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Tesi sul tema "Citizens’ movements"
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1
Tjäder, Henriette. "Citizens as Censors : Understanding the Limits of Free Speech in India". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294949.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to provide an understanding of the phenomenon of citizen censorship in India and its implications for free speech. It is especially concerned with public protests where groups of citizens demand government action in order to ban or censor controversial material. These groups tend to invoke feelings of offense or hurt religious sentiments as a justification for restriction. The point of departure of this thesis is research on social movement outcomes and the history of Indian censorship. A quantitative approach is adopted, which includes data of protest events from 2010 to 2015. The author will demonstrate that restrictions on free speech coincide with protest events in three out of ten cases. A shorter case study of the controversy surrounding the film Vishwaroopam provides a concrete example of the dynamics of citizen censorship and aims to highlight some aspects that might have affected protest outcomes. Ultimately, the author concludes that protests are likely to be influential for restrictions on free speech, and that the role of the citizen as censor should not be ignored.
2
Kelman, Peter. "Protesting the national identity: the cultures of protest in 1960s Japan". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2443.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Action, agency and protest were notions that seeped through the social and political terrain of 1960s Japan. Opposition to the Vietnam War, disputes in the universities, environmental concerns and anticipation of the US-Japan Security Treaty’s renewal set down for 1970, saw the entire decade engulfed in activism and protest. This thesis explores these sites of activism revealing the disparate character of protest in the 1960s – the often competing tactics and agendas that were manifested within the burgeoning and dynamic cultures of protest. The shifting definitions of protest and the competing ideals that emerged from its various sites of articulation are crucial to our understanding of postwar Japan. Excavating these sites – reading the character of protest and the ideals expressed – exposes the notions of autonomy and activism that underpinned conceptions of the postwar national identity. In the aftermath of the Pacific War intellectuals and activists looked for new forms of political expression, outside the auspices of the state, through which to enact the postwar nation. The identity of postwar Japan was constructed within the spheres of protest and resistance as anti-Vietnam War activists, Beheiren (Betonamu ni Heiwa o! Shimin Rengō), student groups such as Zenkyōtō, and local citizens’ movements negotiated the discursive space of ‘modern Japan.’ Examining the conceptions of political practice and identity that manifested themselves in the protest and resistance of the period, provides insights into the shifting terrain of national identity in the 1960s.
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Rodrigues, Tiago Eder Gracia. "Environmental Citizenship - An Inquiry into the Engagement of Citizens in Responsible Environmental Behaviour". Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367121.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
One of the principles of sustainability is developing initiatives that are effective in engaging citizens in environmental behaviour. This research provides insights into the adoption of responsible environmental behaviour as a means for promoting engaged environmental citizenship. It examines some of the principles underpinning responsible environmental behaviour and its relation to the concept of environmentally responsible citizenship, in accordance with the Tbilisi Declaration objectives. In this thesis, I consider the relationship of environmental citizenship rights with political and social citizenship rights and discuss it in light of T.H. Marshall’s citizenship model. I argue that the societal nature of social citizenship rights and their evolving character, arguably evolving into environmental citizenship rights, is a crucial element. The research presents an analysis of factors determining the adoption of environmental behaviour and how these are linked to dimensions of social dynamics. It investigates factors influencing social diffusion and the relevance of this approach in promoting responsible environmental behaviour throughout society. I adopt the agenda-setting model developed by Dearing and Rogers to further the understanding of why certain issues are addressed by society and not others, how public opinion is shaped, as well as how policy actions towards mitigation of problems are motivated. I argue that environmental problems become social problems as the result of a process of collective definition, not as the product of its objective malignancy affecting society. This process of collective definition of a problem is responsible not only for the emergence of an environmental problem, but also for influencing behaviour towards it. By integrating the responsible environmental behaviour model developed by Hines, Hungerford and Tomera with the agenda-setting model, I explore the role the media play in promoting environmental citizenship. Through a
discourse analysis of articles related to environmental issues in the Brazilian press, I explore how media in that context usually frames those issues. I also investigate the role the school system plays in raising awareness about, and engaging citizens in, responsible environmental behaviour and how this process has been advanced in Brazil. In addition,
the development and activities of a youth environmental movement is analysed. By using
a case study approach, I explore the dynamics influencing the uptake of environmental
behaviour and the relationship of such practices to the promotion of environmental
citizenship. Overall, the multidisciplinary approach adopted in this research indicates that
the consolidation of engaged environmental citizenship in Brazil requires the reorientation of public policy actions with the reformulation of the media and educational environments.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
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Bjuremalm, Rebecka. "Constructing a Security Threat? : Identifying Securitization in US State Level Politics Framing of the BLM Protests". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-443919.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates US state level politics framing of the BLM protests during 2020, by inductively identifying frames and then proceeding to study if and on what grounds securitization occurs in these. Press statements, interviews and documents from eight Mayors and Governors in six of the states where the protests have been the most prominent are analyzed. From this material, four frames have been identified: the alienated outsider frame, the constructive rage frame, the limited guardian frame, and the desecuritizing frame. Recent developments in securitization theory investigate human life and dignity as a reference object, making a case for integrating humanitarianism in terms of grounds for justifying extraordinary measures. Three grounds for securitization are investigated empirically in the identified frames: state, social and humanitarian security. The study concludes that whilst both state security and to a lesser degree humanitarian security are detected in the identified frames, societal security seems to be the most prominent. This suggests that large-scale identities are the most common reference objects in the treated context. Further research is encouraged, especially in terms of distinguishing potential frame alignment processes by looking at a greater number of states over a longer period of time.
