Tesi: "Civil rights and citizenship"

1

Ahmed, Nahfiza. "Race, class and citizenship : the civil rights struggle in Mobile, Alabama, 1925-85". Thesis, University of Leicester, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/31029.

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This thesis is an examination of the Civil Rights struggle in the city of Mobile, Alabama between 1925 and 1985. Race, class and citizenship were three important factors which shaped African-American leadership, political goals and protest strategies to overcome the problem of racism during this century. The influence of elites, changing class alignments and differing interpretations of the concept of freedom in democratic society, created an uneven social movement for reform among Mobile's African American citizens. In common with other Southern localities of comparable size, the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People and the political philosophy of Martin Luther King, Jr., influenced the struggle for equality in Mobile. World War II and the economic modernisation of the South during the post-war era, helped to bring the city closer to the national mainstream and foster liberal racial attitudes among middle-class, white Mobilians. Yet Mobile had also established itself as a semi-autonomous area with a distinct cultural tradition drawn from the heritage of early European and African settlement along the Gulf Coast. Within this context, the city did not experience a full Civil Rights movement comparable to other urban localities such as Montgomery, Birmingham and Tuskegee during the racially turbulent 1950s and 1960s. The grass-roots revolutionary aspects of the black freedom struggle emerged in Mobile after 1968 coinciding with the death of King. This movement absorbed the political culture of Black Power and the confrontational tactics of the militant wing of the national civil rights coalitions. Despite over a half-century of civil rights protest and accommodation in the 1980s however, it was clear that racism continued to determine the nature and problem of African-American citizenship in one of America's oldest cities.

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2

Chan, Ka Ki. "Is citizenship sexual? : the study of the exercise of citizenship of non-heterosexuals in Hong Kong". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1517.

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3

Yuan, Zushe. "Quan li yu zi you shi min she hui de ren xue kao cha /". Beijing : Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 2003. http://books.google.com/books?id=oiY1AAAAMAAJ.

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4

Chon-Smith, Chong. "Asian American and African American masculinities race, citizenship, and culture in post-civil rights /". Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3215133.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 21, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 242-256).

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5

Malloy, Tove. "The 'politics of accommodation' in the Council of Europe after 1989 : national minorities and democratization". Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369369.

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6

AYNÈS, Camille. "La privation des droits civiques et politiques : l'apport du droit pénal à une théorie de la citoyenneté". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/68319.

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Defence date: 21 September 2020 (Online)
Examining Board: Pr. Loïc Azoulai (Sciences-Po Paris, Directeur de thèse); Pr. Olivier Beaud (Université Paris II Panthéon-Assas, Co-directeur de thèse); Pr. Xavier Pin (Université Jean Moulin, Lyon 3); Pr. Christoph Schönberger (Université de Constance)
Awarded the 2021 Prix Dalloz
Awarded the 2021 Best Thesis Prize in the category "Concepts fondamentaux du droit constitutionnel" from the “Institut francophone pour la Justice et la Démocratie” Louis Joinet (previously the 'Fondation Varenne')
Received a special mention of the Vendôme Prize 2021 for the best doctoral thesis in Criminal Law.
Il est d’usage de considérer que la citoyenneté étatique, en tant qu’elle désigne une appartenance statutaire, est un concept de clôture qui implique l’inclusion aussi bien que l’exclusion. À rebours de la littérature dominante sur la citoyenneté en droit qui privilégie généralement sa dimension inclusive, cette thèse entreprend un renversement de perspective : elle se propose de théoriser la citoyenneté en creux, à partir de ses exclus, de définir autrement dit le citoyen par le non-citoyen. L’exclu étudié en droit français n’est pas la figure paradigmatique de l’étranger, mais celle du criminel déchu de ses droits politiques à la suite d’une condamnation pénale. Nous faisons l’hypothèse de la valeur heuristique d’une étude proprement juridique et non normative de la notion constitutionnelle de citoyenneté à partir du droit pénal en général, et des sanctions privant le condamné de ses droits de citoyen en particulier. L’apport de cette recherche est double : il concerne à titre premier la citoyenneté dont on entend examiner les bénéficiaires, la nature (les valeurs) et le contenu matériel (les droits et les devoirs). Nous démontrons (1) que par différence avec la nationalité, la citoyenneté a historiquement une dimension axiologique et qu’elle protège la moralité publique. Cette affirmation semble de prime abord remise en cause aujourd’hui en raison de l’influence du droit des droits de l’homme sur la matière. Plus qu’à la substitution d’un modèle de citoyenneté à un autre, nous établissons (2) que l’on a affaire à une tension au cœur du régime actuel de la citoyenneté. À titre second, nous contribuons en filigrane à une lecture de la démocratie en soutenant (1) que la lutte pour les droits politiques des derniers exclus de la nation (les condamnés et les « aliénés ») correspond moins à une revendication de participation politique qu’à une demande d’inclusion sociale ; (2) que le citoyen, dans cette lutte, tend à disparaître derrière le sujet de droit doté de droits opposables.

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7

Taylor, Shockley Megan Newbury. ""We, too, are Americans": African American women, citizenship, and civil rights activism in Detroit and Richmond, 1940-1954". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284135.

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This dissertation explores the activities of middle- and working-class African American women during and immediately after World War II in Detroit and Richmond, Virginia, in order to examine how World War II enabled African American women to negotiate new state structures in order to articulate citizenship in a way that located them within the state as contributors to the war effort and legitimated their calls for equality. This study provides a new understanding of the groundwork that lay behind the civil rights activism of the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at African American women's wartime protest and exploring how those women created templates for activism and networks for the dissemination of new discourses about citizenship, it reveals the gendered roots of the civil rights movement. This study uses a cross-class analysis within a cross-regional analysis in order to understand how African American women of different socioeconomic levels transformed their relationship with the state in order to use state structures to gain equality in diverse regions of the country. Class and region framed African American women's possibilities for activism. In both Detroit and Richmond, women's class positions and local government structures affected how African American women constructed claims to citizenship and maintained activist strategies to promote equality. This study finds that the new discourse and programs of middle-class African American women, linked with the attempts of working-class women to gain and retain jobs and better living conditions, contributed to a new sense of militancy and urgency within the civil rights movement of the 1940s and 1950s. By attempting to claim their rights based solely on their status as citizens within the state, African American women greatly contributed to the groundwork and the ideology of the more aggressive civil rights campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s. African American women's initial forays into desegregating restaurants, jobs, transportation, and housing created the momentum for the entire African American community's struggle for equality.

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8

Begler, Hanna. "Exchanging Weapons for Citizenship : Colombia's Process of Reintegrating Former Combatants into Civil Society". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-100835.

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This study analyzes Colombia's current process of reintegrating former combatants into civil society. By employing four different citizenship perspectives constructed as ideal types it is shown how issues such as participation, political influence and the relation between rights and obligations are being addressed in the Colombian reintegration program. By relating these findings to current debates on the relation between security and development in DDR research, the study aims to reconcile the hitherto rather separated but yet intimately related discourses of DDR and citizenship. The analysis of the Colombian program gives a multifaceted picture of the country’s reintegration process where several citizenship perspectives are discerned in various and sometimes overlapping ways. Beyond contributing to an enhanced understanding of the Colombian process, the study illustrates the numerous ways in which diverging citizenship perspectives may be incorporated into a wider framework of peace and state-building and the potential tensions that are discerned in different approaches to DDR.

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9

Patterson, Lindsey Marie. "The Right to Access: Citizenship and Disability, 1950-1973". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1342310475.

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10

Dee, Michael John. "Young people, public space and citizenship". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2008. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16664/1/Mike_Dee_Thesis.pdf.

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The use of public space by young people raises issues in Australia and elsewhere in the world. Contests occur between the disparate players seeking a stake in the use and definition of public space. State and local government, young people, the security industry, shop owners, community groups and property developers are some of the major players. In a context of monitoring and control procedures, young people's use of public space is often viewed as a threat to social order (Loader 1996, Crane and Dee 2001, White 1998). This study considers critical intersections between young people and the control of public space. It employs an analysis of relevant youth, citizenship and public space theories. Particular attention focuses on the concepts of political, civil and social citizenship formulated by the British sociologist T.H. Marshall, whose key text Citizenship and Social Class (1950), is still relevant (see Yeatman 1994, France 1997, Mann 1995, Manning and Ryan 2004). Grounded Theory methodology as discussed by Glaser and Strauss (1967) is utilised in the surveying of high school students in Brisbane and Logan to discover their perceptions of a range of public space and citizenship issues. The overall aim of this study is to consider if a connection exists between young people, public space and citizenship and if the use of public space by young people may be understood from a broad rights perspective and the concept of social citizenship, as discussed by Marshall (1950). The self completion survey employed in this study asked 1122 high school students a number of questions about their local community, safety at school, the meaning to them of the word citizenship and their thoughts about CCTV. The key findings were: * Some communities are less concerned about young people, than others; * Most schools are safe, but a number are not. Teachers contribute to student's feelings of safety at school; * The word citizenship carries important meanings for most young people around belonging, community and taking part in community life; * CCTV surveillance does not necessarily make young people feel safe in using public space; * Most young people feel negatively stereotyped by their community; * Most local areas do not have enough youth facilities The survey data is discussed further throughout the study along with citizenship and public space issues.

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11

Dee, Michael John. "Young people, public space and citizenship". Queensland University of Technology, 2008. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16664/.

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Abstract (sommario):

The use of public space by young people raises issues in Australia and elsewhere in the world. Contests occur between the disparate players seeking a stake in the use and definition of public space. State and local government, young people, the security industry, shop owners, community groups and property developers are some of the major players. In a context of monitoring and control procedures, young people's use of public space is often viewed as a threat to social order (Loader 1996, Crane and Dee 2001, White 1998). This study considers critical intersections between young people and the control of public space. It employs an analysis of relevant youth, citizenship and public space theories. Particular attention focuses on the concepts of political, civil and social citizenship formulated by the British sociologist T.H. Marshall, whose key text Citizenship and Social Class (1950), is still relevant (see Yeatman 1994, France 1997, Mann 1995, Manning and Ryan 2004). Grounded Theory methodology as discussed by Glaser and Strauss (1967) is utilised in the surveying of high school students in Brisbane and Logan to discover their perceptions of a range of public space and citizenship issues. The overall aim of this study is to consider if a connection exists between young people, public space and citizenship and if the use of public space by young people may be understood from a broad rights perspective and the concept of social citizenship, as discussed by Marshall (1950). The self completion survey employed in this study asked 1122 high school students a number of questions about their local community, safety at school, the meaning to them of the word citizenship and their thoughts about CCTV. The key findings were: * Some communities are less concerned about young people, than others; * Most schools are safe, but a number are not. Teachers contribute to student's feelings of safety at school; * The word citizenship carries important meanings for most young people around belonging, community and taking part in community life; * CCTV surveillance does not necessarily make young people feel safe in using public space; * Most young people feel negatively stereotyped by their community; * Most local areas do not have enough youth facilities The survey data is discussed further throughout the study along with citizenship and public space issues.

