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1
Peters, T. Ralph. "Finklebine, Sources Of The African-American Past - Primary Sources In American History; Thomas, Ed., Plessy C. Ferguson - A Bried History With Documents". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 23, n. 2 (1 settembre 1998): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.23.1.98-100.
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Two new works document the history of African-American struggle for equal rights in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Finklebine's work, Sources of the African-American Past: Primary Sources in American History, is a welcome addition to the primary source literature on the perpuity of, and challenges to, the social positions African Americans inhabited from the slave trade through recent times. Organized chronologically along topical lines, the book covers the slave trade, the colonial experience, the Revolution, free blacks, slavery, black abolitionism, emancipation, Reconstruction, segregation, progressivism, the New Deal, the two World Wars, migration, school segregation, the civil rights movement, black nationalism, and African Americans since 1968.
2
Singleton, D. "Book Review: Black Power Encyclopedia: From “Black Is Beautiful” to Urban Uprisings." Reference & User Services Quarterly 58, n. 3 (22 giugno 2019): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.58.3.7054.
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The Black Power Movement was largely a youth-led effort that broke from past thinking and methods of confronting American society and marked an important evolution in how African Americans continued their struggle in the wake of hard-fought landmark legislation such as the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts. There is no shortage of reference works on the Civil Rights Movement and African American history in general that include entries on facets of the Black Power Movement.
3
Grisinger, Joanna L. "“South Africa is the Mississippi of the world”: Anti-Apartheid Activism through Domestic Civil Rights Law". Law and History Review 38, n. 4 (11 dicembre 2019): 843–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000397.
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a small group of antiapartheid activists, led by the American Committee on Africa and chair of the House Subcommittee on Africa Rep. Charles Diggs Jr., launched a campaign against South African Airways' new flights into the United States. Using the legal and political strategies of the American civil rights movement, and the fragmentation of power within the American political system, activists tried to turn South African apartheid into an American civil rights problem that American government institutions could address. The strategy was indebted to the political and legal strategies of the civil rights movement, but framing demands around existing civil rights law necessarily limited what activists could ask for and what domestic institutions could provide. In practice, the campaign's successes were limited and legalistic; where domestic civil rights law directly conflicted with apartheid law, airlines could comply with the former without really challenging the latter. And the foreign policy context meant more failures than successes, as domestic legal institutions were reluctant to involve themselves with foreign policy concerns. Their successes and failures nonetheless tell us much about legal mobilization and institutional behavior in a period of globalization where sovereignty and jurisdictional lines were overlapping and conflicting.
4
Labode, Modupe. "“Defend Your Manhood and Womanhood Rights”". Pacific Historical Review 84, n. 2 (2014): 163–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2015.84.2.163.
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This article analyzes African Americans’ protest against the movie The Birth of a Nation in Denver in 1915 and the protest’s impact on the May 1916 municipal election, in which African Americans shifted their support from the Republican to the Democratic mayoral candidate. This essay contributes to the scholarship on African American activism during “the long civil rights movement” and the role of the idea of respectability in that activism. This essay first argues that protests against this film had political as well as cultural significance. African Americans’ political activism in the West furthers our knowledge of black activism in the early twentieth century. Finally, this essay contributes to understanding the local roots of African Americans’ shift from the Republican to the Democratic Party during the early twentieth century.
5
Davis, Rebecca L. "Love, Marriage, and Civil Rights in African American History". Reviews in American History 48, n. 2 (2020): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2020.0028.
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Lieberman, Robert C. "Race, Institutions, and the Administration of Social Policy". Social Science History 19, n. 4 (1995): 511–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017491.
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The New Deal marked a critical conjuncture of civil rights and welfare policy in American political development. During the Progressive Era, civil rights policy and social policy developed independently and often antithetically. While the American state expanded its reach in economic regulation and social welfare, laying the institutional and intellectual groundwork for the New Deal, policies aimed at protecting the rights of minorities progressed barely at all (McDonagh 1993). But with the Great Depression, the welfare and civil rights agendas came together powerfully. For African Americans, who had already been relegated to the bottom of the political economy, the Depression created even more desperate conditions, and issues of economic opportunity and relief became paramount. The African American political community pursued an agenda that linked advances in civil rights to expansions of the state's role in social welfare (Hamilton and Hamilton 1992).
7
Waters, Rosanne. "African Canadian Anti-Discrimination Activism and the Transnational Civil Rights Movement, 1945–1965". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 24, n. 2 (15 maggio 2014): 386–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025083ar.
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Several recent historical works have challenged interpretations of the civil rights movement in the United States as a strictly domestic story by considering its connections to anti-racist struggles around the world. Adding a Canadian dimension to this approach, this article considers linkages between African Canadian anti-discrimination activism in the 1950s and early 1960s and African American civil rights organizing. It argues that Canadian anti-discrimination activists were interested in and influenced by the American movement. They followed American civil rights campaigns, adapted relevant ideas, and leveraged the prominent American example when pressing for change in their own country. African Canadian activists and organizations also impacted the American movement through financial and moral support. This article contributes to the study of African Canadian history, Canadian human rights history, and the American civil rights movement by emphasizing the local origins of anti-discrimination activism in Canada, while also arguing that such efforts are best understood when contextualized within a broader period of intensive global anti-racist activism that transcended national borders.
