Dickerson, Thomas Swords, or Stewart Van Vliet. Yet in certain respects they were five of the most important government officials in the nineteenth-century United States. Each was a high-ranking officer in the Quartermaster's Department, a bureau of the U.S. army entrusted with military procurement. During the Civil War, the supply depots in which they worked—in Philadelphia, New York, Cincinnati, and St. Louis—were indispensable adjuncts to the Union war effort. The magnitude of the procurement project was unprecedented: in four years, these five officers alone paid contractors and civilian employees $350 million. This sum amounted to nearly one-third of the total of over $1 billion that the Quartermaster's Department as a whole spent to equip the Union army. No other single project, in either government or business, involved the expenditure of such an enormous sum. In an age in which few Americans made $2 a day, $350 million was equivalent to the total wartime income of one hundred thousand households. Adjusted for inflation, this was roughly equal to the entire federal budget during the administration of President James Buchanan (1857–61).

The article discusses the current formats of international cooperation after the start of a special military operation of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine. It is concluded that the beginning of the CSR became a catalyst for global changes, the transition of the world from a system of globalization and a rules-based order to a new system of macro[1]regions and a system of states-civilizations. The methods of discourse analysis and event analysis are used to examine global trends, among which are the curtailment of globalization processes, the gradual departure from the Jamaican monetary system, and geopolitical instability. With the help of system and intent analysis, prospective future macro-regional associations are studied: European, American, Asian, Middle Eastern, African, Eurasian. Conclusions are drawn about the future fate of the geopolitical leaders – the United States, China, Russia, and the European Union. It is summarized that the United States is in a deep political and civilizational crisis; it seems possible to «reset» this country, including in the version of a new civil war. It is said that the European Union is losing its economic and political sovereignty in favor of the United States. Russia is regarded as a civilization country with more than a thousand years of history, which takes the course of prioritizing national interests over an unfair rules-based order, which gives it the opportunity to take advantageous positions in the future system of international relations.

What role does oil play in international security? While the threat of “resource wars” over possession of oil reserves is often exaggerated, the sum total of the political effects generated by the oil industry makes it a leading cause of war. Between one-quarter and one-half of interstate wars since 1973 have been connected to one or more oil-related causal mechanisms. Eight distinct mechanisms exist: resource wars, in which states try to acquire oil reserves by force; petro-aggression, whereby oil facilitates domestic political control of aggressive leaders such as Saddam Hussein or Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini; externalization of civil wars in petrostates; financing for insurgencies, such as Iranian oil money to Hezbollah; conflicts over potential oil-market domination, such as the United States' conflict with Iraq over Kuwait in 1991; control over transit routes, such as shipping lanes and pipelines; oil-related grievances, whereby the presence of foreign workers in petrostates helps extremist groups such as al-Qaida recruit locals; and as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation, such as when an importer curries favor with a petrostate to prevent multilateral cooperation on security issues. Understanding these mechanisms can help policymakers design grand strategy and allocate military resources.

We rarely witness wars between states anymore but this does not mean that there are fewer conflicts or less injustice worldwide. The contrary is true. More people than ever have become a victim of civil wars, other sub-state armed conflicts and genocide during recent years. The international community disagrees about how to react to gross human rights violations that occur in the course of these “new wars”: whereas some think this is a genuine task for the United Nations, others stress the argument of unrestrained national sovereignty as essential condition for international peace. Despite unceasing contestation, foreign interventions are nevertheless increasingly seen as an appropriate response to this kind of armed domestic conflicts – at least under certain conditions. The latest testimony in this direction is the emergence of an intense international debate over the “responsibility to protect”, which seeks to justify military invention in cases of a severe violation of individual negative rights of freedom.

The American Civil War, 1861-1865, broke out during a time of intense debate over slavery and fear of foreign-born influence on American society. The war’s outbreak, however, provided both freedmen and immigrants an opportunity to prove their loyalty to the United States. Scandinavian Americans, among other ethnic groups, seized the opportunity. This article argues that the Scandinavian elite implicitly constructed at least three different forms of ethnic identity – here termed exclusive, political, and national – to spur enlistment at the ground level, gain political influence, and demonstrate American allegiance. In the process the Scandinavian war effort strengthened these immigrant soldiers’ ties to their adopted nation, while a political ethnic identity, initially constructed in opposition to other ethnic groups, was weakened by the Scandinavians’ experience in the American multiethnic military crucible. The Civil War thereby hastened Scandinavian immigrants’ path towards the American mainstream, where many veterans subsequently served as a bridge between their local communities and broader American society, and reinforced their belief in American civic nationalism.

Abstract The controversy surrounding the announcement by the US Treasury, in April 2016, that the portraits of Harriet Tubman and Andrew Jackson will “share” the twenty-dollar bill-which the latter has embodied for almost a century-highlights a glaring incongruity: A formerly enslaved black woman and abolitionist leader is being placed in iconic proximity with an exemplary historical representative of the United States as a national experiment built on whiteness, slavery, and genocide. Our essay revolves around three basic questions: Why Tubman? Why Jackson? Why Now? The Treasury’s decision and its subsequent vicissitudes allow insights into the blurring of Barack Obama’s avowed “post-racialism,” which presided over the idea to redesign the currency, into the overt white supremacy and anti-black violence at the onset of the Trump regime, which has de facto frozen the implementation of the new bill. The story serves, namely, as a commentary on paradigmatic antiblackness as a force that, being constitutive of American civil society, has been fortified by the “post-racial” pretences of the Obama era. With reference to Christina Sharpe’s notion of “monstrous intimacy” and Saidiya Hartman’s theorization of “fungibility,” we argue that the twenty-dollar bill affair reflects the ways in which the interlocutory life of civil society is fortified by the continuous positioning, in popular imagination and discourse, of the black female body as inert matter in modes of appropriation, violence, and representation that sustain America’s political and libidinal economy.