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12

Negus, Samuel David. "Render unto Caesar: Sovereignty, the Obligations of Citizenship, and the Diplomatic History of the American Civil War". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/5.

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In scholarship on the Civil War there is generally a lack of emphasis placed upon the significance of transatlantic diplomacy. However, much of the literature that is devoted to this subject does little to draw the importance of diplomatic and domestic histories together. This thesis uses British Foreign Office papers to discuss the role of Her majesty’s consuls, and the importance of resident persons of British nativity, especially within the Confederacy, during the war. It argues that the struggle between the Union and the new Confederacy affected diplomatic relations not only in the geo-political sense, but directly and personally through the fate of foreign individuals residing within America. Political theory and the semantics of ideology will be cross-examined against British, Confederate and Union government documents and correspondence in order to develop a deeper understanding of the flexibility and malleability of the concept of sovereignty, and its role in Civil War diplomacy.

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13

Beramendi, Heine Virginia. "21st Century citizenship: human rights, global civil society and the pushing of boundaries : The role of civil society in the refugee crisis: the case of the Swedish Red Cross". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-147626.

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In the last few years, migration towards Europe has intensified as a result of poverty and war in other parts of the world. Now, the European Union finds itself in a “refugee crisis” that has brought about contrasting reactions from within European societies. While many civil society organizations have mobilized for the inclusion of asylum seekers and undocumented migrants, governments have increasingly focused on restricting access and limiting their numbers. This study seeks to understand and explain the role of civil society in the refugee crisis. To this end, citizenship and framing theories are applied to the case of the Swedish Red Cross. Specific “acts of citizenship” carried out by the Red Cross in Sweden, and in Europe more generally, are analyzed. The study’s findings suggest that this civil society organization/movement acts as both a “denationalizing” (Sassen 2002) and a “post-nationalizing” (Bosniak 2006) force as it pushes the boundaries of citizenship from within and beyond the borders of the nation-state. It does this by calling upon international humanitarian and human rights laws and principles and by positioning itself inside and outside the political system at the same time.

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14

Figlali, Taskin Aysegul. "Developing A Scale Of Citizenship Perceptions In Terms Of Rights And Duties In Contemporary Turkey". Phd thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609695/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT This thesis approaches the concept of citizenship from the angle of citizens by focusing on the citizenship perception of the citizens in Turkey. It has been aimed to measure citizenship perceptions in terms of the balance between both total rights and duties, and also in terms of civil, political and social elements of citizenship. Liberal and civic republican conceptions of citizenship have been employed as the ideal-standard models against which it is attempted to measure the citizenship perceptions, because it is consensually agreed that the Turkish notion of citizenship is based on a civic republican understanding which emphasizes duties over rights. For this purpose a scale for citizenship rights and another one for citizenship duties have been developed on the basis of a questionnaire. Additionally, in order to measure people&rsquo
s opinions concerning the possible effects of Turkey&rsquo
s EU membership on citizenship issues a scale of &ldquo
EU membership and citizenship&rdquo
has been developed. In addition to the questionnaire study which was applied to unionized workers, employers, bureaucrats and retired military officers, focus group meetings and interviews were conducted. The results of the scale study revealed that all occupational groups shared a republican perception of citizenship as far as the total right and duty items are considered. However, in terms of political and social elements of citizenship, occupational groups displayed different perceptions. In terms of political elements, while workers, employers and bureaucrats emphasized the political rights, with respect to social elements workers assigned more weight to social rights. The EU membership and citizenship scale results indicated that all occupational groups shared a pro-EU perspective with respect to its effects on citizenship.

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15

Meyer, Thomas George. "Global human rights and contextualised civic learning : a case study of human rights education in Japan". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f073a51d-20b8-4610-bc37-84370d4700a5.

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While global human rights knowledge has become a central facet of curricula used to shape multicultural societies and develop cosmopolitan citizenry, such knowledge is shaped by sociopolitical context. Japan has a long history of incorporating human rights concepts into its citizenship curriculum; however, this curriculum is produced in a political context where there is resistance to extending rights to minorities and the disadvantaged, and where there are renewed attempts to emphasise traditional Japanese cultural values through education. Potential tensions have been recognised, yet little has been written about educational knowledge as end product, or its role in informing learner and teacher understanding of human rights. Intentions to promote inclusivity and new communal identities notwithstanding, this work establishes that the recontextualising discourse of human rights within Japan's school curriculum, as a discourse that regulates identity and citizenship, portrays the rights of marginalised and non-Japanese identities as privileges extending beyond the norm of society, while at the same time implicitly denying ethnic Japanese individuals full access to rights language. Thus, while learners regard human rights of value, many are less receptive and empathetic to rights claims made by non-like others, and are likely to consider society as incapable of embracing diversity. Human rights concepts possess symbolic value and weight; however, their symbolic importance can be easily embedded within particularistic notions of identity and nationality to ends contrary to multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism, which for this research was witnessed in their transformation into tools for cultural and political legitimacy by the Japanese State. This research arrives at these conclusions through a systemic, holistic analysis of human rights learning in Japan that ties official knowledge to instructional and learning outcomes. This research is first a mixed-method policy sociology utilising computer-based analytical techniques to examine the structure and content of human rights knowledge within upper-secondary social studies textbooks representing Japan's official curriculum. This is followed by a comparative case study of two upper-secondary institutional sites of human rights learning, an academic, public coeducational western Japan senior high school, and a private Tokyo girls' senior high school, the primary differentiation being that the western Japan school is an explicit site of human rights learning, applying its own content and pedagogic practice as part of a specialised human rights curriculum designed to supplement the official curriculum. This research not only has implications for Japan in yielding a greater understanding of how the curriculum engages and reproduces identities and to what end, but also potentially to understand how similar tensions and contradictions between universal and particular play out in other national, State-sponsored education contexts.

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16

Kenny, Christina Mary. "'They would rather have the women who are humbled': Gendered citizenship and embodied rights in post-colonial Kenya". Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148124.

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For all the effort and attention Kenyan women receive from the international rights community and at times, from their own government, human rights frameworks are not significantly improving the lives of Kenyan women. Attempting to address this, a great deal of work has been done on monitoring and evaluating human rights based interventions, including tightening funding structures, making recipient organisations more accountable to donors, and assessing the progress of governments and non-government organisations in promoting human rights based reform. I take a different approach. Rather than assess individual projects or goals of aid, my approach questions the assumptions which underpin these interventions from their conception. Following Sally Engle Merry’s work on the vernacularisation of transnational gender rights projects, and taking Kenya as a case study, I argue that the local histories, understandings and hierarchies of gendered power must be understood in much more nuanced and critical manner that we are doing presently. Further, I contend that internationalist human rights discourses create certain kinds of subjects and requires these subjects to behave in particular ways. The current failure to recognize and make space for individual and cultural complexity means that human rights based interventions are only superficially affecting relationships and power dynamics in women’s lives, making substantive, long term change very difficult. My thesis is an interdisciplinary project, and combines an engagement with scholarly literature on gender, post-colonial feminism, human rights theory and practice, as well as Kenyan history and historiography, with research gathered during 13 months of field work. My field work is based on focus groups and interviews with women in Nairobi and rural areas around Lake Victoria and engages with the lived experience of African women. These discussions illustrate the ways in which the discourses of international human rights in fact reproduce the very patterns, structures, and hierarchies which are at the core of women’s disenfranchisement and marginalization. This project historicises women’s current experiences of human rights through Kenya’s late colonial and post-colonial history, and follows these colonial legacies into the modern period through four thematic cases: women as victims and objects of cultural violence; myths of the sorority of African women; women as victims of political and state violence; and women as actors in national political processes. These four cases carry two overarching concerns, firstly, that we need to challenge ourselves to locate women’s agency within their own politics and goals, rather than through what Saba Mahmood describes as the diagnostic and prescriptive lens of feminist analysis. And secondly, we need to be vigilant that our continued attention to the bodies of women does not re-inscribe the embodied-ness of women, and the disembodied-ness of men. In centring the lived experiences and views of Kenyan women, and historicising the production of gender, I critically evaluate the efficacy of modern human rights discourses and projects in local contexts, contributing to the post-colonial feminist project which explores the complex and intersecting dimensions of gender, race, and culture.

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17

Viksten, Michal. "Human rights activism in Mexico City – A case study on young people’s strategies for enacting citizenship". Thesis, Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-7156.

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The aim of this study is to gain a deeper understanding of the strategies used by young people in Mexico City to exercise civic participation in the form of human rights activism. Mexican society is currently markedby an increased amount of human rights violations, together with high levels of corruption, violence and severe flaws within the democratic system. To claim and stand up for human rights in this context is not onlydifficult but also dangerous, which is a pattern that recurs in many context throughout the globe. The young activists who were interviewed share the experience of having attended the same human rights education, where human rights are taught through critical pedagogy. They manifest a perspective where human rights have to be enacted in all spheres of society, including interpersonal relationships. Human rights ideals also seem to represent something similar to an ideology that, when understood correctly, entails a transformative potential. The experience of undertaking human rights education formed new networks and bonds in civil society, as well as personal reflections on their own position in their surrounding. Although recognizing the importance of relating to the parliamentary structure and public institutions, the activists seem sceptical towards achieving human rights progress through that arena due to the large political and financial corruption. Instead, the result of this study highlights other strategies for exercising civic participation and defending human rights in Mexico, such as the creation and participation in autonomous, democratic structures within in the civil society and social movements, as well as actions executed within informal relationships and spheres.