8
Hong, Jane. "“A Cross-Fire between Minorities”". Pacific Historical Review 87, n. 4 (2018): 667–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.4.667.
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This article examines the Japanese American Citizens League’s (JACL) postwar campaign to secure U.S. citizenship eligibility for first-generation Japanese (Issei) as a civil rights effort that brought Japanese Americans into contention with African American and Afro-Caribbean community leaders during the height of the U.S. Cold War in East Asia. At the same time, JACL’s disagreements with Chinese Americans and Japanese American liberals precluded any coherent Japanese or Asian American position on postwar immigration policy. The resulting 1952 McCarran-Walter Act formally ended Asians’ exclusion from U.S. immigration and naturalization, even as a colonial quota in the law severely restricted black immigration from the Caribbean and galvanized black protest. This episode of black-Japanese tension complicates scholarly understandings of the liberalization of U.S. immigration and naturalization laws toward Asian peoples as analogous with or complementary to black civil rights gains in the postwar years. In so doing, it suggests the need to think more critically and historically about the cleavages between immigration and civil rights law, and between immigrant rights and civil rights.
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Wilson, Steven H. "Brownover “Other White”: Mexican Americans' Legal Arguments and Litigation Strategy in School Desegregation Lawsuits". Law and History Review 21, n. 1 (2003): 145–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595071.
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The landmark 1954 decisionBrown v. Board of Educationhas shaped trial lawyers' approaches to litigating civil rights claims and law professors' approaches to teaching the law's powers and limitations. The court-ordered desegregation of the nation's schools, moreover, inspired subsequent lawsuits by African Americans aimed variously at ending racial distinctions in housing, employment, and voting rights. Litigation to enforce theBrowndecision and similar mandates brought slow but steady progress and inspired members of various other minorities to appropriate the rhetoric, organizing methods, and legal strategy of the African American civil rights struggle.
10
Felker-Kantor, Max. "“A Pledge Is Not Self-Enforcing”:". Pacific Historical Review 82, n. 1 (novembre 2012): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2013.82.1.63.
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This article explores African American and Mexican American struggles for equal employment in Los Angeles after 1965. It argues that activists and workers used the mechanisms set up by Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act to attack the barriers that restricted blacks and Mexican Americans to poor job prospects. It shows that implementation of fair employment law was part of a dialectic between policymakers and regulatory officials, on one hand, and grass-roots individuals and civil rights organizations, on the other. The bureaucratic mechanisms created by Title VII shaped who would benefit from the implementation of the law. Moreover, blacks and Mexican Americans mixed ethnic power and civil rights frameworks to make the bureaucratic system more capacious and race-conscious, which challenged the intentions of the original legislation.
11
Schueneman, Mary K. "A Leavening Force: African American Women and Christian Mission in the Civil Rights Era". Church History 81, n. 4 (dicembre 2012): 873–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071200193x.
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After Josephine Beckwith and DeLaris Johnson broke the color barrier at two southern missionary training schools in the 1940s and 50s, their religious vocations led them and other African American women on a trajectory of missionary service resonate with what we recognize today as civil rights activism. While histories of African American women's mission organizing and those of their civil rights organizing typically are framed as separate endeavors, this article teases out the previously unexamined overlaps and connections between black women's missionary efforts and civil rights activism in the 1940s and 50s. In doing so, it bridges a disjuncture in African American women's religious history, illuminating the ways beliefs about Christian mission shaped the community work of black missionary women so that narratives of civil rights organizing and Christian missions are no longer discrete categories but are seen in historical continuity. In shedding light on the ways mission organizing and service served as a site for cultivating leadership and engaging segregation and racism, a new vision and practice of mission for the civil rights era is revealed and our understandings of the religious lives and activism of African American women are greatly enriched and expanded.
12
Gallon, Kim. "The Blood Demonstration: Teaching the History of the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization". Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 139, n. 1 (gennaio 2015): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pmh.2015.a923339.
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Abstract: Despite a growing body of scholarship that documents civil rights activism in the North during the 1950s and 1960s, college educators continue to rely on traditional understandings of African Americans' struggle for civil rights as being rooted in the South. Moreover, history professors continue to privilege a male-centered narrative that tends to define the civil rights movement through mass marches and protests. In an effort to challenge this pedagogy, this article describes a method for teaching the history of women's role in the struggle for social justice in the 1960s through their participation in the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization (PWRO). Through the use of primary sources such as the Philadelphia Tribune and the PWRO's newsletter along with secondary sources such as Lisa Levenstein's A Movement Without Marches , this article offers a way to expand and complicate students' understanding of the civil rights and women's movements of the late twentieth century. Just as importantly, it assists teachers in stressing the significance of African American women's fight for equality in Pennsylvania history. Supplemental resources are posted on the journals' web pages.
13
Hall, Erika V., Sarah S. M. Townsend e James T. Carter. "What’s in a Name? The Hidden Historical Ideologies Embedded in the Black and African American Racial Labels". Psychological Science 32, n. 11 (25 ottobre 2021): 1720–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09567976211018435.