Civic space, an imperative to a democratic society where citizens can exercise their basic rights, is now under attack in Afghanistan. The fall of the Islamic Emirate in 2001 by a coalition of the U.S.-led military intervention grounded the rise of a vibrant environment for civil society and human rights defenders (HRDs). Promoting and safeguarding democratic values, mainly freedom of speech, assembly, and association, enshrined within a progressive constitutional framework, had turned to the topic of the day. The heavy presence of foreign troops with the money influx put strong support behind the nascent Afghan CSOs, HRDs, and democracy advocates to speak up for the many repressed Afghans. However, the drawdown of foreign troops proceeded by protracted political infighting between Afghan leaders over power-sharing, shaped a grim milestone for civic space and human rights in 2014. The Afghan security forces had learned but not enough to take full security responsibility. Meanwhile, the Afghan leaders were wrestling over power in Kabul while an emboldened Taliban was threatening civic space by making more territorial gains in provinces. Consequently, the security situation deteriorated dramatically, triggering widespread public protests. To respond, the government resorted to the use of force against protesters, and democratic advocates and introduced legal restrictions to prevent any prospective unrest. Finally, the U.S. military withdrawal has doubled concerns over the loss of the rights under civic space. Therefore, the United States should stay, not forever, but until the Afghan peace negotiations succeed.

During the mid-to-late nineteenth century, the American Civil War, Canadian Confederation, transnational violence, and rising concerns over undesirable immigration increased anxieties in Canada and the United States over the permeability of their shared border. Both countries turned to a combination of direct and indirect control to assert their authority and police movement across the line. Direct control utilized military units, police officers, customs officials, and border guards to restrict movement by stopping individuals at the border itself. This approach had minimal success in limiting the movement of groups such as the Coast Salish, Lakota, Dakota, and Cree. In response, both countries employed indirect border-control strategies that attacked the motivations for crossing the border instead of its physical manifestation. They used rations, annuities, extra-legal evictions, and reserve land to impose national boundaries onto First Nations communities in the prairies and on the West Coast. The application of this indirect approach differed by region, by tribe, and by community leading to a ragged set of borderland policies that remained in flux throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Periodical publications have played an important role in the development of aeronautics, providing a platform for scientific exchange and informing the public about the ongoing progress. This study analyzes periodicals covering the issues related to aeronautics from 1783 to 1945 on a worldwide scale. It assumes that the number and diversification of periodicals dedicated to aeronautics published in a given country depend directly on the level of development of air power in that country. The result shows that periodicals from only four countries dominated, three fourths of all titles published coming from France, Germany, Great Britain and the United States. In 1945, by the end of the period under study, these four countries, together with the Soviet Union and Japan, were also the world’s dominant air powers in terms of both civil and military air activities. The study also analyzes the development of periodicals over time, the diversification of periodicals by major subject areas and the interdependence of information flows between the four major air powers.

International relations have always focused on security and conflict studies. These themes are central to understand several factors from geopolitics to world (re)ordering. There is no doubt that since the Second World War, the role played by the United States (US) is crucial to understand such aspects of international life. Furthermore, their acting in Latin America follows the same pattern. In that sense, this article proposes to address the following research question: which changes in the US' foreign policy towards Latin America influenced conflict patterns in the Interamerican system after the Cold War? We intend to demonstrate that shifts on US’ foreign policy towards Latin American, from military actions to economic embargos, had an impact over conflict patters in the region after the end of the Cold War. In order to assess the manifold aspects of US-Latin America relations, we explore data on Interamerican conflicts and map 60 years of economic and military conflict in the American continent and systematize conflictive interactions to identify patterns and changes in US-Latin America interplay. We present evidence of a significant change in the kind of conflict, from military to economic, since the end of the Cold War. Our findings indicate a predominance of military interventions during the Cold War, especially as a US response to intrastate wars (revolutions and civil wars), targeting predominantly small Central American and Caribbean countries. After the end of the Cold War, economic sanctions dominated the agenda, with the US targeting mostly Latin America’s three largest countries, Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina.

This paper tried to critically examine the military alliance between the U.S., Britain, and China through China’s role in the Cairo talks and changes in the Allied strategy against Japan before and after the talks. Immediately after the outbreak of the Pacific War, the national government proposed a military alliance to the West, and a military alliance was signed between the United States, Britain, and China. However, each country had a different view of the Allied military alliance. As a result, the difference in strategy between the US, UK, and Chinese military leaders resulted in Burma being occupied by the Japanese military in a short period of time. Since 1943, as the war has developed in favor of the Allies on the battlefields of Europe and the Pacific, the Allies held Cairo talks for the post-war Asian initiative and the Japan-Japan strategy. Chiang Kai-shek’s participation in the Cairo conference led China to become one of the four major powers. But it was a semi-final in justification, not a real one. In Tehran, the Allies decided to end the war in Asia after ending the war in Europe first. Of course, the strategy agreed upon by the Allies at the Tehran talks may have been a way to quickly end World War II as a whole. However, this strategy could have a huge negative impact on Eastern Europe and Asia, even if the damage to the Chinese national government was left alone. First of all, in Europe, the Soviet Union advanced to Germany and influenced post-war Eastern Europe, and then in Northeast Asia, the Soviet Union exerted influence over Manchuria rather than other powers, which had a decisive impact on the outcome of the post-war civil war.

The following article examines aspects of the United States Agency for International Collaboration (USAID) programs influence in the rule of law field, started in the USSR during the early 90s. USAID-funded Rule of Law implementers helped draft the Russian Constitution, Part I of the Russian Civil Code, and the Russian Tax Code. The American Bar Association of the USA took an active part in changing Russian legislation since 1992, which was also funded by the USAID. The Constitution of 1993 included a provision on the priority of international law over national legislation. This provision was also included in Article 1 of the Criminal Code and in Article 1 of the Russian Code of Criminal Procedure. The article also deals with an enshrined supremacy of the Constitution found in the US Constitution and that of the European countries. For example, if there is a conflict between constitutional provisions and an international treaty, priority is given to the Constitution. Not all states recognize certain norms and implement them, just as legal practice is not always identical. Attempts to introduce alien values, ideologies, cultures and traditions, all the more with the help of international law, pose a threat to the democratic foundations of the Constitution as a legal act that has the highest legal force in the legal system of the state. The author suggests that the text of the Constitution of the Russian Federation would see the provision removed, according to which international law forms an integral part of the legal system of the Russian Federation. Amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation will strengthen Russia’s independence in the sphere of law, bringing back the best traditions of the functioning state authorities and judicial bodies, which should correspond to the current development of Russian society. Keywords: international law, constitutional law, the rule of law, double standards, human rights.