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Rolph, Stephanie Renee. "Displacing race white resistance and conservative politics in the civil rights era /". Diss., Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2009. http://library.msstate.edu/etd/show.asp?etd=etd-03252009-203932.
Testo completo
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Jørgensen, Ellen Brinch. "Union citizens : free movement and non-discrimination /". [Copenhagen?] : Jurist- og Økonomforbundets Forlag, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37544186t.
Testo completo
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Van, der Veen Paula Louise. "Women and political participation : the Montreal Citizens Movement, 1974-1989". Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59585.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis attempts to further the study of women's political participation by examining involvement in the Montreal Citizens Movement from approximately the time of its founding in the early 1970s to just after its achievement of power in 1986. Three approaches--resource mobilization, sexual division of labor and role conflict--are used to analyze critically the individual determinants, structural foundations, and nature of this participation, while a brief historical background provides the context for the movement and for its participants' actions. While authors have studied the MCM's structure and programs in general and have noted women's involvement primarily in its early stage as a social movement, there has been only limited discussion of women's participation. This thesis builds upon the latter by documenting and analyzing the nature of such participation using content analysis, participant observation, and personal interviews.
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Amancio, Julia Moretto 1984. "Dinâmicas políticas microterritorias : organizações comunitárias e acesso às políticas públicas na periferia de São Paulo". [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280538.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientador: Luciana Ferreira TatagibaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A mobilização coletiva em torno das questões locais, protagonista na literatura especializada nas décadas 1970 e 80, deixou de ser central nos estudos sobre democracia e participação no Brasil e foi sendo substituída pelas análises sobre as instituições participativas ao longo dos anos 90. Este trabalho propõe-se a voltar seu olhar para as dinâmicas políticas microterritoriais, para os caminhos que ligam as comunidades que vivem nas periferias de São Paulo ao Estado, em busca de acesso às políticas públicas. A partir de uma abordagem exploratória, busca-se para compreender e caracterizar quais são os atores e interações sócio-políticas que ocorrem neste nível em torno da garantia de direitos coletivos. Demonstra-se que esta atuação coletiva ocorre na contramão da lógica especializada dos setores e mobiliza um variado repertório para encaminhar demandas e acessar o Estado. A análise da dinâmica política microterritorial revela a necessidade de ampliar o olhar e de incorporar outras perspectivas e categorias de análise a fim de compreender o processo histórico e relacional que explica estas lógicas de atuação nos territórios
Abstract: The local collective mobilization, the great protagonist in the 1970's and 80's on the Brazilian participation and democratic studies, was gradually being replaced by analyzes of the participatory institutions from the 90s. This dissertation proposes to return his focus to the microterritorial political dynamics, emphasizing the paths that connect the communities living in the periphery neighborhoods of Sao Paulo city. We chose to do an exploratory approach to understand and describe actors and socio-political interactions occur at this level around the guarantee of collective rights. The findings of this research show that collective mobilization occurs at this level against the logic of specialized public policies sectors and employs a wide repertoire of making demands and access the state. The analysis of the microterritorial political dynamics reveals the need to broaden perspectives and incorporate other to improve the knowledge on the historical and relation process that explain the political territories actions and these specifics
Doutorado
Ciencias Sociais
Doutora em Ciências Sociais
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Weeber, Stan C. "Internet and U.S. citizen militias". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2491/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Smelser's theory of collective behavior holds that people join radical social movements because they experience strain. Among the most serious strains are anxieties that relate to one's social status and the roles that correspond to it. A social movement arises as a means of coping with these anxieties.
Militia presence and activity on the Internet (especially Usenet) is a phenomenon that can be studied within the framework of Smelser's theory. Militia watchers contend that those who join the militias have experienced the kinds of strain to which Smelser refers.
A content analysis of Internet traffic of U.S. militias provides a test of the general thesis outlined above. By analyzing Internet sites it is possible to examine whether militiamen have experienced strain, and whether the strain, together with other factors, influence an individual's decision to join the militia.
This dissertation was the first sociological study of American militias on the Internet and the first in which militias from all regions of the country was studied. Information was gathered on 171 militiamen who joined 28 militias.
A qualitative analysis of militia web sites and Usenet traffic (n=1,189 online documents) yielded answers to seven research questions. Most militiamen studied experienced some form of stress or strain prior to joining the militia. Within this context, three generalized beliefs arose to help explain this stress among those militiamen. Bureau of Alcohol, Firearms and Tobacco (BATF) raids at Ruby Ridge, Idaho and Waco, Texas were mentioned most often as movement precipitants. Based on the militiamen studied, the militia movement was Internet-driven, although a number of alternative media played a joint role in movement mobilization. On the basis of the cases studied, increased social control following the Oklahoma City bombing affected the direction of the movement as many militias went underground. Yet, Usenet traffic by and about militiamen rose significantly. Constitutionalism was the primary philosophical orientation of the militias in this dissertation; however, Christian Identity militias were growing in number and visibility.