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History can inconspicuously repeat itself through words and language. We explored the association between the “Black” and “African American” racial labels and the ideologies of the historical movements within which they gained prominence (Civil Rights and Black Power, respectively). Two content analyses and two preregistered experimental studies ( N = 1,204 White American adults) show that the associations between “Black” and “bias and discrimination” and between “African American” and “civil rights and equality” are evident in images, op-eds, and perceptions of organizations. Google Images search results for “Black people” evoke more racially victimized imagery than search results for “African American people” (Study 1), and op-eds that use the Black label contain more bias and discrimination content than those that use the African American label (Study 2). Finally, White Americans infer the ideologies of organizations by the racial label within the organization’s name (Studies 3 and 4). Consequently, these inferences guide the degree to which Whites support the organization financially.
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Gooding-Williams, Robert. "Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African American Public Opinion. By Melanye T. Price". Perspectives on Politics 8, n. 3 (23 agosto 2010): 897–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001350.
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This is a timely, engaging, and illuminating study of Black Nationalism. The book's “fundamental project,” Melanye T. Price writes, “is to systematically understand individual Black Nationalism adherence among African Americans in the post-Civil Rights era” (p. 60). Black Nationalism has a long history in African American politics, but with the demise of Jim Crow and the election of our first black president, we may reasonably wonder whether ordinary African American citizens are disposed to endorse it. Price's book is important because it addresses this question head-on, defending the thesis that a renewal of Black Nationalism remains a viable possibility in post-Obama America.
15
Crowe, Chris. "Young Adult Literature: Reading African American History and the Civil Rights Movement". English Journal 92, n. 3 (1 gennaio 2003): 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ej20031030.
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Vinson, Ben. "Introduction: African (Black) Diaspora History, Latin American History". Americas 63, n. 1 (luglio 2006): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500062507.
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Inspired in part by Paul Gilroy’s Black Atlantic paradigm, the past several years have witnessed a reinvigoration of Black Studies, with careful attention being paid to the approaches and methods of writing black history. The terms “African Diaspora” and “Black Diaspora” have become almost commonplace in scholarly discourse, emerging out of relative obscurity from their roots in the politically inspired Pan-Africanist and Civil Rights discourses of the 1950s and ’60s. Critiques of the Black Atlantic model and its overly narrow concentration on the English-speaking world have fueled new and important discussions that have touched fields and subfields well beyond the traditional boundaries of Black Studies.
17
Newman, Mark, e Johnny E. Williams. "African American Religion and the Civil Rights Movement in Arkansas". Arkansas Historical Quarterly 62, n. 4 (2003): 458. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40023086.
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Shepherd, Donisha, e Suzanne Pritzker. "Political Advocacy Without a Choice". Advances in Social Work 21, n. 2/3 (23 settembre 2021): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/24135.
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From social work’s early days, African American social workers were engaged in what today is termed as political social work, yet their work is often overlooked in both social work education and the broader retelling of our profession’s history. This article examines the early history of African American political social work, using Lane and Pritzker’s (2018) five domains of political social work. We outline ways in which African American social workers’ lived experiences led them to engage in political social work to support community survival and to challenge injustice during the Black Migration period post-slavery, the Jim Crow Era, and the Civil Rights Movement. Even as broader structural dynamics sought to exclude African Americans from the political arena, dynamic and influential African American social workers laid the groundwork for modern political social work. They politically engaged their communities, lobbied for legislation, worked in the highest levels of government, supported campaigns, and ran and held elective office to ensure that civil rights were given and maintained. This manuscript calls for a shift from social work’s white-dominant historical narrative and curricula (Bell, 2014; DeLoach McCutcheon, 2019) to assertive discussion of the historic roles African American political social work pioneers played in furthering political empowerment and challenging social injustice.
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Newman, Richard. "Early Black Thought Leaders and the Reframing of American Intellectual History". Journal of the Early Republic 43, n. 4 (dicembre 2023): 631–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.a915166.
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Abstract: This essay examines the broad impact of African American thought leadership on early American intellectual history. Though marginalized in many mainstream histories of American intellectual life–which often focus on the emergence of Black philosophers and Black professional historians later in the 19th century -- early national Black thinkers helped shape public understanding of critical ideas in American society and politics, including the meaning of citizenship and civil rights, emancipation and equality, and racial justice. African Americans also influenced public discourses on other key topics in American intellectual life, including the nature of human dignity and spiritual redemption in the Second Great Awakening, the meaning of Romanticism and Transcendentalism in American reform culture, and the authority of science and technology in antebellum society. Using the concept of thought leadership as a framing device to understand the power and impact of early Black ideas, I follow recent trends in the field of African American intellectual history that focus on that way that African American men and women became public authorities on key ideas and issues in American culture between the American Revolution and Civil War. Though they did not often occupy positions of educational, institutional, or legal power (the main provinces of intellectual leadership), Black thought leaders had a significant impact on early American intellectual history.