Introduction. The article analyzes visual propaganda during the American Civil War, its goals, methods, and means for both belligerents. The problem is relevant in connection with modern information wars and is insufficiently studied in American and Russian historiography. Methods and materials. The research is based on historicism, objectivity, consistency, dialectical approach, philosophical and sociological theories that study the nature of social consciousness and the factors that influence it, namely the theory of C. Jung on the collective unconscious and archetypal images, the theory of social constructionism by P. Berger and N. Luckmann, the achievements of imagology and discursive analysis. The sources for the study were visual materials: posters, drawings, paintings, cartoons, photographs of the Civil War in the United States, placed in open access on the World Wide Web, published in illustrated periodicals: Harper’s Weekly, Frank Leslie’s Illustrated, Vanity Fair, The Southern Illustrated News, presented in book publications. Analysis. During the American Civil War, the country was split between northerners, supporters of the Union, and southerners who fought for the independence of the Confederate States. In the conditions of a military conflict, visual propaganda turned out to be most popular and effective. Its goal was to convince the warring parties of the rightness of their own cause, to mobilize society on achieving victory. In the North, the image of the enemy – “Johnny the rebel” – was constructed in order to incite hatred towards the southerners. In the South, the image of the “damned Yankee” was created. Both northern and southern visual propaganda relied on time-tested images (the image of the motherland, the warrior-defender, home and family), as well as on the collective unconscious and archetypes of consciousness associated with religious views and historical roots, used a variety of tools, techniques and methods. The most powerful means of influence were the traditions of the War of Independence, the legacy of the Founding Fathers. The use of national symbols was characteristic: Union and Confederate flags, images of presidents and military leaders. The most common means of visual propaganda were posters and leaflets, postal envelopes, banknotes decorated with patriotic symbols. Drawings and cartoons were an important means of mobilizing the population. They were placed in illustrated newspapers and magazines, and were also printed separately in the form of engravings and lithographs. Visual propaganda played on emotions, it was built on the opposition of “friend/ foe”, depicting its supporters as heroes worthy of admiration, and its enemies as insidious, cruel and cowardly. Results. Despite certain similarities in the conduct of propaganda by both warring parties, it turned out to be more comprehensive and effective in the North, which influenced the achievement of victory over the South. Key words: U.S. history, the Civil War of 1861–1865, visual propaganda, the “friend/foe” dichotomy, imagology.

This is the title of the third issue in the twenty-fourth volume of the Contemporary Military Challenges. We started from the changes that have taken place over the last few years. We have had in mind the increased migration flows towards the European Union, the experience of the Covid 19 epidemic, the climate change that surprises us time and time again, despite the fact that we are aware of it, and that we are trying to adapt and respond to it accordingly. In March this year, the "Strategic Compass for Security and Defence - For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security" was launched, and at the end of June, the new NATO Strategic Concept. Both with the aim of rethinking, aligning and unifying the way we look at existing security challenges and developing new security perspectives. At the beginning of this year, we were taken by surprise by the Russian Federation's armed attack against Ukraine. Some had predicted it; others only foresaw it. Many were convinced, however, that such a phenomenon was not possible in a modern democratic society. Huntington's theory of a clash of civilisations, which seemed to have outlived its usefulness in modern European society, has become relevant again. A realistic view of the contemporary security, social and political situation in the world and, above all, the crisis of values and the consequent need for unification have encouraged the European Union to aspire to become a global security actor in the international environment. The war in Ukraine is forcing the European Union to act. It has prepared a package of economic measures or sanctions to influence the Russian Federation in terms of expressing its disapproval of its unilateral moves. However, the Member States are not entirely united on how to confront and counter the situation. Without unity, united political positions and united action, the European Union cannot become the global security actor that it has claimed to be in its strategic compass. In this context, it is also worth mentioning its Common Security and Defence Policy, which is first and foremost a policy, and the fact that the European Union does not have its own military capabilities to manage. The Member States have military capabilities, and they spend varying amounts on their defence. Over the last decade, most Member States have been reducing their defence expenditure, despite the fact that it was agreed at the NATO summit in Wales in 2012 that it would amount up to 2% of GDP. Not all Member States of the European Union are members of the Alliance, but there are twenty-one of them that are members of both. Douglas Barrie and his colleagues produced a special report in 2020 on 'European defence policy in an era of renewed great-power competition', which concluded that, assuming that all Member States did indeed spend 2% of GDP on defence, the European Union and its Member States would need ten to fifteen years to be adequately prepared in terms of security capabilities for a possible aggression by a country with the military capabilities of the Russian Federation today. With investments in this area as they are in 2022, it would take twenty years. This leads to the logical conclusion. There are only two ways of stopping the Russian Federation in its territorial and, of course, political ambitions. The first and most appropriate is political, the second military. Since the European Union does not represent a serious opponent in defence and military terms to this large and militarily powerful country, the only way for it to achieve its status as a global security actor is politically. The military conflict in Ukraine is a major test for both the Union and the Alliance. The European Union now has the opportunity to test how strong and credible its ideals, values and beliefs are. Are its senior representatives wise and innovative enough to look beyond economic sanctions to other diplomatic avenues to achieve what they have written in their strategic compass – to be a global player? Time will answer this question. Until then, however, scholars and other experts will be studying the various influences and phenomena in the security domain. Some of them will also share them with the readers of Contemporary Military Challenges. In a time of economic sanctions imposed by the European Union, Tamas Somogyi and Rudolf Nagy focus on the protection of critical infrastructure, of which the financial sector is an important part. In their article Cyber threats and security challenges in the Hungarian financial sector, they explore the security risks facing the banking system in their country. The paper Geostrategic perspectives of Slovenia in a changing world draws on two geopolitical theories by Mackinder and Spykman, who develop their views on the European space. Uroš Tovornik explored Slovenia's geostrategic position on the basis of their theories, focusing on its geopolitical characteristics. He summarised his findings into four possible scenarios, which are determined by these characteristics and from which possible future geopolitical orientations are derived. Olusola Kolawole Oluwagbire explored the influence of the world’s major powers and how this is reflected in the case of each country. Africa, as a very large continent, is made up of many and diverse countries. The influence of the major powers has always been very strong and integral to African life and the security of its people. In his article An assessment of the impact of relations with major powers on national security: Nigeria in perspective, the author presents how this has changed in recent years and how it affects the security of each country in. Mariann Minkó-Miskovics and Csaba Szabó note that there is an inconsistency between European and Hungarian legislation in the field of dual-use regulation, i.e. for civil and defence purposes. Moreover, they are convinced that this inconsistency may pose a security risk. What this means in practice is presented in the article Interpretation of civil vs. military equipment in European case law - EU and Hungary. Jarosław Włodarczyk writes on the importance of a proper understanding of language between different stakeholders in the international military environment. His study focuses on the teaching of English among military personnel in Poland and on those types of words that do not have a direct translation from Polish into English or vice versa. A particular challenge here is how to adequately explain and teach this to military personnel in the educational process. He summarised his findings in his paper The problem of lexical gaps in teaching military English.