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18

Gutierres, Kellen Alves. "Avanços e retrocessos: terceiro setor e os impasses para a construção democrática no Brasil". Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-28052007-140552/.

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O presente estudo tem o objetivo de apresentar e problematizar as concepções do que se convencionou chamar \"terceiro setor\", situando-o na perspectiva de análise sobre formas de atuação e intervenção da sociedade civil brasileira no processo de construção democrática do país. Para tanto, é analisada a definição do que é atualmente entendido como terceiro setor, problematizando sua imprecisão conceitual e a inclusão das chamadas ONGS nessa categoria. Procura mostrar também as interações das organizações do terceiro setor com o Estado e o mercado, e por fim, analisa as perspectivas críticas à idéia de terceiro setor, apontando-o como categoria que contribui para desarticular o padrão de resposta pública estatal à questão social brasileira, devido ao seu potencial despolitizador na luta por direitos sociais. Conclui-se, com isso, que as ações do terceiro, na perspectiva da ação solidária com ênfase em ações voluntárias e filantrópicas, se contrapõem à concepção de ação política dos atores da sociedade civil, pautada pela luta por direitos de cidadania.
This work intends to present and discuss the conceptions and ideas about so called \"third sector\". Such category will be analyzed under the perspective of brazilian civil society´s atuation and intervention plans in the country´s democratic construction. We will examine the actual usage definition for third sector, questioning its conceptual imprecise and the inclusion of ONGs on such category. Besides, we will present the connections between State and third sector´s institutions, and between these last ones and the market. We will also analyze the critical ideas about third sector: such ideas consider it as a category that contributes for the destabilization of the public state actions and for the fight for social right´s reduction. As a result, we concluded that the third sector´s actions (engaged in voluntary work) contradict the social actor´s political actions, based on the fight for citizen and social rights.

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19

Martins, Carlos Adalberto. "Violência, educação, subcidadania e democracia na periferia da grande metrópole". Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-03122007-111307/.

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A temática da formação da cidadania, conforme nossa legislação de ensino, mantém-se como um dos eixos básicos da finalidade da educação. Mas se a educação para a cidadania parece ser um imperativo social, o dilema é saber se a educação desenvolvida em instituições de ensino pública e privada da periferia da grande metrópole tem atingido seus objetivos. O presente trabalho estuda os resultados do processo de educação para o exercício da cidadania e prática da democracia em instituições escolares públicas e privadas dentro do contexto de violência da periferia de São Paulo. Para tanto, foi delimitada e caracterizada a região de Itaquera-Guaianases-Cidade Tiradentes, onde se buscou demonstrar o processo de exclusão social e carências históricas, bem como ausência de ação efetiva de determinados agentes do governo, no exercício de suas funções em prol da comunidade, com o seu descrédito junto à população. Neste quadro foram analisados e comparados o resultado de uma proposta escolar de educação com ênfase na preparação para o exercício da cidadania e a prática da democracia de uma instituição privada de ensino, com os resultados obtidos por uma escola pública, que desenvolve seu programa de educação para a cidadania dentro do contexto geral do Estado. As instituições que serviram de base para a realização do trabalho foram a Escola Estadual Aquilino Ribeiro e o Colégio Professor Augusto Alves Maia. A instituição pública atende o ensino fundamental, com ciclos I (1a a 4 ª séries) e II (5a à 8a séries); o ensino médio e além do ensino regular conta também com a modalidade Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA). Possui aproximadamente 1.100 alunos freqüentando regularmente seus cursos, que funcionam em três turnos: manhã, tarde e noite. A instituição particular de ensino mantém os cursos de educação infantil, fundamental, médio e técnico, tendo aproximadamente 1200 alunos, funcionando também em três turnos, manhã, tarde e noite. As fontes para a realização do presente trabalho foram as entrevistas com professores, alunos, coordenadores, diretores, pais de alunos e membros das escolas envolvidas. O trabalho abrangeu a ação desenvolvida no período de 1999 a 2006. O objetivo geral do trabalho foi a verificação da compreensão por parte dos alunos e dos membros da comunidade daquilo que foi trabalhado nas escolas sobre os direitos políticos, civis, sociais, econômicos e culturais que procuram assegurar ao indivíduo uma vida digna, com acesso a bens essenciais como moradia, educação, saúde, trabalho, lazer, previdência social, alimentação decente, acesso aos bens culturais e ao conjunto de bens de consumo que são oferecidos às sociedades modernas, identificando as dificuldades dentro de um quadro que sabe ser extremamente adverso.
The subject of the formation of citizenship, according to our legislation on education, remains one of the basic axes of the purpose of education. However, if education for citizenship seems to be a social imperative, the dilemma is to know if the education in public and private learning institutions in suburbs of the great metropolis has attained its objectives. This work studies the results of the education process for practice of citizenship and democracy in public and private learning institutions in the context of violence of the São Paulo suburbs. To this effect, the region of -Guaianases-Cidade Tiradentes was outlined and characterized, where it was sought to demonstrate the process of social exclusion and historical deficiency, as well as lack of effective action by certain government agents in carrying out their duties on behalf of the community, with their discredit by the population. In this setting, the result of an education proposal was analyzed and compared, with emphasis on preparing one for the practice of citizenship and democracy of a private learning institution, with results obtained by a public school, which developed its education program for citizenship in the general context of the State. The institutions that served as basis to conduct the work were Escola Estadual Aquilino Ribeiro and Colégio Professor Augusto Alves Maia. The public institution includes elementary education, with cycles I (2nd to 5th grades) and II (6th to 9th grades); high education and, besides regular education, it also has the modality Youth and Adult Education (EJA). It has approximately 1,100 students regularly attending its courses, which work in three shifts: morning, afternoon and night. The private learning institution maintains kindergarten, elementary school, high school and technical school, with approximately 1,200 students, also working in three shifts - morning, afternoon and night. The sources for this work were interviews with teachers, students, coordinators, directors, parents of students and members of the schools involved. The work covered activities in the period from 1999 to 2006. The overall goal of the work was to verify the understanding by the students and members of the community of what was taught in the schools on political, civil, social, economic and cultural rights that seek to assure the individual of a decent life, with access to essential assets like housing, education, health, work, leisure, social security, decent feeding, access to cultural assets and the set of consumer goods offered to modern society, identifying the difficulties within a setting one knows to be extremely adverse

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Caixeta, Davi Mendes. "Sobre a pretensão à universalidade dos direitos humanos: paradoxos e exclusões". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21026.

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Human rights have been universally declared by important documents and international treaties, constitutionally guaranteed by several countries, in order to ensure the life, liberty, dignity of all people. Based on the human being, these rights were considered universal, inalienable, irrefutable. However, the political crises of the beginning of the twentieth century, such as world wars, nationalist conflicts, totalitarian governments, concentration camps, questioned the claim to the universality of human rights. Although they were affirmed as universal postulate for all mankind, many people and several social groups, like stateless persons and refugees, were totally deprived of fundamental guarantees, they were excluded from society. Thereupon, it is necessary to take a critical and sharp look at discourses involving the universality of these rights, to overcome a naive or idealized approach, and to consider how these rights were placed in a terrible paradox, revealing contradictions and exceptions. This research seeks to do a critical study about the claim to the universality of human rights, presenting and understanding the meaning of paradoxes and exclusions. The main question that inspires this work is: why are human rights, universally declared, denied on many occasions to many people and several social groups? The first approach discusses the paradoxes of universality contained in universal declarations, like the documents of 1789 and 1948. Another approach considers the problem of contradictions related to State, the sovereign, who declares and ensures rights, but also decides on cases of exception. This comment also highlights the situation of subjects who are excluded from society, and it analyzes paradoxes related to citizenship. The category of stateless persons emerges, they are rejected by society, excluded by State, deprived of all rights. Thereby, there is an intension to contribute to the dialogue on human rights, considering, mainly, people who are being excluded every day
Os direitos humanos foram declarados de forma universal por importantes documentos e tratados internacionais, garantidos constitucionalmente por vários países, a fim de assegurar a vida, a liberdade, a dignidade a todas as pessoas. Fundamentados no próprio ser humano, esses direitos foram considerados universais, inalienáveis, irrenunciáveis. No entanto, as crises políticas da primeira metade do século XX, como as guerras mundiais, os conflitos e querelas nacionalistas, os governos totalitários, os campos de concentração, questionaram a pretensão à universalidade dos direitos humanos. Embora tenham sido afirmados como um postulado universal para toda a humanidade, muitas pessoas e diversos grupos sociais, como apátridas e refugiados, foram totalmente privados das garantias e liberdades fundamentais, excluídos da sociedade. Diante disso, é preciso ter um olhar crítico e aguçado sobre os discursos envolvendo a universalidade desses direitos, superando uma abordagem ingênua ou idealizada, para considerar como esses direitos foram colocados num terrível paradoxo, revelando contradições e exceções. A presente pesquisa busca elaborar um estudo crítico sobre a pretensão à universalidade dos direitos humanos, apresentando e compreendendo o significado dos paradoxos e das exclusões. A principal pergunta que inspira este estudo é colocada da seguinte maneira: por que os direitos humanos, declarados de forma universal, são negados, em várias ocasiões, a muitas pessoas e diversos grupos sociais? Uma primeira crítica discute os paradoxos da universalidade contidos nas próprias declarações universais, como nos documentos de 1789 e 1948. Outra abordagem crítica considera o problema das contradições relacionadas ao Estado, o soberano, que afirma e garante tais direitos, mas também decide sobre os casos de exceção. Também se elucida a situação dos sujeitos que são excluídos da sociedade, analisando os paradoxos referentes à cidadania. Surge a categoria das pessoas apátridas, rejeitadas pela sociedade, excluídas pelo Estado, privadas de todos seus direitos. Com isso, pretende-se contribuir com o diálogo sobre os direitos humanos, considerando, principalmente, as pessoas que são cotidianamente excluídas