20
Höhn, Maria. "“We Will Never Go Back to the Old Way Again”: Germany in the African-American Debate on Civil Rights". Central European History 41, n. 4 (14 novembre 2008): 605–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000861.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This special edition of Central European History is concerned with how America viewed Germany, and my contribution focuses on how, beginning with Hitler's rise to power, Germany became a point of reference for the emerging American civil-rights movement. By looking at Crisis, published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and Opportunity, published by the National Urban League, as well as African-American newspapers, such as the Pittsburgh Courier, Chicago Defender, Amsterdam News, Afro-American, Negro Digest, Ebony, and Jet, I will show how the black community discussed developments in Germany, America's struggle against Nazi racism, and the black soldiers' experience in postwar Germany.
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Robinson, Aaron J. "Lisa M. Bowens, African American Readings of Paul: Reception, Resistance, & Transformation". Journal of Pentecostal Theology 32, n. 1 (27 febbraio 2023): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-32010012.
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Abstract Reception history is gaining popularity as an interpretive approach to Scripture. The dearth of extant primary sources in biblical interpretation from the African American community before the Civil Rights Era can present challenges for hearing black voices in reception history. In her remarkable monograph, Lisa Bowens examines sermons, letters, public addresses, and essays from African Americans, as early as the eighteenth century, surveying their engagement and interpretation of Pauline texts and Paul as a biblical figure. Her work elevates the voices of African Americans, while presenting an exceptional model of reception history at work. Her research demonstrates early African Americans using Scripture, particularly the letters and life of Paul, for rebuttal and reform of social injustices.
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Karandeev, Ivan, e Valery Achkasov. "A HISTORY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN SEPARATISM IN THE UNITED STATES". Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, n. 3 (2023): 461–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.307.
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This article analyzes the history of the development of the phenomenon of radical African-American movements classified as separatist. The roots of the phenomenon go back to the abolitionist movement of the mid-19th century, but most of these movements appeared in the USA in the 1920s - 1960s, after the migration of African Americans from the southern states, referred to the «black belt» to the industrialized states of the North and their concentration in ethnically homogeneous ghettos of large cities with a disadvantaged socio-economic situation. Irredentist movements that appealed to the construction of African-American identity based on ethnic and cultural nationalism, such as «Back to Africa», which aimed at universal immigration of blacks from the United States, and interpreting the religion «Nation of Islam», gained particular popularity. Separatist movements acted as a radical alternative to the Civil Rights Movement, and the figure of activist Malcolm X, who came out of the Nation of Islam, became a counterweight to Martin Luther King. With the development of the anti-colonial movement in third world countries, organizations such as the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa turned to the right of nations to self-determination and left-wing anti-imperialist rhetoric. The activities of other organizations, for example, the Black Liberation Army, can be characterized as terrorist. Later organizations, such as the New Black Panther Party, are often characterized by experts as «hate groups». Although with the success of the integration policy, the popularity of separatist demands has fallen, the actions of African-American nationalist organizations in the conditions of polarization of modern American politics indicate that the forms of struggle of the African-American community for political independence in the future are not exhausted.
23
Kates, Susan. "Literacy, Voting Rights, and the Citizenship Schools in the South, 1957-70". College Composition & Communication 57, n. 3 (1 febbraio 2006): 479–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ccc20065050.
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This essay examines the history of a massive literacy campaign called the Citizenship School Program that began as a response to the racist literacy tests that disenfranchised countless African American voters throughout the Southern United States between 1945 and 1965. The Citizenship Schools prepared thousands of African Americans to pass the literacy test by using materials that critiqued white supremacism and emphasized the twentieth-century struggle for civil rights.
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Fleming, John E. "The Impact of Social Movements on the Development of African American Museums". Public Historian 40, n. 3 (1 agosto 2018): 44–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2018.40.3.44.
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The effort to preserve African American history is firmly grounded in the struggle for freedom and equality. Black people understood the relationship between heritage and the freedom struggle. Such struggles in the pre and post Civil War eras spurred the preservation of African and African American culture first in libraries and archives and later museums. The civil rights, Black Power, Black Arts and Black Studies movements helped advance social and political change, which in turn spurred the development of Black museums as formal institutions for preserving African American culture.
25
Zeleza, Paul Tiyambe. "Building intellectual bridges: from African studies and African American studies to Africana studies in the United States". Afrika Focus 24, n. 2 (25 febbraio 2011): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02402003.
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The study of Africa and its peoples in the United States has a complex history. It has involved the study of both an external and internal other, of social realities in Africa and the condition of people• of African descent in the United States. This paper traces and examines the complex intellectual, institutional, and ideological histories and intersections of African studies and African American studies. It argues that the two fields were founded by African American scholar activists as part of a Pan-African project before their divergence in the historically white universities after World War II in the maelstrom of decolonization in Africa and civil rights struggles in the United States. However, from the late 1980s and 1990s, the two fields began to converge, a process captured in the development of what has been called Africana studies. The factors behind this are attributed to both demographic shifts in American society and the academy including increased African migrations in general and of African academics in particular fleeing structural adjustment programs that devastated African universities, as well as the emergence of new scholarly paradigms especially the field of diaspora studies. The paper concludes with an examination of the likely impact of the Obama era on Africana studies.
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Lang, Clarence. "The movement: the African American struggle for civil rights". Sixties 14, n. 2 (3 luglio 2021): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2021.1996785.