When NATO was created on 4 April 1949 by the United States, Britain, Canada, and several Western European countries with the aim tocontain the Soviet Union’s expansion of power, it was rather peculiar that Greece and Türkiye were excluded, while their Mediterranean neighbour, Italy, was included in this new military organisation. As Greece suffered from the communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), and Türkiye was unceasingly under Soviet military and diplomatic threat over the provinces of Kars and Ardahan and the Turkish Straits settlements (1946–1953), both seemingly had valid reasons for being included in NATO. However, Britain, one of the renowned founding members of NATO, determinedly repudiated to invite Greece and Türkiye to join NATO. This paper analyses the reasons for Britain to deny these countries NATO membership. The existing literature on this exclusion subject argues that the geographical location and the forthcoming Mediterranean Pact were two apparent causes that influenced Britain to reject Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership. This paper however, investigates other rejection reasons that have yet to be studied by previous scholars. This paper offers an analysis of Britain’s objections to Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership during NATO’s creation years through the study of British primary historical records. The finding shows that Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was eager to have NATO promptly formed, and he believed the proposal for Greece and Türkiye’s inclusion in NATO would hamper this aim, since these two countries were in a dispute over Cyprus. Bevin reckoned that the bitter relationship between Greece and Türkiye over Cyprus would alarm the delegations, hence prolonging the discussions that would lead to further postponement of NATO’s ratification. Thus, Bevin’s démarche was not to propose the inclusion of Greece and Türkiye in NATO at the time.

Organizations with large facility and infrastructure portfolios have used asset management databases for over ten years to collect and standardize asset condition data. Decision makers use these data to predict asset degradation and expected service life, enabling prioritized maintenance, repair, and renovation actions that reduce asset life-cycle costs and achieve organizational objectives. However, these asset condition forecasts are calculated using standardized, self-correcting distribution models that rely on poorly-fit, continuous functions. This research presents four stepwise asset condition forecast models that utilize historical asset inspection data to improve prediction accuracy: (1) Slope, (2) Weighted Slope, (3) Condition-Intelligent Weighted Slope, and (4) Nearest Neighbor. Model performance was evaluated against BUILDER SMS, the industry-standard asset management database, using data for five roof types on 8549 facilities across 61 U.S. military bases within the United States. The stepwise Weighted Slope model more accurately predicted asset degradation 92% of the time, as compared to the industry standard’s continuous self-correcting prediction model. These results suggest that using historical condition data, alongside or in-place of manufacturer expected service life, may increase the accuracy of degradation and failure prediction models. Additionally, as data quantity increases over time, the models presented are expected to improve prediction skills. The resulting improvements in forecasting enable decision makers to manage facility assets more proactively and achieve better returns on facility investments.

Establishing American Colonial Government in thePhilippinesSummaryThe Philippines was the only American colony and its establishmentcaused a fierce debate in the United States on whether this complied withthe principles of American civil society. It was decided that returning thearchipelago to Spain or simply abandoning it was out of the question,and that the USA would retain its sovereignty over the islands whilepreparing the country for independence.This is in fact what happened. After the period of military strugglewith the forces of Emilio Aguinaldo, Americans began what would todaybe described as a nation-building process. Its most important components were the health system and education, along with the training ofadministrative staff, who assumed more and more responsibility. Thiswas in stark contrast with the behaviour of traditional colonial powers.While the process was somewhat slower than expected, and wasinterrupted by the outbreak of World War 2, the Philippines becameindependent soon after the war and the process of transition was conducted in an orderly fashion.The article, the first on the topic in Poland, analyses the successivephases in the building up of American colonial control of the Philippinesand its subsequent withdrawal.

Over two centuries after the invention of blackboards, they still feature prominently in many American classrooms. The blackboard has outlasted most other educational innovations and technologies, and has always been more than anaide memoire. Students and teachers have long assumed inscriptions on its surface made mental processes visible. As early as 1880, in fact, the A.H. Andrews & Co. catalog described the blackboard as a “mirror reflecting the workings, character, and quality of the individual mind.” The blackboard's ultimate origins are unclear but in North America one institution, the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York, played a particularly important role in establishing the device within classrooms. The blackboard's use at West Point in the first years of the nineteenth century garnered the novel tool notice and by the Civil War, the blackboard's place had been so firmly established in American schools as to be easily overlooked in importance; it was simply part of the physical and intellectual architecture of the classroom, Subsequent changes in construction and production have affected cost and appearance, but the basic idea of a vertical surface on which erasable inscriptions are made has remained.

From 1996 to 2001, the Taliban group ruled over Afghanistan before the 2001 World Trade Center bombing in the USA. Then, this group was overthrown by a military invasion that actually served the interests of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or NATO members. After the absence of strong evidence of the involvement of the Taliban in the 2001 WTC bombing, the United States and its allies began to receive internal and international pressure to immediately withdraw from Afghanistan. This invasion led to the death of many American soldiers. Many survivors suffered from mental disorders. Apart from that, the Afghanistan invasion that went on for 20 years greatly burdened the budget, as its financing reached 31 thousand trillion rupiahs. This study used the normative research method. Results showed that the Taliban's return to power does not violate international law. But in terms of human rights, its return will decrease the human rights index of Afghan citizens. This condition is commonplace in authoritarian countries. This is due to the Taliban’s political attitudes that lack respect for women's rights in the modern era. It also lacks concern for civil rights in a modern democratic state