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21

Maswikwa, Belinda. "Citizenship and belonging: An analysis of the Zimbabwean diaspora". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4148.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Immigrant societies are in the midst of heated debates about citizenship and what it means to belong to their nation-states. The main purpose of this study is to conduct exploratory and descriptive research into the concept of belonging to a host country, in order to advance an understanding of this under-conceptualised, yet topical issue. The project was based on an extensive review of literature from the fields of psychology, sociology and political science, as well as on the responses from an empirical, quantitative survey of Zimbabweans living in South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. The findings reveal that Zimbabwean respondents are frustrated with perceived attempts to exclude them from becoming full and equal members of host societies. Zimbabweans who feel that they will never truly belong or be fully accepted by host countries have subsequently developed a heightened sense of attachment to Zimbabwe, as a way of differentiating themselves from the dominant population. The main conclusion that can be drawn is that belonging, inclusion and identification with a host country is a complex process that involves three separate stakeholders namely the host country, members of the dominant group, and the immigrants themselves. This research thus argues that the problem of immigrant integration should be viewed through multiple lenses, by including the influence of various stakeholders. Doing so would lead to a more nuanced understanding of the forces influencing belonging, and could potentially lead to the formulation of more comprehensive and more targeted policies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Immigrante samelewings is in die midde van hewige debatte oor burgerskap en wat dit beteken om te behoort tot hul nasie-state. Die hoofdoel van hierdie studie is om in verkennende en beskrywende ondersoek van die konsep “gasheer land intergrasie”, ten einde 'n begrip van hierdie vooraf onder-gekonseptualiseerde maar tog hedendaags belangrike konsep, te formuleer. Die projek is op 'n omvattende oorsig van die literatuur gebaseer uit die gebied van sielkunde, sosiologie en politieke wetenskap, sowel as op die antwoorde van' ŉ empiriese, kwantitatiewe opname van Zimbabwiërs wat in Suid-Afrika, die Verenigde Koninkryk en die Verenigde State van Amerika gehuisves is. Die bevinding van die studie toon dat die Zimbabwiese proefpersone gefrustreerd is met die waargenome pogings van uitsluiting deur lede van die gasheer lande ten opsigte van volle gelykstelling met bogenoemde lede. Zimbabwiërs wat voel dat hulle sal nooit werklik behoort, of nie ten volle aanvaar sal word in gasheer-lande nie, het 'n verhoogde gevoel van verbinding ontwikkel met hul tuisland Zimbabwe, as ŉ manier van onderskeiding tussen hulself en die dominante bevolking. Die belangrikste gevolgtrekking wat gemaak kan word, is dat groep behoorting, insluiting en identifikasie met 'n gasheer land 'n komplekse proses is wat drie afsonderlike belanghebbendes naamlik die gasheer land, die lede van die dominante groep en die immigrante hulself behels. Hierdie navorsing argumenteer dus dat die probleem van die immigrant integrasie uit verskeie perspektiewe geanaliseer moet word, deur die betrekking van die invloed van verskeie belanghebbendes. Dit sou lei tot 'n meer genuanseerde begrip van die kragte wat ŉ uitwerking het op intergrasie, en kan moontlik lei tot die formulering van meer omvattende en geringe beleide.

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22

Traina, Ivan <1976&gt. "Social inclusion of vulnerable groups through participatory and emancipatory approaches. Implementing active citizenship and socially innovative actions in the framework of civil & human rights model of disability". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6481/1/Traina_Ivan_tesi.pdf.

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The research hypothesis of the thesis is that “an open participation in the co-creation of the services and environments, makes life easier for vulnerable groups”; assuming that the participatory and emancipatory approaches are processes of possible actions and changes aimed at facilitating people’s lives. The adoption of these approaches is put forward as the common denominator of social innovative practices that supporting inclusive processes allow a shift from a medical model to a civil and human rights approach to disability. The theoretical basis of this assumption finds support in many principles of Inclusive Education and the main focus of the hypothesis of research is on participation and emancipation as approaches aimed at facing emerging and existing problems related to inclusion. The framework of reference for the research is represented by the perspectives adopted by several international documents concerning policies and interventions to promote and support the leadership and participation of vulnerable groups. In the first part an in-depth analysis of the main academic publications on the central themes of the thesis has been carried out. After investigating the framework of reference, the analysis focuses on the main tools of participatory and emancipatory approaches, which are able to connect with the concepts of active citizenship and social innovation. In the second part two case studies concerning participatory and emancipatory approaches in the areas of concern are presented and analyzed as example of the improvement of inclusion, through the involvement and participation of persons with disability. The research has been developed using a holistic and interdisciplinary approach, aimed at providing a knowledge-base that fosters a shift from a situation of passivity and care towards a new scenario based on the person’s commitment in the elaboration of his/her own project of life.

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23

Traina, Ivan <1976&gt. "Social inclusion of vulnerable groups through participatory and emancipatory approaches. Implementing active citizenship and socially innovative actions in the framework of civil & human rights model of disability". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6481/.

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Abstract (sommario):

The research hypothesis of the thesis is that “an open participation in the co-creation of the services and environments, makes life easier for vulnerable groups”; assuming that the participatory and emancipatory approaches are processes of possible actions and changes aimed at facilitating people’s lives. The adoption of these approaches is put forward as the common denominator of social innovative practices that supporting inclusive processes allow a shift from a medical model to a civil and human rights approach to disability. The theoretical basis of this assumption finds support in many principles of Inclusive Education and the main focus of the hypothesis of research is on participation and emancipation as approaches aimed at facing emerging and existing problems related to inclusion. The framework of reference for the research is represented by the perspectives adopted by several international documents concerning policies and interventions to promote and support the leadership and participation of vulnerable groups. In the first part an in-depth analysis of the main academic publications on the central themes of the thesis has been carried out. After investigating the framework of reference, the analysis focuses on the main tools of participatory and emancipatory approaches, which are able to connect with the concepts of active citizenship and social innovation. In the second part two case studies concerning participatory and emancipatory approaches in the areas of concern are presented and analyzed as example of the improvement of inclusion, through the involvement and participation of persons with disability. The research has been developed using a holistic and interdisciplinary approach, aimed at providing a knowledge-base that fosters a shift from a situation of passivity and care towards a new scenario based on the person’s commitment in the elaboration of his/her own project of life.

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Jordan, Amanda Shrader. "Faith in Action: The First Citizenship School on Johns Island, South Carolina". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1964.

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This thesis examines the first Citizenship School, its location, participants, and success. Johns Islanders, Esau Jenkins, Septima Clark, Myles Horton, Bernice Robinson, and the Highlander Folk School all collaborated to create this school. Why and how this success was reached is the main scope of this manuscript. Emphasis is also placed on the school's impact upon the modern Civil Rights Movement. Primary sources such as personal accounts, manuscripts, and archive collections were examined. Secondary sources were also researched for this manuscript. The conclusion reached from these sources is that faith was the driving force behind the success of the Citizenship School. The schools unlocked the chains of political, social, and economic disenfranchisement for Gullah Islanders and African Americans all over the South, greatly affecting the outcome of the Civil Rights Movement. African Americans, who had once been forced into second-class citizenship, now through faith and the vote, obtained first-class citizenship.

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Duncan, Joyce Denise. "Historical Study of the Highlander Method: Honing Leadership for Social Justice". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/996.

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Waging war against economic, political and social inequity, Highlander, founded in 1932 in Monteagle, Tennessee, near Chattanooga, served as a community-training center for southern industrial labor and farmers’ unions and as a major gathering place for black and white civil rights activists, even in those days when such activity was illegal. Teachers at Highlander believed in the capacity of people to educate and to govern themselves. Humanitarians or communitarians, those working at Highlander were concerned with the interrelated systems of class and race, which, they felt, consistently enabled a small segment of the population to exploit, dominate and oppress others. This work explores whether or not there was a factor in the Highlander pedagogy that encouraged activist involvement and delves into participant assessment of Myles Horton as a charismatic leader. Although a variety of sources mention Highlander School or Myles Horton, little material exists that examines the relationship, if any, between the pedagogy or methodology used at Highlander and the leadership that emerged from the workshops. This study endeavors to fill that gap by using historical records, interviews of participants and anecdotal evidence to reveal a connection between Highlander, activism and charismatic leadership.

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Gebremichael, Mesfin. "Federalism and Conflict Management in Ethiopia. Case Study of Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State". Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5388.

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In 1994 Ethiopia introduced a federal system of government as a national level approach to intra-state conflict management. Homogenisation of cultures and languages by the earlier regimes led to the emergence of ethno-national movements and civil wars that culminated in the collapse of the unitary state in 1991. For this reason, the federal system that recognises ethnic groups' rights is the first step in transforming the structural causes of civil wars in Ethiopia. Against this background this research examines whether the federal arrangement has created an enabling environment in managing conflicts in the country. To understand this problematic, the thesis conceptualises and analyses federalism and conflict management using a qualitative research design based on in-depth interviewing and content-based thematic analysis - taking the case study of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state. The findings of the study demonstrate that different factors hinder the federal process. First, the constitutional focus on ethnic groups' rights has led, in practice, to lessened attention to citizenship and minority rights protection in the regional states. Second, the federal process encourages ethnic-based elite groups to compete in controlling regional and local state powers and resources. This has greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic-based violent conflicts, hostile intergovernmental relationships and lack of law and order along the common borders of the regional states. Third, the centralised policy and decision making process of the ruling party has hindered genuine democratic participation of citizens and self-determination of the ethnic groups. This undermines the capacity of the regional states and makes the federal structure vulnerable to the dynamics of political change. The conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz emanate from these causes, but lack of territorial land use rights of the indigenous people and lack of proportional political representation of the non-indigenous people are the principal manifestations. The research concludes by identifying the issues that determine the sustainability of the federal structure. Some of them include: making constitutional amendments which consider citizenship rights and minority rights protection; enhancing the democratic participation of citizens by developing the capacities of the regional states and correcting the organisational weakness of the multi-national political parties; encouraging co-operative intergovernmental relationships, and maintaining the territorial land use rights of the Benishangul-Gumuz indigenous people.

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Alexander, Kenneth Cooper. "Developing and Sustaining Political Citizenship for Poor and Marginalized People: The Evelyn T. Butts Story". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1566483543046846.

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Owens, Kevin John. "The School and Society: Secondary School Social Studies Education from 1945-1970". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368290377.

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Butcher, Santana Kasey. "From the Classroom to the Movement: Schoolgirl Narratives and Cultural Citizenship in American Literature". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1468956893.

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Clark-Wiltz, Meredith. "Revising Constitutions: Race and Sex Discrimination in Jury Service, 1868-1979". The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305652946.