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Cox, Robynn. "Applying the Theory of Social Good to Mass Incarceration and Civil Rights". Research on Social Work Practice 30, n. 2 (26 settembre 2019): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049731519872838.
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This article illustrates how the underproduction of social goods and services within the domain of diversity and inclusion bolstered mass incarceration in the United States and further marginalized historically oppressed groups, specifically African Americans. The article begins with a discussion of the importance of the social good framework and how it relates to the social problem of mass incarceration. Then, it provides a brief history of racial exclusion within the American context to demonstrate the centrality of race in the social exclusion of African Americans. This is followed by a discussion of the macro-, mezzo-, and micro-roots of mass incarceration, and how the U.S. tolerance for racially based social exclusion helped to propel mass incarceration, especially the overincarceration of African Americans. Finally, this article concludes with suggestions for rectifying this substantial social injustice and the role that social work must play in addressing this issue.
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Whatley, Warren C. "African-American Strikebreaking from the Civil War to the New Deal". Social Science History 17, n. 4 (1993): 525–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016904.
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When African-American workers broke labor strikes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, they were acting in opposition to established social norms concerning race, class, community, and the state. Imagine platoons of African-American men who ordinarily lacked protection of their most basic civil rights escorted by police into a hostile European-American community to take the jobs of European-American workers who were expressing their working-class consciousness through a labor union that excluded their fellow African-American workers. Scholars have interpreted African-American strikebreaking as an example of the ethnic stratification characteristic of the American working class (Bonacich 1976; Gutman 1962, 1987; Foner and Lewis 1979, 1980; Spero and Harris 1931). What was its political-economic context? That is the central question of this essay.
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Doster, Dennis A. "“This Independent Fight We Are Making Is Local”: The Election of 1920 and Electoral Politics in Black Baltimore". Journal of Urban History 44, n. 2 (2 gennaio 2018): 134–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217746163.
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In 1920, William Ashbie Hawkins, an esteemed lawyer and veteran of the struggle for civil rights, became the first African American to run for the U.S. Senate in Maryland. Hawkins’s independent campaign reflected a growing political insurgency among African Americans in the local Republican Party which built upon a longer tradition of independent political action with roots in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. For black Baltimoreans, this movement was part of a plan to force white Republicans to acquiesce to black demands revealing fluidity in political activity on the local level. Although African Americans may have identified and registered as Republicans, party affiliation did not prevent them from building and sustaining independent political movements on the local level to advance a civil rights agenda.
30
Murray, Paul T., Charles D. Lowery, John F. Marszalek, Mark Grossman e Meyer Weinberg. "Encyclopedia of African-American Civil Rights: From Emancipation to the Present." Journal of American History 81, n. 4 (marzo 1995): 1874. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081887.
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Zakirov, A. V. "FBI VS. AFRICAN AMERICANS (BASED ON COINTELPRO PROGRAM DOCUMENTS)". Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 07, n. 02 (30 giugno 2023): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2023-07-02-67-78.
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Today we are witnessing how various US intelligence agencies are engaged in espionage activities around the world. However, US citizens have been subjected to the most sophisticated methods of persecution in history. Using the example of the FBI's COINTELPRO program (carried out from 1956 to 1971), directed against activists of the African-American civil rights movement, the article examines the FBI's activities to protect the socio-political foundations of American society, which cannot be called anything but segregational and racist. The author showed how the US government influenced key figures of the civil rights movement in the USA, such as Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X and activists of the Black Panthers party through the FBI COINTELPRO program. The consequences of the program are considered, including restrictions on civil liberties, trust in the government and institutional violation of the rights of African Americans. The relationship between the latter phenomenon and earlier phenomena of discrimination against the rights of the "Colored People" of the United States, such as abolitionism and segregation, is carried out. The article analyzes the impact of the FBI's COINTELPRO program on modern times, including its reflection on modern legal norms, counterintelligence measures and public opinion about government surveillance. The study of the FBI's COINTELPRO program is important for understanding the complex relationship between government and civil society.
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Baker, Scott. "Pedagogies of Protest: African American Teachers and the History of the Civil Rights Movement, 1940–1963". Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 113, n. 12 (dicembre 2011): 2777–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811111301206.
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Background/Context Although the dominant narrative of the civil rights movement marginalizes the role of black educators, revisionist scholars have shown that a significant number of black teachers encouraged student protest and activism. There has, however, been little analysis of the work of black teachers inside segregated schools in the South. Purpose/Objective This study examines the courses that Southern African American teachers taught, the pedagogies they practiced, and the extracurricular programs they organized. Using Charleston's Burke Industrial School as a lens to illuminate pedagogies of protest that were practiced by activist educators in the South, this study explores how leading black educators created spaces within segregated schools where they bred dissatisfaction with white supremacy. Research Design This historical analysis draws upon archival sources, school board minutes, school newspapers and yearbooks, oral testimony, and autobiographies. Conclusions/Recommendations In Charleston, as elsewhere in the South, activist African American teachers made crucial contributions to the civil rights movement. Fusing an activist version of the African American uplift philosophy with John Dewey's democratic conception of progressive education, exemplary teachers created academic and extracurricular programs that encouraged student protest. Beginning in the 1940s and continuing through the 1960s, students acted on lessons taught in classes and extracurricular clubs, organizing and leading strikes, boycotts, and demonstrations. The pedagogies that leading African American educators practiced, the aspirations they nurtured, and the student activism they encouraged helped make the civil rights movement possible.