“The other Civil War” is how many Minnesotans think of the U.S.-Dakota Conflict of 1862, fought for six weeks in the recently established state as the Civil War raged elsewhere (Nichols). These hostilities between groups of Dakota Indians and the U.S. government were triggered by a containable incident near Acton, Minnesota, in which four hungry young Dakotas apparently challenged five white settlers over food and then killed them. But some Indians decided against containment, and the Conflict instead escalated into a contest for traditional Dakota cultural identity and cohesion. Of course, the Dakotas' sense of siege had been exacerbated for years by “the historically familiar rapacious traders, ethnocentric missionaries, white men's decimating diseases, inept Indian Bureau officials, equivocating United States government representatives, and deplorably conflicting military policies,” as well the growing number of “land-hungry settlers” (Russo, 99). When the war ended in late September 1862, about five hundred whites and a considerable, but unknown, number of Dakotas and crossbloods were dead (Anderson and Woolworth, 1). The U.S. government unilaterally abrogated treaties with the Dakotas – regardless of individuals' actual involvement in the Conflict – removed or imprisoned them, conducted hasty and illegal trials, and sent thirtyeight to the gallows in Mankato, Minnesota, on December 26, 1862. It is believed to be the largest mass execution in American history. Although little known outside the state, this short but intense war has been called “a microcosm of the tragedy of Indian–white relations in America,” and its repercussions still resonate over a century later (Nichols, 4).

AbstractThis article revisits the issue of the offshore islands in the Taiwan Strait during the Cold War. Benefitting from archival materials only recently made available, specifically Chiang Kai-shek's personal diaries, CIA declassified materials, Taiwanese Foreign Ministry files, and rare publications from the Contemporary Taiwan Collection at the Library of the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, this research examines the cloud of suspicion surrounding the secret contacts between Taipei and Beijing leading up to and during the 1958 offshore islands crisis, elucidating how such a political tête-à-tête, and the resultant tacit consensus over the status of the islands, gradually brought about an end to the conflict between Taiwan and Communist China. In hindsight, the crises over the offshore islands along China's southeast coast momentarily brought the United States closer to war with Communist China, while putting the relationship between Taipei and Washington to a serious test. The end result, however, was that, while these isles were technically embedded in the unfinished civil war between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists, they provided, ironically, an opportunity for secret communications and, ultimately, a kind of détente between the two supposedly deadly enemies across the Taiwan Strait. A close examination of the details of these crises, along with their attendant military, political, and diplomatic complexities, reveals an amazing amount of political intrigue at both the local and international levels that has not been fully realized until now.

The paper examines how military and political leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain assessed in the first post-war years and in the face of emerging bipolar world order the lessons of World War II, how the latter influenced their strategic planning and forecasts with the emergence of nuclear weapons. The author outlines the key features of this period (1945–1949), including still fresh memories of the unprecedented destruction and losses of the past war, the US ‘nuclear monopoly’, and the absence of a system for nuclear deterrence. The paper provides a systematic comparison of lessons from the past war, learnt by the Soviet, the US and British establishment, identifies similarities and differences between them. The author concludes that WWII was perceived by the political and military leaders of that time as a model of the eventual ‘great war’ in the future, which almost certainly would be ‘total’ and ‘global’ in scope and would demand both thorough preparations during the peacetime and the militarization of civil life. Indeed, the experience of WWII had greatly influenced the strategic and operational planning in the USSR, the USA and Great Britain in 1945–1949. Moscow prepared to face the potential aggression on its Western borders or in the Far East in order to avoid the mistakes of 1941. In Washington the decisionmakers acknowledged the Soviet superiority in conventional weapons and didn’t exclude the possibility that the Soviet Army could quickly establish control over the Western Europe and that the US military would have to retake it in a ‘new Operation Overlord’. The pessimistic outlook of the ‘defense of the Rhine’ was also shared in London, and the British military planned to evacuate the troops to the British Isles (‘shadow of Dunkirk’) and to focus on strategic bombing of the USSR and its allies. Even the appearance of nuclear weapons, that would dramatically alter the strategic context in the following years, played a relatively minor role in 1945–1949. The author concludes that the shadow of World War II and its lessons had a long-lasting effect on the post-war international relations.

AbstractDuring the later years of the War of Resistance to Japan (1937–1945), United States (US) propaganda activities intensified in both Japanese military-occupied and ‘free’ regions of China. One of the most important organizations behind these activities was the Office of War Information (OWI). This paper examines the OWI, and particularly its Overseas Office, as key institutional actors within a broader US total war effort which touched the lives of civilian populations in East Asia as well as combatants, arguing that: •US propaganda institutions and propagandists played demonstrable roles in representing and shaping the experience of war in China;•these institutions, which included Asians and individuals of Asian descent, simultaneously acted to advance US goals in the wartime ‘Far East’;•while cooperation between US and Chinese governments was sporadic in the area of psychological warfare, conflicts over control often undermined or limited operations;•despite these shortcomings, US propaganda institutions (which included both the OWI and offices within the Department of State) had developed comparatively wide-ranging capabilities by the end of the war, and continued operations into the Civil War of 1945–1949.By 1945 propaganda had become an activity which regularly targeted allied populations as well as enemies. This process was facilitated by the early twentieth-century communications revolution, but was planned and controlled by the new engineers of the post-war order.

Salman bin Abdulaziz who ascended the throne of Saudi Arabia in 2015 faced the challenge of abandoning the feudal pyramid and establishing a new power vertical. Volatility in oil prices and falling budget revenues posed a threat to social stability. Additional drivers of instability were the military involvement in the civil war in Yemen, Sunni-Shiite contradictions in the Eastern Province, and tensions with Qatar. In 2016, the Vision 2030 program, which entailed profound reforms, was adopted. It suggested the IPO of Saudi ARAMCO, the development of non-oil sectors, in particular tourism, the accelerated expansion of the private sector, labor market reforms, including greater women’s participation in labor force, and weakening the conservative control of the Wahhabi corporation over society. The first stage of the implementation of Vision 2030 provided for the expansion of cooperation with the United States, especially after the administration of D.Trump came into office, and for more political interaction with Washington, but at the same time encouraged the development of mutually beneficial ties with Russia. Inside the kingdom, the course of reforms drew both the support of a part of society interested in their implementation as it understood the urgency of significant changes, and the opposition of another part that aimed at protecting its privileges and maintaining strict Wahhabi traditions. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman became the personification of the new course.