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31

Riutta, Satu. "Empowering the Poor? Civic Education and Local Level Participation in Rural Tanzania and Zambia". unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04242007-010341/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2007.
Title from file title page. William Downs, committee chair; Michael Herb, Carrie Manning, committee members. Electronic text (465 p. : col. ill., col. maps) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Nov. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 370-397).

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Weyant, Thomas Bradley. ""Your Years Here Have Been Most Unreal": Political and Social Activism during the Vietnam War Era at Northern Appalachian Universities". University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1459955464.

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Rigo, Karina Borges. "Instrumentos jurídicos para a garantia do direito ao lazer e qualidade de vida no meio ambiente urbano". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2016. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/1140.

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O direito ao lazer como máxima dos direitos sociais fundamentais positivados no artigo 6º da Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988, porém ainda não perpetrados na sociedade brasileira contemporânea, é o principal objeto de discussão deste trabalho. Sempre com enfoque no meio ambiente urbano, aventam-se questões acerca do bem-estar, qualidade de vida, tempo livre e ócio do cidadão no contexto em que está inserido, a partir do problema principal que é em que medida um ambiente urbano que propicie aos seus cidadãos o direito ao lazer contribui para a efetivação e consolidação dos conceitos de cidadania, bem-estar e qualidade de vida no contexto brasileiro? Assim, o Direito Urbanístico aparece no pensamento de que é o Município o responsável pela garantia do exercício do direito ao lazer pelo cidadão, através da adoção de políticas públicas universalizantes e instrumentos jurídicos, como por exemplo o plano diretor e o zoneamento urbano. Deste modo e através do principal método que é o dialético de Hegel é que cidadania, urbanismo e instrumentos jurídicos para sua efetivação tornam-se figuras conexas às discussões acerca de cidades sustentáveis, bem-estar e qualidade de vida de todos os cidadãos que a integram.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES.
Le droit au loisir comme maximum de les droits sociaux fondamentaux positivisées à l'article 6 de la Constitution Brésilienne Fédérale de 1988, mais n'a pas encore perpétré dans la société brésilienne contemporaine, est le principal sujet de discussion de ce travail . Toujours en se concentrant sur l'environnement urbain , posents sur des questions sur le bien-être, la qualité de vie , le temps libre et les loisirs des citoyens dans le contexte dans lequel ils vivent, en suivant de la question principale est dans quelle mesure un environnement urbain qui permet à ses citoyens le droit aux loisirs contribue à la réalisation et la consolidation des concepts de citoyenneté , bien-être et la qualité de vie dans le contexte brésilien? Donc, le Droit Urbain apparaît dans la pensée qui est la municipalité, par l'adoption de l'universalisation de politiques publiques et des instruments juridiques tels que le plan directeur et le zonage urbaine, le chargé de veiller à l'exercice du droit aux loisirs par le citoyen . Ainsi , la citoyenneté , de l'urbanisme et des instruments juridiques à sa garantie deviennent figures relatifs à des discussions sur les villes durables, bien-être et la qualité de vie de tous les citoyens.

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Carvalho, Ana Cristina Azevedo Pontes de. "Direito de informação no espaço virtual da internet: consolidação da cidadania". Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2013. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1278.

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The innovations in the exercise of citizenship after the evolution of technology lead to reflections in the Law area, concerning information, liberty of expression and respect to private life. The use of cyberspace as a way to practice juridical acts was transformed by the creation and popularization of internet, which made possible the information process as no other way of communication could ever have done, due to the fact that it allowed people to inform, be informed and keep informed in an easier way. The modern conception of citizenship requires, not only solidarity to demand the rights for which the whole society is interested, but also covers the needing that all people have access to technology, otherwise it would make very difficult to exercise their rights. Inserted in the research area Citizenship Modeling the State , due to the needing of revision and consolidation of the concept of citizenship and the rising importance of the right to information, when internet plays a preponderant role on citizens life, the objectives of this thesis are: to analyze the role of the right to information on the cyberspace, reflecting about how it models the performance of the State and leads to the exercise of an active citizenship, modernizing democracy, and also to evaluate if this right is present in the construction of the rules for a civil regulation of the internet. The methodology comprehended a documental research, using both national and foreign literature, and also the current legal rules, the Law Project (and Substitutive) that intends to create the Civil Regulation of Internet and the case law, based on the literature of authors such as Alexy, Bucci, Castells, Dahl, Dworkin, Lévy and Pinsky. This thesis was divided in three chapters: the first one regards the transformations of society, related to the right to information; the second one studies the internet and its role on the exercise of citizenship; the third one analyzes how the creation of a civil regulation of internet in Brazil may promote the exercise of the right to information and consolidate citizenship. It was supported that the rules regarding the exercise of the right to information and applicable to the cyberspace of internet may consolidate citizenship, concluding that the Law Project 2.126/11 (and Substitutive) contains the main rules in order to cover these objectives, as an effective public policy related to the exercise of citizenship.
As inovações no exercício da cidadania, com a evolução da tecnologia, propiciam reflexões no campo jurídico, que conduzem a olhares cruzados entre informação, liberdade de expressão e respeito à vida privada. A utilização do espaço virtual como meio de prática de atos jurídicos não só foi revolucionada após o surgimento e a popularização da internet, mas também viabilizou o processo de informação como nenhum outro meio de comunicação poderia fazer, ao permitir que as pessoas informem, informem-se e se mantenham informadas com maior velocidade. A concepção contemporânea de cidadania requer, não apenas solidariedade para pleitear os direitos de interesse da sociedade, mas já abrange também a necessidade de que todos tenham acesso à internet, sob pena de dificultar sobremaneira o exercício dos seus direitos. Enquadrada na linha de pesquisa A Cidadania Modelando o Estado , ante a patente necessidade de revisão e consolidação do conceito de cidadania e a crescente importância do direito de informação, quando a internet passa a ocupar um papel preponderante no dia-a-dia dos cidadãos, a presente tese tem, por objetivos, analisar o papel do direito de informação no espaço virtual da internet, refletindo sobre como ele modela a atuação do Estado e conduz ao exercício de uma cidadania ativa, modernizando a democracia, e também avaliar como esse direito está presente na construção das normas jurídicas para um marco civil da internet. A metodologia compreendeu uma pesquisa documental, utilizando a literatura nacional e estrangeira, além das normas jurídicas em vigor e do projeto de lei (e Substitutivo) que pretende instituir o Marco Civil da Internet e da jurisprudência, e o marco teórico foi baseado na doutrina de autores como Alexy, Bucci, Castells, Dahl, Dworkin, Lévy e Pinsky. Esta tese foi dividida em três capítulos: o primeiro trata das transformações da sociedade, relacionadas ao direito de informação; o segundo estuda a internet e o seu papel no exercício da cidadania; o terceiro analisa como a criação de um marco civil da internet no Brasil pode promover o exercício do direito de informação e a consolidação da cidadania. Sustentou-se que as normas jurídicas relativas ao exercício do direito de informação e aplicáveis ao espaço virtual da internet podem consolidar a cidadania, concluindo que o Projeto de Lei 2.126/11 (e Substitutivo) contempla as principais regras no sentido de concretizar tais ideais, constituindo uma verdadeira política pública direcionada ao exercício do direito de informação e da cidadania.

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Carvalho, Sérgio Lino da Silva. "A interação cidadão-tribunal de Contas do Estado do Rio de Janeiro: uma perspectiva republicana". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/3518.

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The consolidation of democracy and the strengthenin g of institutions in our country, together with the persistence of patrimonialism and the patronage in relations between civil society and the Brazilian state, are emerging the need of establishing a democratic culture in which citizenspermanently follow the main actions of governments and public managers. Social control over the government appears to be very important to the governments be responsive and move to pursue the public interest. The elections, as a mechanism of accountability, are insufficient to ensure that the governments implement with efficacy, efficiency and effectiveness the policies that the society requires. This research sought to answer how can the Court of Auditors of the state of Rio de Janeiro (TCE-RJ), organ of external control, encourage and stimulate the social control exercised over the managers of organs under its jurisdiction. For this, this study used a field survey in other Courts of Auditors with the objective of pointing out possible actions that the TCE-RJ can implement in order to induce citizenship and increase social control. It was verified that the TCE-RJ can have, in fact, an effective action in the stimulaton to the state of Rio de Janeiro ́s society aiming the increment of the control of the actions and politics implemented for the public managers. The study suggests a set of fourteen measures that can be taken by TCE-RJ with this objective.
A consolidação da democracia e o fortalecimento das instituições em nosso país, aliados a uma persistência do patrimonialismo e do clientelismo nas relações entre a sociedade civil e o Estado brasileiro, fazem emergir a necessidade do estabelecimento de uma cultura democrática em que os cidadãos acompanhem permanentemente as principais ações dos governantes e gestores públicos. O controle social sobre a administração pública revela-se de fundamental importância para que os governos sejam responsivos e caminhem no sentido de perseguir o interesse público. As eleições, como mecanismo de accountability, mostram-se insuficientes para assegurar que os governantes implementem de forma eficaz, eficiente e efetiva as políticas públicas de que a sociedade necessita. A presente pesquisa buscou responder como pode o Tribunal de Contas do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (TCE-RJ), órgão de controle externo, fomentar e estimular o controle social exercido sobre os gestores dos órgãos sob sua jurisdição. Para tal, este estudo utilizou-se de pesquisa de campo em outras Cortes de Contas com o objetivo de apontar possíveis ações que o TCE-RJ possa implementar com vistas à indução de cidadania e incremento do controle social. Verificou-se que o TCE-RJ pode ter, de fato, uma ação efetiva no estímulo à sociedade fluminense com vistas ao incremento do controle das ações e políticas implementadas pelos gestores públicos. O estudo sugere um conjunto de quatorze medidas que podem ser tomadas pelo TCE-RJ com este objetivo.

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Sjunneryd, Sofia Soraya. "Barnets bästa - eller nationens? : Tingsrättens överväganden i adoptionsärenden där barnet inte har svenskt medborgarskap". Thesis, Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-8230.