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Romano, Renee. "Moving Beyond ““The Movement that Changed the World””: Bringing the History of the Cold War into Civil Rights Museums". Public Historian 31, n. 2 (2009): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.2.32.
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Abstract A growing body of historical scholarship has demonstrated that the Cold War had a profound impact on the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. The rise of newly independent nations in African and Asia, coupled with Americas quest to lead the ““free world”” against the Soviet Union, made American racism an international liability and created conditions that fostered civil rights reforms at home. Yet the Cold War's influence on the movement is largely absent at the nation's leading civil rights museums. This article surveys the ways in which four civil rights museums present the relationship between the movement and the Cold War, and suggests some reasons that museums have yet to internationalize their history of the movement. The Cold War interpretation shows how foreign policy concerns and elite whites' self-interest both helped generate and limit civil rights reforms. This interpretation, however, stands at odd with the celebratory narrative of the movement as a triumph of democratic ideals that these museums present.
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Crowe, Chris. "Young Adult Literature: Reading African American History and the Civil Rights Movement". English Journal 92, n. 3 (gennaio 2003): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/822281.
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Kantrowitz, Stephen. "Jurisdiction, Civilization, and the Ends of Native American Citizenship: The View from 1866". Western Historical Quarterly 52, n. 2 (17 marzo 2021): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whab003.
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Abstract Most nineteenth-century political debates over U.S. citizenship revolved around the claims of people, often African Americans or immigrants, who aspired to that status. But Native American citizenship’s genealogy began instead with the United States assertion of the right to purchase or conquer the territory of its Indigenous neighbors, to replace them as its sole or primary inhabitants, and to make policy for the people thereby dispossessed. These very different histories of citizenship collided in 1866, when the U.S. Senate considered how to codify that status in the Civil Rights Act and Fourteenth Amendment. This article interprets these debates as the collision of an array of distinct and divergent settler colonial processes and experiences. It argues that the ultimate resolution—a half-articulated commitment to let local settler communities decide—both contradicted the ostensible purposes of the Civil Rights Act and accurately reflected how the era’s settler colonial society understood the purposes and functions of Native citizenship.
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Burton, Orville Vernon, e Peter Eisenstadt. "Voting Rights in Georgia: A Short History". Southern Cultures 30, n. 1 (marzo 2024): 80–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scu.2024.a922023.
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Abstract: This article is a brief history of the struggle for Black voting rights and against determined opposition in Georgia since the end of the Civil War. After a brief period during Reconstruction when there was significant Black voting and Black representation in the Georgia legislature, Black people were systematically denied both voting rights and representation in the state of Georgia. After 1944, when the US Supreme Court ruled against the all-white primary, and especially after 1965, with the passage of the Voting Rights Act, white Georgia politicians tried any number of strategies to limit minority voting strength, from efforts to limit Black registration, to manipulating election districts and voting rules to keep African Americans from winning elective office. These efforts continued, and in many ways increased after the Supreme Court in 2013 ended the preclearance provisions of the Voting Rights Act. Nonetheless, the increasing demographic power of metro Atlanta, with its large minority population, was a key in 2020 to the narrow victory of Joseph Biden in the presidential race in Georgia, and the election of two liberal Democratic US Senators, including the first African American and Jew elected in the state's history.
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Dickerson, Dennis C. "African American Religious Intellectuals and the Theological Foundations of the Civil Rights Movement, 1930–55". Church History 74, n. 2 (giugno 2005): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110212.
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Among the innumerable warriors against legalized racial segregation and discrimination in American society, the iconic Martin Luther King, Jr. emerged as a principal spokesman and symbol of the black freedom struggle. The many marches that he led and the crucial acts of civil disobedience that he spurred during the 1950s and 1960s established him and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference as rallying points for civil rights activities in several areas in the American South. King's charisma among African Americans drew from his sermonic rhetoric and its resonance with black audiences. Brad R. Braxton, a scholar of homiletics, observed that King as a black preacher “made the kinds of interpretive moves that historically have been associated with African American Christianity and preaching.” Braxton adds that “for King Scripture was a storybook whose value resided not so much in the historical reconstruction or accuracy of the story in the text, but rather in the evocative images, in the persuasive, encouraging anecdotes of the audacious overcoming of opposition, and in its principles about the sacredness of the human person.” Hence, King's use of this hermeneutical technique with scriptural texts validated him as a spokesman for African Americans. On a spectrum stretching from unlettered slave exhorters in the nineteenth century to sophisticated pulpiteers in the twentieth century, King stood as a quintessential black preacher, prophet, and jeremiad “speaking truth to power” and bringing deliverance to the disinherited.
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Denson, Andrew. "Native Americans in Cold War Public Diplomacy: Indian Politics, American History, and the US Information Agency". American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36, n. 2 (1 gennaio 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.36.2.mh593721537j1ug3.