Abstract. Airports are not only important infrastructure for both civil and military use but also have significant impacts on socio-economic development and the built-up environment. OpenStreetMap (OSM) can be an essential data source for acquiring various airport elements, but few studies have investigated data quality. To fill this gap, this study aims to assess the quality (especially completeness) of airport data in OSM by comparing it with locations of airports acquired from the OurAirports platform. More precisely, the three different types (large, medium, and small) and the four different elements (runway, taxiway, apron, and terminal) of airports are assessed for over 40,000 airports worldwide. Results show that completeness varies depending on types, elements, and geographical regions. Specifically, 1) almost all large airports are complete; most medium airports are also complete; but most small airports are not complete. 2) The runway element is much more complete than the terminal element. 3) In most cases, completeness is relatively high in India, China, and Northern Africa but relatively low in Canada, the United States, Russia, and Australia, where the total number of airports is much larger. We conclude that most large and medium airports in OSM have been mapped well. The reasons for incomplete airport data in OSM and potential applications of OSM airport data are also discussed.

The turn of the century produced the expected crop of articles listing space achievements over the past 30-40 years. Many of them, particularly those connected with the Moon landing, made the front pages of newspapers all over the world, and are still regularly served up in television programmes. Nevertheless, they constitute an inadequate basis on which to make an assessment as to where — if the expression can be permitted — we now stand in space. It is no longer sufficient to look at progress in the individual space segments: satellites, launchers and the often neglected ground segment. The springs of action are now to be found elsewhere: the uptake of space applications by the end-users (most of whom have no knowledge of, or interest in, space); the increasing role of the private sector in financing space systems; the inter-twining of the civilian and defence programmes; political and international trade considerations, etc. This.article is an attempt to review progress against the background of these external factors and to present a balance sheet. In order to leave posterity with further palpable proof of the author's fallability, the article will close with a few thoughts on future trends and technological developments. Although small in comparison with some other global activites, civil and military space operations account for about $50bn annually. Of this, slightly less than 10% can be identified as European, compared to just over 50% for the United States. This volume has been stable for several years and promises to continue at least for the near future, although the distribution between the various sectors is changing. Space is therefore an activity of considerable importance to public and private sectors alike, even though it has lost its high place on the political agendas of many countries.

During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005, with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies. All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all sought to serve their own interests, which jeopardized the possibility of a lasting peace. Thus, the interpretation of that history provides ways to help solve the current armed conflict in South Sudan.

Abstract ANTICIPATED UNITED STATES CONGRESS ACT should lead to reversing a neglected duty to the people by supporting FAA induced bill to civilize classified military air combat technology to maximize flight safety of airliners and cargo jet transports, in addition to FAA certifying pilots to master Jet-Engine Steering (“JES”) as automatic or pilot recovery when Traditional Aerodynamic-only Flight Control (“TAFC”) fails to prevent a crash and other related damages [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42]. Replacement of propeller driven air vehicles with jet engines marks the first jet-engine historical revolution. Yet designers of TAFC still a priori arrest jet engines to provide only brute force forward – a practice leading to wrong freezing of wings, tails, canards, landing gear, airframe and avionics prior to selection of off-the-shelf jet engine to fit that non-integrated design. A second jet-engine revolution is currently in. It originated by failures of TAFC to function and prevent catastrophes especially in post-stall flight domains, takeoff and landing, which mark the JES-Revolution. Full scale JES implementation started in 1986 in the U.S. by YF-22 design [24, 31, 32, 33, 34]. Three years later the YF-22 prototype was selected over the YF-23 that lacked IPA-78402 JES Technologies [31] like 60+ to 1 kill-ratio advantage during WVR air combat – a revolution gradually followed by RUSSIA, CHINA, INDIA, JAPAN and South KOREA [20, 21, 28]. Civilizing JES to maximize future passengers flight safety by preventing various airlines catastrophes [8] had been successfully first flight tested by a subscale JES-Boeing-727 under U.S. FAA support [8, 25]. Pro and cons of military vs. civil JES-technologies are presented by this editorial.

Dances with Wolves (1988), the masterpiece of Michael Blake, tells the story of a Civil War-era United States Army lieutenant named Dunbar who was dispatched to the American frontier to find a military post, and who eventually blended in the community of the aboriginals, Lakota. Since its publication, there have been many interpretations of the novel. However, no one has carried out research on the novel from the perspective of deep ecology, one of the basic branches of ecocriticism. As all the other writers pondering the relationship between humans and the environment, Blake launched a call on humankind to reflect deeply on environmental crisis and most of his works were brimmed with concerns over the relationship between humans and the environment. This paper intends to interpret Dances with Wolves from deep ecological perspective and to explore the ecological ideas implied in the novel. Firstly, the paper gives a sketch of deep ecology, the ultimate norms of deep ecology and the concept wilderness which the author of this paper will apply to the study. Secondly, the paper expounds the protagonist Dunbar&rsquo;s Self-realization through analyzing his adventure on the prairie. The paper respectively illuminates his Self-realization from three aspects: Dunbar&rsquo;s adventure in the wilderness, Dunbar&rsquo;s intimacy with his initiator Two Socks and Dunbar&rsquo;s companionship with his mentor Kicking Bird. The last part of the paper is a conclusion that summarizes the social significance of Dunbar&rsquo;s Self-realization. For the common benefit of the whole ecosystem, Michael Blake, with the book, advocates human beings to cultivate ecological consciousness, to possess the ecological responsibility, to respect the values and rights of all forms of life and to live in harmony with nature.

Aeronautikas attīstībā nozīmīga loma ir arī publikācijām periodikā, nodrošinot zinātniskās apmaiņas platformu un informējot sabiedrību par progresu konkrētajā jomā. Raksta autors analizē pasaulē izdotos aeronautikas periodiskos izdevumus no 1783. līdz 1945. gadam, pieņemot, ka attiecīgajā valstī publicēto aeronautikai nozīmīgo periodisko izdevumu skaits un dažādība ir atkarīga no gaisa spēku attīstības līmeņa tajā. Pētījuma rezultāti liecina, ka dominē četru valstu – Francijas, Vācijas, Lielbritānijas un Amerikas Savienoto Valstu – periodiskie izdevumi, un tas ir trīs ceturtdaļas no visiem aeronautikai veltītajiem izdevumiem pasaulē. 1945. gadā, pētāmā perioda beigās, šīs četras valstis kopā ar Padomju Savienību un Japānu bija dominējošās valstis pasaulē gan civilajā, gan militārajā gaisa spēku jomā. Pētījumā analizēti ne tikai periodiskie izdevumi dažādos laika periodos, bet arī to iedalījums pa galvenajām tēmām.Periodical publications have played an important role in the development of aeronautics, providing a platform for scientific exchange and informing the public about the ongoing progress. This study analyzes periodicals covering the issues related to aeronautics from 1783 to 1945 on a worldwide scale. It assumes that the number and diversification of periodicals dedicated to aeronautics published in a given country depend directly on the level of development of air power in that country. The result shows that periodicals from only four countries dominated, three fourths of all titles published coming from France, Germany, Great Britain and the United States. In 1945, by the end of the period under study, these four countries, together with the Soviet Union and Japan, were also the world’s dominant air powers in terms of both civil and military air activities. The study also analyzes the development of periodicals over time, the diversification of periodicals by major subject areas and the interdependence of information flows between the four major air powers.