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Bakgrund: Svensk migrationslagstiftning har sin grund i en äldre rättsordning som uppkom i och med nationalstatens grundande. Efter andra världskriget växte en ny rättsordning fram baserad på mänskliga rättigheter. Barnets bästa är ett begrepp som har vuxit fram utifrån barns särskilda skyddsbehov och har sedan 1980-talet i ökande omfattning varit del av svensk lagstiftning. Sedan lagändringar i föräldrabalken 2018 ska barnets bästa ges största vikt vid alla frågor som rör adoption av ett barn. Dess-utom ska oftare begäras in ett yttrande från Migrationsverket. Migrationsverket bedömer om en adoption kan vara ett försök att få stanna i landet på ogiltiga skäl. Detta innebär att tingsrätten i beslutsfattandet samtidigt ska förhålla sig till, och resonera kring barnets bästa, och till misstanken om att adoptionen kan vara ett försök att kringgå gällande lagstiftning. Syfte: Att ge kunskap om hur tingsrätten förhåller sig till ett motstridigt område i rättsordningen där mänskliga rättigheter står mot nationens syn på medborgarskapet genom att ställa frågan: Hur resonerar tingsrätten runt barnets bästa i adoptionsärenden gällande barn som inte är svenska medborgare? Metod: Kritisk reflexiv metod och teori som den beskrivs av Alvesson och Sköldberg (2017). Material: Samtliga tingsrättsbeslut i adoptionsärenden från Södertörns tingsrätt under tidsperioden 1 september 2018 till 1 april 2020, gällande barn under 18 år som inte har svenskt medborgarskap. Urvalet resulterade i 16 ärenden. Resultat: Tingsrättens avvägningar och resonerande kring barnets bästa var inkonsekvent. Det tydligaste mönstret var att relationen mellan barn och sökande innan adoptionen avgjorde hur tingsrätten förhöll sig till barnets bästa. Utifrån denna skillnad skapades två resultatkategorier. När det saknades en relation mellan barn och sökande innan adoptionsprocessen utmärktes besluten av kort text med få argument. När en redan etablerad relation fanns mellan barn och sökande, eller då barnets behov var startpunkten för adoptionsansökan, var protokollen till stor del referenser till socialtjänstens och migrationsverkets yttranden. Tingsrätten redogjorde och resonerade både kring barnets bästa och migrationslagarna i större utsträckning, och kunde uttrycka tvivel om adoptionens syfte. Trots att tingsrättens bedömning av barnets bästa ska utgå från det individuella barnet så gjordes detta till stor del utifrån andra faktorer. Diskussion: Utifrån det individuella barnets bästa borde inte relationen före adoptionsansökan vara avgörande för vare sig omfattningen av tingsrättens utforskande av nationella omvårdnadsmöjligheter eller risken för människohandel. Slutsats: I tingsrättens överväganden, i dessa internationella adoptionsärenden, vägde nationens bästa genomgående tyngre än barnets bästa. Detta tyder på att de nyare rättsordningarna med mänskliga rättigheter och barnets bästa med universella idéer, som det ser ut nu, både domineras av och används som rättfärdigande av den äldre rättsordningen om medborgarskap kopplat till nationalstaten.
Background: The best interests of the child (Sw. barnets bästa) is an expression that has arisen from children's special protection needs and has been a part of Swedish law since the 1980s. Since 2018 the best interests of the child should be given the largest concern in all adoption matters. Furthermore, in more cases an opinion should be received from the Swedish Migration Authority with an assessment if an adoption is an attempt to stay in the country on invalid grounds. This means the court in its judgement at the same time must consider and reason about the best interests of the child, and that the adoption could be an attempt to circumvent current immigration legislation. Purpose: To bring knowledge regarding how the district court reason about a conflicting area in current legislation where human rights stand against the nation's view on the citizenship by asking the question: How does the court reason about the best interests of the child in adoptions cases regarding children who aren't Swedish citizens? Method: Critical reflexive method and theory as described by Alvesson and Sköldberg (2017). Material: 16 district court rulings in adoption cases from Södertörns District Court between 1 September 2018 and 1 April 2020, regarding children under 18 who does not have Swedish citizenship. Results: The district court's reason about what constituted the best interests of the child was inconsistent. The clearest pattern was that the relationship between the child and the applicant(s) before the adoption decided how the court treated the child's best interests. When there was no relationship between the child and the applicant(s) before the adoption process, the decisions in general had short text with few arguments. When there was an established relationship between the child and the applicant(s), or when the child's need was the basis of the adoption application, the protocols was in large references to the Social Service Administration's and the Migration Authority's opinions. The District Court reported and reasoned both to a greater extent about the child's best interests and the migration laws and could express doubts about the purpose of the adoption. Although the district court's assessment of the best interests of the child should be based on the individual child, this was largely based on other factors. The scope of reasoning increased with the child's age, and decreased with the status of adults, respectively. When the applicant had Swedish citizenship, less reason was raised about the best interests of the child. In addition, patterns of gender stereotyped assessments of the applicant's parental ability were shown. Conclusions: In the district court's considerations, in these international adoption cases, the nation's best consistently weighed heavier than the child's best. This suggests that the newer human rights legal systems and the best interests of the child with universal ideas, as it now appears, are both dominated by and used to justify the older legal system of citizenship linked to the nation state.

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Oliveira, Patricia Cerqueira de. "Acesso à justiça: como os balcões de justiça e cidadania contribuem para garantir o acesso à ordem jurídica justa". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/9779.

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Esse trabalho cuida, em linhas gerais, do acesso à Justiça, na perspectiva de acesso à ordem jurídica justa, a compreender tanto o acesso à orientação jurídica quanto o acesso ao sistema judicial, a partir da revisão teórica e da observação empírica dos Balcões de Justiça e Cidadania (BJC), instalados pelo Tribunal de Justiça do Estado da Bahia na cidade de Salvador. A proposta é proceder a uma análise profunda dos BJC para verificar de que forma colaboram para a inclusão no sistema de justiça de parte da população da Capital do Estado que não teria como obter informações sobre seus direitos e/ou resolverem seus conflitos. Para tanto, elaborei uma hipótese: a de que os Balcões de Justiça e Cidadania contribuem para dar acesso à população que procura orientação quanto aos seus direitos, ou tem conflitos cuja solução ainda não foi formalizada judicialmente. Em seguida, defini alguns parâmetros para conduzir a investigação: a) natureza da demanda dos serviços jurídicos - o número de atendimentos dos BJC de Salvador, desde aqueles atendimentos que se referiam a orientação jurídica até os que diziam respeito a conflitos de interesse; b) número de acordos realizados nos BJC de Salvador; c) natureza do conflito levado aos BJC; d) características dos locais em que estão situados os BJC; e) perfil dos usuários dos serviços dos BJC; f) satisfação dos usuários dos serviços prestados nos BJC de Salvador. O objetivo é sumariar alguns insights oriundos da pesquisa desenvolvida nos BJC da cidade de Salvador, por acreditar que poderá ter alguma utilidade para o desenvolvimento da prática e para se pensar uma política pública efetiva de acesso à Justiça, customizada aos contornos da cidade de Salvador.
This work is about, in general, the access to Justice, from the perspective of access to the fair legal system, to understand both the access to legal advice and access to the judicial system, from the theoretical view and empirical observation of Justice Branch and Citizenship (BJC), installed by the Court of the State of Bahia in Salvador. The proposal is to undertake a thorough analysis of the BJC to see how they collaborate for the inclusion in the justice system of the population such information on their rights and / or resolve their conflicts. For this, I developed a hypothesis: that the branches of Justice and Citizenship help to give access to the population that seeking guidance about their rights, or has a conflict whose solution has not been formalized legally yet. Then, I set some parameters to conducting the investigation: a) nature of the demand for legal services - the number of calls from BJC Salvador, since those calls that referred to legal advice to those who were related to conflicts of interest; b) number of arrangements in Salvador BJC; c) nature of the conflict led to BJC; d) characteristics of the sites that are situated BJC; e) profile of the services of BJC; f) user’s satisfaction of services provided in the BJC of Salvador. The goal is to summarize some insights come from the research developed in the BJC in city of Salvador, by believing that you may have some use for the development of practice and to think an effective public policy of access to Justice, tailored in the contours of the city of Salvador.

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Miles, David Jonathan. "Stability or renewal : the judicialisation of representative democracy in American and German constitutionalism". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11056.

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This thesis examines how American and German constitutionalism, as shaped by the U.S. Supreme Court and the German Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), have mediated the tension between threats to stability and the imperative of renewal through occasional or constant interventions in their democratic processes. To do this, it primarily assesses the 1960s U.S. reapportionment cases and the European Parliament electoral threshold cases of 2011 and 2014. It also considers the ideas of four thinkers, theorists and jurists who have wrestled with the dilemma of how to maintain the bond between citizen and state: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Hannah Arendt, Thomas Jefferson and Alexis de Tocqueville. Stability and renewal represent the twin orientation points for constitutionalism and the courts against which they must adjust to possible democratic threats, or new political and social forces in need of recognition. Threats to the state can emerge either from a surfeit of illiberal views in politics and society aimed at destroying an existing constitutional order, or when democratic channels become starved of new opinions through the constitutional or unconstitutional exclusion of voters and parties. A distinctive feature of the approach taken is the conceptual division between the ‘legal/institutional' space in which the Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht interpret constitutional meaning, and the ‘civic space' in which citizens accept or reject constitutional meaning. One central question is how American and German constitutionalism, and the U.S. Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht shape and influence the vital civic space that is integral to the democratic relationship between citizen and state, and the survival of the state itself. Ultimately it is concluded that without acceptance of the importance of law and constitutionalism by citizens in the civic space, the influence of the Supreme Court and the Bundesverfassungsgericht becomes purely institutional and effectively consigned to the courtroom.

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Rocha, Michel Gomes da. "Cinema, ideologia e representação: (neo) conservadorismo, resistências, e belicismo nos Estados Unidos (1980-1990)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-27102016-083020/.