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This essay examines the depiction of Native Americans by the US Information Agency (USIA), the bureau charged with explaining American politics to the international public during the Cold War. In the 1950s and 1960s, the USIA broadcast the message that Americans had begun to acknowledge their nation's history of conquest and were working to redress old wrongs through an activist government. That message echoed the agency's depiction of the African American Civil Rights Movement and allowed the USIA to recognize Indian resistance to assimilation. It offered little room for tribal nationhood, however, during these early years of the modern American Indian political revival.
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Quirke, Carol. "Imagining Racial Equality". Radical History Review 2018, n. 132 (1 ottobre 2018): 96–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-6942440.
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Abstract Local 65 United Warehouse Workers Union (1933–1987), which became District 65 United Auto Workers, promoted photography with a camera club, and a member-edited newspaper New Voices, featuring photographs taken by members. This left-led, New York City distributive industry union began in 1933 on the Lower East Side, and it became the city’s second largest local. The union utilized photography to normalize the role of African American members within the union and to advance a civil rights and anti-racism agenda. This article includes photographs taken by member-photographers, and photo-reproductions of New Voices. New Voices’ photographs included African Americans in the everyday life of the union, challenged race-based labor segmentation, supported community struggles, and defied racial norms in midcentury America.
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Aucoin, Brent J. "Thomas Goode Jones and African American Civil Rights in the New South". Historian 60, n. 2 (1 dicembre 1997): 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1998.tb01393.x.
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Graham, Hugh Davis. "Race, History, and Policy: African Americans and Civil Rights Since 1964". Journal of Policy History 6, n. 1 (gennaio 1994): 12–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003614.
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Dwarfing all debates over civil rights policy and race relations during the three decades since 1964 has been the storm over affirmative action. Critics have argued that affirmative action in practice has meant requiring racial quotas, and hence practicing “reverse discrimination” against innocent (usually white male) third parties. This has been done, critics contend, in the name of a law, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, that explicitly prohibited racial preferences. Proponents have countered that racism is so deeply rooted in American culture and institutions that mere nondiscrimination will perpetuate the injustice of the past. There is abundant evidence to support both contentions. The purpose of this essay is not to weigh the evidence and determine which side is correct. Ultimately such profound disagreements are not resolvable by logic and evidence alone, because they hinge on divergent assumptions about human nature and the purpose and limits of government. My more modest goal in this essay is to use the insights of history to understand why civil rights policy evolved in this dual fashion following the breakthrough legislation of 1964–68, and to try to assess the consequences.
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Wright, Gavin. "The Civil Rights Revolution as Economic History". Journal of Economic History 59, n. 2 (giugno 1999): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070002283x.
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This address urges Americanists to take the post–World War II era on board as economic history, using the Civil Rights Revolution to set an example. The speed and sweepof the movement's success illustrates the dynamics of an “unanticipated revolution” as analyzed by Timur Kuran, to be grouped with famous historical surprises such as the triumph of British antislavery and the fall of Soviet communism. The evidence confirms that the breakthroughs of the 1960s constituted an economic as well as a political revolution, in many respects an economic revolution for the entire southern region, as well as for African-Americans.
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Bobo, Lawrence D. "Somewhere between Jim Crow & Post-Racialism: Reflections on the Racial Divide in America Today". Daedalus 140, n. 2 (aprile 2011): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00091.
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In 1965, when Dædalus published two issues on “The Negro American,” civil rights in the United States had experienced a series of triumphs and setbacks. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 extended basic citizenship rights to African Americans, and there was hope for further positive change. Yet 1965 also saw violent confrontations in Selma, Alabama, and the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles that were fueled by racial tensions. Against this backdrop of progress and retreat, the contributors to the Dædalus volumes of the mid-1960s considered how socioeconomic factors affected the prosperity, well-being, and social standing of African Americans. Guest editor Lawrence D. Bobo suggests that today we inhabit a similarly unsettled place: situated somewhere between the overt discrimination of Jim Crow and the aspiration of full racial equality. In his introduction, Bobo paints a broad picture of the racial terrain in America today before turning the volume over to the contributors, who take up particular questions ranging from education and family support, to racial identity and politics, to employment and immigration.
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Clare, Rod. "Black Lives Matter". Transfers 6, n. 1 (1 marzo 2016): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2016.060112.
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It has been over forty years since the mostly successful conclusion of the Civil Rights movement in the United States. While some may have thought the election of an African-American president in 2008 heralded a “postracial” America, continued violence and oppression has brought about a rebirth of activism, embodied by the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. Now that nascent movement is preparing to be part of the National Museum of African American History and Culture (NMAAHC). Due to open in fall 2016, the NMAAHC will be located at 1400 Constitution Avenue NW, in Washington DC.
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Keene, Jennifer D. "DEEDS NOT WORDS: AMERICAN SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS AND WORLD WAR I". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, n. 4 (27 settembre 2018): 704–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000336.
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This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.
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Mello, Joseph. "Reluctant Radicals: How Moderates Shape Movements for Social Change". Law & Social Inquiry 41, n. 03 (2016): 720–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12214.