Received 21.08.2020. The author of the article believes the beginning of the “Putin’s era” – the first two terms of his presidency (2000–2008) – to be generally successful for Russia. In eight years, the bases of the state shaken in the 1990s were strengthened, the threat of an intensive political struggle, which, however, lost much of its outdoor competitive nature, decreased, the economy became stronger, the living conditions of the population improved, the activity and influence of Russia in international affairs increased. This was largely due to the favorable global economic environment for Russia and, above all, high prices for energy resources, which were the main item of Russian exports. No less obvious were the personal achievements of President Putin, who managed to consolidate the unbalanced state, put an end to the pressure of oligarchs on authorities, restore the Kremlin’s control over regional elites, and extinguish hotbeds of separatism in Russia. He has built the very “vertical of power” for which his political opponents, both inside the country and abroad, will consistently criticize him. Having inherited Boris Yeltsin’s policy of developing cooperation with the West, Vladimir Putin at first continued to follow this path, but gradually became disillusioned with the sincerity of Western partners towards Russia. He was most concerned about the eastward expansion of NATO’s military infrastructure, its approach to Russian borders, and the West’s general reluctance to consider Russian interests. Putin openly expressed the accumulated claims against the United States and NATO in February 2007 at the Munich Security Conference. 2007 was a turning point in Putin’s foreign policy towards the West. Since then, the focus has been shifted to protecting Russia’s national interests. Within the country, for eight years, Putin had failed to create a modern, self-regulating and multi-level system of government. The destructive chaos of the 1990s was replaced by centralized “manual control” from the Kremlin, but it also worked with constant failures. The state apparatus, especially at the regional level, did not work effectively enough, and regional authorities often did not follow the orders of the President. The lessons of the first stage of the Putin’s era were: the reasonably required consolidation of the state, building the “vertical of power” often occurred at the expense of the civil society’s interests, the interests of consolidating and expanding democracy in Russia.

Abstract Although the perception of state security differs from country to country, it tends to be a single document, addressing at least three basic themes: The role of the state in the international system; the challenges and opportunities perceived inside and outside the country and; the responsibilities of implementation actors to address these challenges and opportunities. The first theme seeks to define the state’s vision for the international system, as well as the role played by the state in that system. This requires to take into account the interests and values of the state, structures, management and decision-making processes. This usually culminates in a long-term vision where the future state and society belong. Another topic is risk assessment, current and future opportunities. In theory this should include both internal and external risks although in practice many National Security Policy focus on external risks and opportunities. Attitudes and preferences are also politically addressed as they connect with international security partners, which can lead to the emergence of opportunities for cooperation. Historically speaking, national security as a concept is an idea of modern society, the first premises of the concept of national security date back to the 17th century during the Thirty Years’ War in Europe and the Civil War in England. In 1648, the Peace of Westphalia was concluded, in which the foundations were laid for the idea that the nation or state should have control and sovereignty not only in matters of religion, but also in external security. The idea of the nation state is common today, let’s say that all the countries of the world are nation states, however it would be wrong to assume that this is the only way to ensure national security in isolation from international security. The pre-Westphalian international system was based on the assumption that there was a universal principle governing the affairs of states led by emperors, popes, kings and princes. That was indeed the principle of the Holy Roman Empire. This idea was challenged by the German philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), who revived the idea of a universal principle not in the old religious context, but of a secular (non-religious) state inspired by the Enlightenment. National states must subordinate their national interests to universal interests for the common good and be guided by international law. Thus, was born a secular view of the institution of the state over the nation, through which international affairs are managed, which today is reflected in the global worldview of liberalism, internationalism and is more clearly manifested under the auspices of the United Nations (UN). The new idea of the nation state had a different approach. Peace and stability would be better served if people did not kill each other, but were guided by a universal principle. It would be far better to have an international system based on a balance of nation states committed to limited national goals. When we talk about the security components of the state, we need to know what the state actually is and what the security risk factors that threaten it are. In this sense, when it comes to security risks, the biggest threat is aggression. The state is the basic and most important form of organization of any class society. A state is a territory with its inhabitants, which the government holds under its authority in a uniquely compact way. The National Security Policy (NSP) is a framework document that describes how the country provides security for the country and its citizens and is often presented as a generalized document. This document can also be called a plan, strategy, concept or doctrine. NSP has a role for the present and for the future, because it outlines the basic interests of the country and defines guidelines for dealing with risks and current and future opportunities. Of course, NSPs are in a superior hierarchy to other security policies, such as military doctrine, internal security strategy, etc., which deal with agency-based national security or specific issues. The NSP is also distinguished by this policy from a number of topics it deals with and tries to outline both internal and external risks. Finally, it tries to integrate and coordinate the contributions of national security actors in relation to the interests and risks that are considered most important. Some countries, such as the United Kingdom, France and China, do not have a separate and unique NSP document, but rely on defense policy or in “white papers” - project policy documents, which focus only on national protection. Many states do not publish their policy documents or do not have written comprehensive policies for security or protection.