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Esta dissertação analisa o contexto político dos Estados Unidos e a representação da cidadania entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990. Através de quatro narrativas fílmicas produzidas em Hollywood, são elas: Mississippi em chamas (1988) do diretor Alan Parker; Nascido em 4 de julho (1989) do diretor Oliver Stone; Um dia de fúria (1993) do diretor Joel Schumacher e Clube da luta (1999) do diretor David Fincher, pretendese conduzir o estudo do contexto político do país através dos seus produtos culturais. A primeira narrativa representa problemáticas acerca da segregação racial e a conquista dos direitos civis por negros, tema latente nos anos 1960, que são evocados mediante o contexto de crise desses movimentos sociais e a desarticulação do Estado de bem estar social nos anos 1980. A segunda narrativa representa a experiência do veterano da guerra do Vietnã e o ativismo político oriundo desta experiência, as culturas políticas em efervescência no período, bem como uma leitura que traga um novo lugar de memória para o veterano do Vietnã. A terceira narrativa representa o contexto de crise econômica proveniente do projeto de nação dos neoconservadores e neoliberais que ascenderam ao poder e como resultado de suas políticas houve um aumento da violência urbana, polarização social, bem como a tematização da crise do homem WASP. A quarta e ultima narrativa foi contemporânea de um movimento de diretores e intelectuais afinados com o liberalismo, que se aproximaram da representação da guerra e do sentido de identidade que este fenômeno forja para criticar a postura bélica que os governos anteriores empreenderam, fracassando, pela apropriação conservadora que estas narrativas também proporcionavam, foi visto nos Estados Unidos uma contundente critica aos ideais do American Way of life e neste sentido, Clube da luta é uma destas produções, por trazer em suas imagens elementos da representação da cidadania no período.
This dissertation analyzes the US political context and the representation of the citizenship between the 1980s and 1990s. Through four filmic narratives produced in Hollywood, they are: Mississippi Burning (1988), director Alan Parker; Born on the 4 of July (1989), director Oliver Stone; Falling down (1993), director Joel Schumacher and Fight Club (1999), director David Fincher, it is intended to conduct a study of the political context of the country through its cultural products. The first narrative presents the problematic of the racial segregation and achievements of African-American Civil Rights moviment, latent theme in the 1960s, which are evoked by the crisis of those social movements and the disarticulation of the welfare state in the 1980s. The second narrative is about a Vietnam war veteran experience and political activism arising from this experience, the effervescence of political cultures in the period, as well as a reading that brings a new place of memory to the Vietnam veteran. The third narrative represents the context of economic crisis coming from the national project of the neoconservatives and neoliberals who ascended to power and, as the result of their policies, there was an increase in urban violence, social polarization, and the theming of WASP man crisis. The fourth and final story was contemporary of a movement of officers and intellectuals sympathetic to liberalism, which approached the representation of war and sense of identity that this phenomenon forges to criticize the war posture that previous governments have undertaken, failing, for the conservative appropriation these narratives also afforded, it has been seen in the United States a scathing critique of the ideals of the American way of life and therefore, Fight Club is one of these productions, by bringing in its images elements of representation of citizenship in the period.

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Favaro, Tereza Cristina Pires. "O CONTROLE SOCIAL NO SISTEMA ÚNICO DE SAÚDE: A EXPERIÊNCIA DE GOIÂNIA - EM DUAS GESTÕES (1988 a 1992 e 1993 a 1996)". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2009. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/2208.

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The purpose of this study is to understand the historical process of the Unified Health System in Goiânia, the social control, its deployment and implementation in two different administrations: one from 1988 to 1992, management of PMDB and the second from 1993 to 1996, of PT. Social control, as the Constitution of 1998, indicates the possibility of doing a social relationship between state and society, in a public and democratic basis, to expand the access to basic health services through the popular participation in the Councils and Health Conference. This way, the effective participation of the people shows the struggle for a larger democracy, citizenship and consequently of public social policies, to express the possibility of breaking with the meritocratic profile, costumer and their exclusion. So, the study tried to know the process of participation of users in the health policy in Goiânia, through the City Council and Health Conference, while that period. For better understanding this study in an empirical reality, it was done a semi-structured interview for data collection, with questions guiding the research and allowing new ones. This increased the research by putting the interviewees free to express their opinion. After data collection and systematization of the answers applied to each interviewed person, there was a correlation between theoretical and empirical research in making the knowledge of the object, mediated by critical analysis.
A proposta deste estudo é apreender o processo histórico do Sistema Único de Saúde em Goiânia e, nele, o controle social, sua implantação e implementação, em duas gestões distintas: de 1988 a 1992, gestão do PMDB, e a segunda, de 1993 a 1996, do PT. O controle social, conforme a Constituição de 1998 indica a possibilidade de construção de uma sociabilidade no campo da relação Estado e sociedade, em bases públicas e democráticas, no sentido de ampliação do acesso aos serviços básicos de saúde por meio da participação popular nos Conselhos e Conferências de Saúde. Nessa direção, a participação efetiva dos sujeitos expressa a luta pelo alargamento da democracia, da cidadania e, consequentemente, das políticas sociais públicas, ao expressar a possibilidade de romper com o perfil meritocrático, clientelista e excludente dessas políticas. Nesse sentido, o estudo buscou conhecer o processo de participação dos usuários na construção da Política de Saúde de Goiânia, por meio do Conselho Municipal de Saúde e Conferências, durante o período mencionado. Para maior entendimento do objeto de estudo na realidade empírica, optou-se pela entrevista semiestruturada para coleta de dados, com formulações de questões norteadoras da pesquisa, ao permitir que elas, pertinentes ao tema, fossem tratadas de forma aberta, bem como ao possibilitar novas indagações. Isso assegurou um enriquecimento à investigação, ao deixar o entrevistado livre para fazer suas colocações. Após a coleta de dados e sistematização das respostas às perguntas que compõem o roteiro de entrevista, aplicado a cada um dos sujeitos entrevistados, estabeleceu se a correlação entre a pesquisa teórica e a pesquisa empírica na construção do processo de conhecimento do objeto, mediado pela análise crítica.

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Barreto, Ana Carina Neves Vilares. "Adela Cortina e os percursos de uma cidadania inclusiva: Dos direitos humanos ao princípio ético de co-responsabilidade". Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/18322.

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O presente trabalho de investigação procura, numa abordagem global da obra e do pensamento filosófico de Adela Cortina, entroncar duas problemáticas cuja actualidade ética julgo ser crucial. Por um lado, pretende-se revisitar em que contexto a ética cívica de Adela Cortina pode ajudar a reestruturar um novo percurso de cidadania, de uma cidadania política a uma cidadania civil e cosmopolita que proponha a cada ser humano a actualização e revitalização do seu protagonismo na vida pública. Por outro e no horizonte da resinificação ética do exercício efectivo da cidadania, procurar caminhos para que essa busca efectiva possa incluir as mulheres como protagonistas nas sociedades civis e políticas de hoje. Por conseguinte, é ao colocar a cidadania moderna em questão, a que surgiu com o romper da Revolução Francesa e que secularmente sujeitou as mulheres a um imaginário igual, no entanto, de real exclusão, que a partir dessa desconstrução proponho um olhar lavado acerca do empowerment das mulheres na vida pública e, desde logo, em que medida essa reactualização é herdeira de uma ética cívica da co-responsabilidade em Adela Cortina. /ABSTRACT; The present investigation work searches, in a global approach to the work and the philosophical thought of Adela Cortina, to thicken two topical issues witch ethics actuality I believe is crucial. First, it is intended to revisit context in which the ethics of civic Adela Cortina can help to restructure a new pathway to citizenship, a political citizenship to a civic citizenship and cosmopolitan that propose to every human being the update and revitalization of its role in public life. For another, and in the horizon of re-meaning ethics of the effective exercise of citizenship, to seek ways so that this effective search can include women as protagonists in civil society and policies today. Therefore, it is when placing the modem citizenship in question, the one that appeared with breaching of the French Revolution and that secularly it subjected the women to imaginary an equal one, however, of real exclusion, which from that deconstruction propose a look washed about empowerment of women in public life and, therefore, to what extent this updating is heir to an ethic of civic responsibility in Adela Cortina.

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Brömdal, Annette. "Intersex - A Challenge for Human Rights and Citizenship Rights". Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-890.

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The purpose with this dissertation is to study the Intersex phenomenon in South Africa, meaning the interplay between the dual sex and gender norms in society. Hence, the treatment by some medical institutions and the view of some non-medical institutions upon this ‘treatment’, have been studied in relation to the Intersex infant’s human rights and citizenship rights. The thesis has moreover also investigated how young Intersex children are included/excluded and mentioned/not mentioned within South Africa’s legal system and within UN’s Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Furthermore, because Intersex children are viewed as ‘different’ on two accounts – their status as infants and born with an atypical congenital physical sexual differentiation, the thesis’ theoretical framework looks at the phenomenon from three perspectives – ‘the politics of difference’, human rights, and citizenship rights directed towards infants. The theoretical frameworks have been used to ask questions in relation to the empirical data, i.e. look at how the Intersex infants are ‘treated’ in relation to their status as ‘different’; and also in relation to the concept of being recognized, respected and allowed to partake in deciding whether to impose surgery or not. Moreover, what ‘treatment’ serves the best interest of the Intersex child? This has been done through semi structured interviews.

In conclusion, some of the dissertation’s most important features are that since the South African society, like many other societies, strongly live by the belief that there are only two sexes and genders, this implies that Intersex infants do not fit in and become walking pathologies who must be ‘fixed’ to become ‘normal’. Moreover, since most genital corrective surgeries are imposed without being medically or surgically necessary, and are generally imposed before the age of consent (18), the children concerned, are generally not asked for their opinion regarding the surgery. Lastly because early corrective surgery can have devastating life lasting consequences, this ultimately means that the child’s human rights and citizenship rights are of a concern. These conclusions do however not ignore the consequences one has to endure for the price of being ‘different’.

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Tambakaki, Paulina Kalliopi. "On the future of democratic citizenship : the citizenship-human rights debate". Thesis, University of Westminster, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433898.

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44

Ichikawa, Minako. "Citizenship, human rights, and state sovereignty in international relations : towards global citizenship?" Thesis, Keele University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.411885.

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45

Abbay, Futsum. "Disability rights in Africa: towards citizenship approach". Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=114183.