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This essay reviews three books within the southern history literature on the white moderate's response to the civil rights movement; Kevin Kruse's White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (2005), Matthew Lassiter's The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (2006), and Jason Sokol's There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975 (2006). I examine how white moderates impacted the struggle for African American civil rights, and explore how this dynamic can help us understand the trajectory of the current debate over gay rights in the United States. I argue that while the US public ultimately came to support equal rights for African Americans, and has grown more tolerant of gay rights recently, they have been willing to do so only when these rights claims are framed as benefiting “deserving” segments of these populations. This shows that rights are, to some extent, contingent resources, available primarily to those citizens who fit certain ideal types, and suggests that those individuals who are unwilling (or unable) to live up to this ideal may ultimately fail to benefit from these movements.
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Chandler, Diane J. "African American Spirituality: Through Another Lens". Journal of Spiritual Formation and Soul Care 10, n. 2 (novembre 2017): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/193979091701000205.
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African American spirituality provides a rich lens into the heart and soul of the black church experience, often overlooked in the Christian spiritual formation literature. By addressing this lacuna, this essay focuses on three primary shaping qualities of history: the effects of slavery, the Civil Rights Movement under Dr. Martin Luther King's leadership, and the emergence of the Black Church. Four spiritual practices that influence African American spirituality highlight the historical and cultural context of being “forged in the fiery furnace,” including worship, preaching and Scripture, the community of faith and prayer, and community outreach. The essay concludes by recognizing four areas of the lived experiences of African Americans from which the global church can glean: (1) persevering in pain and suffering, (2) turning to God for strength, (3) experiencing a living and passionate faith, and (4) affirming God's intention for freedom and justice to be afforded to every individual.
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Broussard, Albert S. "Still Searching: A Black Family’s Quest for Equality and Recognition during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, n. 1 (gennaio 2023): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000536.
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AbstractHistorians have correctly interpreted the Gilded Age and Progressive Era as periods in which African Americans faced unpreceded violence, a significant decline in franchise, and the loss of many civil rights. These years however, were far more complex when viewed from the vantage point of African American families who attempted to empower themselves through education, securing employment in white-collar occupations, such as teaching, and working to advance themselves through race betterment groups, including women’s clubs and civil rights organizations. Yet some middle-class Black families like the Stewarts not only rejected white society’s widely held belief of Blacks as racially inferior and incapable of progress. They also embraced migration as a constructive strategy to advance their individual careers and to elevate the race. In an era when the majority of Black workers had minimal literacy and worked unskilled menial jobs, T. McCants Stewart and his children each graduated from college or professional school, worked in white-collar or professional jobs, and paved the way for the next generation. Yet each also understood that migration outside of the Jim Crow South, including to Africa, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the territory of Hawaii, held the key to their success. Thus, the Stewarts constructed a new vision of freedom and opportunity and believed that even despite the repressive conditions imposed upon Blacks during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era that there was room for growth and an opportunity to advance their careers. Migration, therefore, should be reconsidered as a viable strategy that some Black families adopted to find their place in American society.
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Patton, Elizabeth. "Home movies as technologies of belonging and resistance". Alphaville: journal of film and screen media, n. 26 (7 febbraio 2024): 90–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.26.06.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines the significance of home movies as tools of resistance and belonging, particularly for African American families during the Civil Rights era. Focusing on archival collections from the South Side Home Movie Project (SSHMP), African American Home Movie Archive (AAHMA), and the National Museum of African American History & Culture (NMAAHC), the study reveals how African American families, through their cinematic documentation of visits to national parks and other leisure activities, challenged prevailing narratives of national identity. Despite encountering rampant discrimination, these families captured moments of joy and relaxation, highlighting their resilience and assertion of their rightful place within the American narrative. These historical home movies are profound testimonials of Black identity, resilience, and belonging in the face of adversity. Examining these films enriches our understanding of cultural memory, national identity, and the role of African American home movies in presenting a more nuanced American history.
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Dottin, Paul Anthony. "THE HYDRA OF HOROWITZIAN HISTORY". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 5, n. 1 (2008): 161–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x08080041.
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AbstractWhether to provide reparations to African Americans for the atrocities of slavery and segregation is arguably the most controversial public matter concerning race in the United States today. This debate, a clash over the economics and ethics of equality, is nothing less than a struggle over the future of racial identity, race relations, and racial progress in the current post–civil rights movement era.With the stakes for African Americans so high, and the prospects for affirmative action dim, public intellectuals have weighed in heavily on each side of the issue. Randall Robinson—author of the best-known work advocating for reparations, The Debt: What America Owes to Blacks (2000)—and David Horowitz—the reparationist movement's most reviled nemesis and author of Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for Slavery (2002)—have become the alpha and omega of almost any deliberation on Black reparations.Not surprisingly, rancorous rhetoric has often overshadowed rigorous research on the veracity of antireparations and proreparations claims. This essay aims to correct this problem with an extensive analysis of David Horowitz's (2002) arguments, providing a synthesis of data, concepts, theories, and methodologies from the disciplines of sociology, history, economics, and anthropology. This essay finds that Horowitz's use of academic scholarship to discredit African American reparations fails to meet the “scientific” standards he demands of his opponents.