The objective of this paper is to make the case that the United States became an economic super-power in the nineteenth century on the backs of African-American slaves and Native Americans.It was in 1619, when Jamestown colonists bought 20-30 slaves from English pirates. The paper starts with ‘The 1619 Project’ whose objective is to place the consequences of slavery--and the contributions of black Americans--at the very center of the story we tell ourselves about who we are as a nation.Slavery was common in all thirteen colonies, and at-least twelve Presidents owned slaves. The enslaved people were not recognized as human beings, but as property: once a slave always a slave.The U.S. Constitution, adopted in 1788, never mentions slavery, yet slavery is at the very heart of the constitution. The U.S. government used the Declaration of Independence as a license to commit genocide on the Native Americans, and to seize their land.Racist ideas have persisted throughout American history, based on the myth that blacks are intellectually inferior compared to whites. However, in a 2012 article in the Scientific American, the authors reported that 85.5% of genetic variation is within the so-called races, not between them. So, the consensus among Western researchers today is that human races do not represent a scientific theory, but are sociocultural constructs.After end of the Civil War, the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution abolished slavery in America, and the 15th Amendment protected the voting rights of African Americans.However, in the Confederate South, Jim Crow laws legalized racial segregation between 1870-1968. In 1965, thanks to the Civil Rights movement, the Voting Rights Act was passed to overcome barriers created by Jim Crow laws to the legal rights of African Americans under the 15th Amendment.British and American innovations in cotton technology sparked the Industrial Revolution during the latter part of the eighteenth century. The British cotton manufacturing exploded in the 1780s. Eighty years later in 1860, Manchester, England stood at the center of a world-spanning empire—the empire of cotton. There were three pillars of the Industrial Revolution. One was the centuries-earlier conquest by Europeans of a colossal expanse of lands in the New World. It was the control of huge territories in America, that made monoculture farming of cotton possible. Second was that the Europeans drastically—and unilaterally--altered the global competitive landscape of cotton. They did it by using their military might, and the willingness to use it—often violently--to their advantage.The third—and the most important--was slavery: without which there would be no Industrial Revolution. America was tremendously suited for cotton production. The climate and soil of a large part of American South met the conditions under which the cotton plant thrived. More importantly, the plantation owners in America commanded unlimited supplies of the three crucial ingredients that went into the production of cotton: labor, land, and credit. And this was topped by their unbelievable political power.In 1793 Eli Whitney’s revolutionary cotton gin increased ginning productivity fifty times, and thus removed the bottleneck of removing seeds from cotton. Because of relying on monoculture farming, the problem the cotton planters were facing was soil exhaustion. So, they wanted the U.S. government to acquire more land. Surprisingly, in 1803 America was able to strike an unbelievable deal with the French--the Louisiana Purchase--which doubled the territory of the United States. In 1819 America acquired Florida from Spain, and in 1845 annexed Texas from Mexico.Between 1803 and 1838, under President Andrew Jackson, America fought a multi-front war against the Native Americans in the Deep South, and expropriated vast tracts of their land, that culminated in the ethnic cleansing of the Deep South.With an unlimited supply of land—and slave labor--even soil exhaustion did not slow down the cotton barons; they just moved further west and farther south. New cotton fields now sprang up in the sediment-rich lands along the banks of Mississippi. So swift was this move westward that, by the end of the 1830s, Mississippi was producing more cotton than any other southern state. By 1860, there were more millionaires per capita in Mississippi Valley than anywhere else in America.The New Orleans slave market was the largest in America--where 100,000 men, women, and children were packaged, priced, and sold.The entry of the United States in the cotton market quickly began to reshape the global cotton market. By 1802 America was the single-most supplier of cotton to Britain.For eighty years--from the 1780s to 1865--almost a million people were herded down the road from the upper South to the lower South and the West, to toil on cotton plantations. The thirty-odd men walked in coffles, the double line hurrying in lock-step. Each hauled twenty pounds of iron, chains that draped from neck-to-neck, and wrist-to-wrist, binding them all together. They walked for miles, days, and weeks, and many covered over 700 miles.The plantation owners devised a cruel system of controlling their slaves that the enslaved called “the pushing system.” This system constantly increased the number of acres each slave was expected to cultivate. In 1805 each “hand” could tend to five acres of a cotton field. Fifty years later that target had been doubled to ten acres.Overseers closely monitored enslaved workers. Each slave was assigned a daily quota of number of pounds of cotton to pick. If the worker failed to meet it, he received as many lashes on his back as the deficit. However, if he overshot his quota, the master might “reward” him by raising his quota the next day.One of the most brutal weapons the planters used against the slaves, was the whip: ten feet of plaited cowhide. When facing the specter of an overseer’s whip, slaves were so terrified that they could not speak in sentences. They danced, trembled, babbled, and lost control of their bodies.When seeking a loan, the planters used slaves as a collateral. With extraordinarily high returns from their businesses, the planters began to expand their loan portfolio: sometimes using the same slave worker as collateral for multiple mortgages. The American South produced too much cotton. However, consumer demand could not keep up with the excessive supply, that then led to a precipitous fall in prices, which, in turn, set off the Panic of 1837. And that touched off a major depression.The slaveholders were using advanced management and accounting practices long before the techniques that are still in use today.The manufacture of sugar from sugarcane began in Louisiana Territory in 1795. In sugar mills, children, alongside with adults, toiled like factory workers with assembly-like precision and discipline under the constant threat of boiling hot kettles, open furnaces, and grinding rollers. To attain the highest efficiency, sugar factories worked day and night where there is no distinction as to the days of the week. Fatigue might mean losing an arm to the grinding rollers, or being flayed for not being able to keep up. Resistance was often met with sadistic cruelty.The expansion of slavery in the first eight decades after American independence, drove the evolution and modernization of the United States. In the course of a single life time, the South grew from a narrow coastal strip of worn-out tobacco plantations, to a continental cotton empire. As a result, the United States became a modern, industrial, and capitalistic economy. This is the period in which America rose from being a minor European trading partner, to becoming the world’s leading economy. Finally, we hope that we have successfully been able to make the argument that America became an economic powerhouse in the nineteenth century not only on the backs of African-American slaves, but also on the genocide of Native Americans, and their stolen lands.

The World Trade Center Attack or 9/11 tragedy has awakened the international community, particularly the United States (US) to sharpen its foreign policy in facing security threats coming from ‘weak states’. One of the most prominent weak states examples that pose a grave threat to other countries are the Northern Triangle Countries of Central America that referred to Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Hence, this paper will discuss the rationale behind US initiatives in dealing with security threats in El Salvador as one of the Northern Triangle Countries. In analyzing the case, the writers will use the weak state concept and national interest concept. The result of this paper finds that El Salvador corresponds to the elements of a weak state and further poses security threats by giving rise to transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking, and migrant problems in which overcoming those security threats has become US vital national interest. 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