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This thesis evaluates the status of the rights of persons with disabilities in the African context drawing from international, regional and national perspectives. It assesses the adequacy and effectiveness of the existing legal frameworks in Africa for achieving the full citizenship rights of persons with disabilities. It uses the concept of citizenship to justify and advocate for the protection and promotion of the rights of persons with disabilities. The thesis begins by reviewing various theoretical and conceptual models of disability rights and the emergence of anti-discrimination rights and the duty to accommodate in various jurisdictions. It then examines significant developments in international human rights law, culminating in the coming into force of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. I underscore the shift that has occurred away from a biomedical/charity model of disability towards a human rights and citizenship-based paradigm. In the African context, however, this shift has not yet occurred. I argue that the existing regional legal framework in Africa does not provide adequate legal protections and guarantees for safeguarding the human rights of persons with disabilities. The African regional human rights instruments often portray persons with disabilities as recipients of care, assistance and rehabilitation services, replicating the perspective of the individual/bio-medical model. The progress towards a human rights approach to disability rights in Africa has been very slow. I suggest that the African Union should adopt a separate and specific convention or protocol on the rights of persons with disabilities in Africa. At the national level, many African states have disability-related laws that continue to reflect attitudes rooted in the individual/bio-medical model. To date, many African states have not enacted laws that meaningfully respect and protect disability human rights. I argue that states should primarily be responsible for ensuring the full citizenship status of persons with disabilities. I maintain that persons with disabilities should be reasonably accommodated to meet their needs in all circumstances in order to attain this objective. Otherwise, eliminating the exclusion, marginalization and discrimination experienced by persons with disabilities will remain an unfulfilled dream.
Cette thèse évalue le statut des droits des personnes handicapées dans le contexte Africain, en puisant dans des perspectives internationales, régionales et nationales. Elle étudie également l'adéquation et l'efficacité des cadres légaux existants actuellement en Afrique pour établir les pleins droits civils des personnes handicapées.La thèse commence par passer en revue plusieurs modèles théoriques et conceptuels des droits des personnes handicapées et l'émergence de droits antidiscriminatoires et du devoir d'accommodation dans plusieurs juridictions. Elle examine ensuite les développements significatifs dans le droit international de la personne, culminant avec l'entrée en vigueur de la Convention relative aux droits des personnes handicapées. À cet égard, je souligne le changement qui s'est opéré en passant d'un modèle biomédical/charité vers un paradigme basé sur les droits des personnes handicapées et la citoyenneté. Dans le contexte Africain, ce changement n'a en revanche pas encore eu lieu. Je soutiens que le cadre légal régional présentement en place en Afrique n'offre pas de protection légale ou de garanties pour la protection des droits des personnes handicapées adéquates. Les instruments régionaux Africains des droits de la personne décrivent souvent les personnes handicapées comme des receveurs d'aide, d'assistance et de services de réhabilitation, reproduisant ainsi la perspective du modèle individuel/biomédical. L'évolution vers une approche des droits de la personne pour les personnes handicapées en Afrique est très lente. Je suggère que l'Union Africaine devrait adopter une convention ou un protocole séparé et spécifique aux droits des personnes handicapées en Afrique. De même, au niveau national, de nombreuses nations Africaines légifèrent des lois sur le handicap qui continuent de refléter des attitudes ancrées dans le modèle individuel/biomédical. Présentement, de nombreux pays Africains n'ont pas adopté de lois qui respectent et protègent de façon significative les droits des personnes handicapées. Je soutiens que les états devraient être principalement responsables d'assurer le plein statut de citoyen des personnes handicapées. Je maintiens que les personnes handicapées devraient être raisonnablement accommodées pour pourvoir à leurs besoins en toutes circonstances pour atteindre cet objectif. Sinon, l'élimination de l'exclusion, de la marginalisation et de la discrimination envers les personnes handicapées restera un rêve inachevé.

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Flygge, Mikaela. "Invisible children in the Dominican Republic : A Minor Field Study on obstacles to birth registration". Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Life Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3281.

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Birth registration is a fundamental key in ensuring several essential rights of the child; including the right to a name and a nationality, the right to education and health care, and protection from abuse and exploitation among others. The United Nation’s Convention on the Right of the Child establishes that the child shall be registered immediately after birth and have the right to a name and a nationality. A total of 22 % of the Dominican children under the age of five are lacking an official proof of their existence within the Dominican society and in the world. A Minor Field study was conducted during a period of two months in 2009 with the aim of clarifying what obstacles to birth registration exist in the South-western part of the Dominican Republic. This clarification will contribute to a wider understanding of the causes to non-registration and the birth registration process in the country. Semi-structured interviews have been conducted with parents to unregistered children, civil registry officials and other relevant actors in the Dominican society. The findings of the study present a wide range of obstacles to birth registration and it is clear that the reasons behind non-registration in this region are numerous, complex and often inter-related. According to most parents, officials and other informants the main obstacle to birth registration was found to be the parents’ lack of a Dominican identification card, a cédula. The lack of awareness about the importance of being registered and neglect by the parents were two other significant barriers to birth registration. The Minor Field Study was conducted with the support of the child rights organisation Plan International - República Dominicana.

Registro de nacimiento es una de las claves más importantes para asegurar los derechos fundamentales del niño; derecho a un nombre y una nacionalidad, derecho a la educación, derecho a servicio de salud, protección contra el abuso y la explotación entre otras cosas. La Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño establece que el niño será inscripto inmediatamente después de su nacimiento y tendrá derecho a un nombre y una nacionalidad. Un total de 22 % de los niños Dominicanos menores de cinco años de edad carece de una prueba oficial de su existencia dentro de la sociedad Dominicana y en el mundo. Un estudio de campo (Minor Field Study) fue realizado durante un período de dos meses en 2009 con el objetivo de aclarar cuáles son los obstáculos para el registro de nacimiento en la parte Sur-occidental de la República Dominicana. Esta aclaración contribuirá a una mayor comprensión de las causas de la no inscripción y el proceso de inscripción de nacimientos en el país. Entrevistas semi-estructuradas fueron realizadas con padres de niños sin registrar, oficiales del Estado civil y otros actores en la sociedad Dominicana. Los resultados de este estudio presentan varios obstáculos para la inscripción de nacimiento y es evidente que las razones de la no inscripción en esta región son numerosas, complejas e interrelacionadas. Según la mayoría de los padres, oficiales del Estado civil y otros informantes el principal obstáculo para el registro de nacimientos se encontró en la falta de cédula de los padres, un problema que muchas veces pasa de una generación a otra. La falta de conciencia sobre la importancia de estar registrado y la negligencia de los padres fueron otros dos obstáculos importantes para el registro de nacimientos. El estudio fue realizado con el apoyo de la organización non gubernamental Plan International- República Dominicana.

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47

Hall, Stephen John. "Nationality, migration rights and citizenship of the Union". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359693.

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48

Ferguson, Clare. "Reproductive rights and citizenship : family planning in Zimbabwe". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1540/.

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In this thesis, the relevance and practical value of discourses about reproductive rights to women living in a rural area of Zimbabwe are examined. Policy documents indicate that the Zimbabwe National Family Planning Council's (ZNFPC's) community based distribution service is based on principles of respect for particular definitions of reproductive rights and, concomitantly, a degree of women's reproductive self determination. In contrast, recent analyses of post Independence government action suggest that, as citizens of Zimbabwe, women are generally defined as dependants of men. This raises questions about the impact of the context of women's citizenship on the interpretation and realisation of reproductive rights through the family planning programme. Field work data focuses on the interpretation of policy and the consequent practices of local level health workers as well as women's interactions with health workers and their implications for reproductive self determination within household relations. It is suggested that health workers' actions result in the differential realisation of reproductive rights for particular social groups. Health worker relations with clients, in turn, reinforce differences between women in terms of the extent to which they are able to exercise reproductive self-determination within household relations. State employed health workers, in effect, act as policemen of private reproductive decision making. The use of an analytical framework of rights and citizenship highlights the relatively neglected issue of the political system in which family planning programmes are embedded. It is argued that health worker accountability to village populations is as important as the content of policy in determining the realisation and practical value of discourses about reproductive rights to rural women.

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49

Gore, Cortes Sarah. "Immigration, citizenship rights and national identity in Catalunya". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22258.

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This dissertation explores links between immigration into Catalunya and Catalan nationalism. This topic is important since sixty percent of present day Catalans are immigrants, or their descendants. In this light the following questions are investigated: How has immigration influenced conceptions of Catalunya as a nation? How has Catalan nationalism managed to include these members of its society in the Catalan project? What is 'the Catalan model of integration'? How is the more recent immigration from outside the European Union viewed? How has the notion of 'integration' been translated into citizenship for these immigrants? And, how do immigrants themselves view this process of 'integration'? Earlier literature on immigration in Spain and Catalunya tended to focus on understanding Spain's new role as a country of immigration. These studies were mostly policy-driven and quantitative. Their main aim was to provide a map of immigration in terms of numbers, places of origin and settlement, gender and sectors of employment. This dissertation aims to provide a more historical and wider analysis of the phenomenon. The historical roots of immigration are examined in order to understand the present situation; a more qualitative approach is taken with reference to immigrants' views and experiences; and finally it links issues of immigration to wider debates surrounding citizenship rights and Catalan nationalism. The main results of the dissertation can be summarised as follows: First, Catalan nationalism has been fairly successful in including immigrants in its project; this has been possible because of its civic nature. Accordingly, a person who 'lives and works in Catalunya' is defined as a Catalan. Likewise, the Catalan language has become a core symbol of Catalan nationalism and a key instrument of integration in to Catalan society. Second, an analysis of the debates surrounding 'historic immigration' highlights the way in which the 'Catalan model of integration' developed.

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Berglund, Emma. "Rights, Inclusion and Free Movement : Social Rights and Citizenship in the European Union". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-131864.

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The free movement of persons in the EU has been fraught with tension since the Eastern enlargements. This culminated in 2016 when the UK demanded the possibility to limit rights and benefits to intra-EU migrants, making for a fresh investigation into the state of the free movement. From a constructivist perspective of rights and citizenship this in-depth case study aims to elucidate how EU actors describe the free movement of persons. It will further look at how they situate limitations and obstacles and analyze what this reflects in terms of underlying logics and rationales of rights and citizenship in the EU free movement regime. The interviews with EU actors reveal how distinctions of politically constructed categories of migrants which define Insiders and Outsiders are used to rationalize who has the right to social rights. Inclusion is defined in terms of market liberalism and individual responsibility, logics which thus also define the Insiders of Europe. This produces an image of the EU citizen and indirectly defines those who diverge from this image as Outsiders, including “lesser” Europeans. The underlying logics within the EU could therefore contribute to negative perceptions of those who cannot meet the requirements of the ideal European.

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Tesi sul tema "Civil rights and citizenship"

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