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Hornung, Nicole. "Becoming a Food Citizen". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5644.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Environmental citizenship is positioned as a platform where the rights of social and environmental justice converge with civic engagement and responsibility. As industrialized economies continue to exhaust the limits of finite natural resources and exacerbate conditions of global climate change, scholars have questioned if environmental citizenship models offer a method for deepening obligations to a sustainable movement. In the material culture enjoyed by Western civilizations, existing research supports that an individual's purchases are seen as an indicator of their values and identities. Consequently the commitment to responsible buying behavior or sustainable consumption is in a sense an expression of eco-citizenship. My thesis offers a critical perspective of Andrew Dobson's ecological citizenship theory, by asking how sustainable consumption can be conceptualized in the existing political and economic infrastructures. Using a thorough case study of globally traded fish provisions, I investigate the existing barriers for eco-citizens attempting to realize their obligations to sustainable consumption. This analysis allows me to draw conclusions on how these barriers may inhibit eco-citizenship theories and ultimately a sustainable social movement. The structure of this thesis is broken into three parts. First, I define existing theories of ecological citizenship and sustainable consumption, including the theoretical propositions, requirements, and limitations. Secondly, I rely on Dobson's conception of ecological citizenship and an instrumental case study of Pacific Salmon provisions to illustrate the barriers eco-citizens encounter in the current market and regulatory system. Finally, this paper concludes by proposing individual and institutional changes that will assist in fostering an eco-citizen community and the contribution my findings may have on existing green citizenship research.?M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; Environmental Politics
11
Chouhan, Anita. "Free movement of a Union citizen within the European Union : What criteria must a family member of a Union Citizen fulfil in order to move to a Member State?" Thesis, Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15086.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The treaty on the functioning of the European Union provides certain rights to the Union Citizens. One of the fundamental rights is that of free movement of Union citizens. A citi-zen within the European Union has the right to freely move and reside within the territory of the Member States. Family members of a Union citizen also obtains right to move to a Member State. However, the family members have to fulfil certain conditions in the Resi-dence Directive in order to move to a Member State. The question of what criteria a family member must fulfil has been controversial because the Member States have interpreted the EU-law in different ways. Consequently, through preliminary rulings ECJ has come to dif-ferent conclusions hence the controversy. The interpretation of the EU-law concerned whether a Member State can impose an addi-tional requirement on a family member of a Union citizen or not. This is what the Member States have different views on. The implication of the requirement was that a family mem-ber must have had a prior lawful residence in a Member State in order to move to another Member State. This is the outcome in one of the cases where an additional requirement set by a Member State was to be considered as compatible with the EU-law. However, this view was to be reviewed in another case, as imposing a requirement was in contrary to the EU-law and to the internal market within the European Union. It is clear that including an additional requirement is not in compliance within the EU-law. Mainly because the applying an additional requirement is not provided for in the Residence Directive. Additionally, it would restrict family members to move as well as it would hinder Union citizens to lead a normal family life.
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Biery, Piper Blotter. "A Cultural Topography of the Sovereign Citizens Movement: Are They a Terrorist Threat?" DigitalCommons@USU, 2014. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/3562.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyzes the Sovereign Citizens Movement—considered a domestic terrorist organization by the FBI— to determine if the label “terrorist organization” is appropriately applied, and then to assess the effectiveness of government protocols. The Sovereign Citizens Movement is a loose organization of individuals who adhere to an anti-government ideology. In most cases their actions are limited to fraudulent activity; however there have been individuals who resorted to violence in their engagements with government officials. This thesis concludes that the label “terrorist organization” does not describe the movement well, but that it is more likely that some individuals extrapolate the ideology and choose violence on their own, making them lone-wolf terrorists. Another conclusion of this thesis is that there needs to be a regular set of protocols established for all government agencies for interacting with Sovereigns. The method created by Rob Finch and Kory Flowers, which incorporates both law enforcement officials and legal professionals, provides the most effective way to interact with Sovereigns.
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Rhodes-Kubiak, Robert. "Activist citizens : social movement theory, citizenship and the development of LGBT activism in Serbia". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599556.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Between 1990 and 2010, lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LOBT) people in Serbia moved from a legal prohibition of homosexuality and widespread hostility, to a legislative and institutional framework of increasing recognition and protection. Social attitudes, too, 3re shifting towards greater acceptance. A vibrant social movement of LGBT activists has been vitally important in these shifts. This thesis explores and analyses a series of semi-structured interviews with these activists, campaigning materials, and primary and secondary literature to present a contextualised account of the history and practice of this under-researched movement. Beginning by developing a model of a theoretical toolbox, the thesis identifies the continuing relevance of a range of social movement theories and concepts, arguing that these must be utilised pragmatically to ensure a full understanding of the complex processes at work in a social movement. It particularly identifies the importance of contextually situated grievances, resources and opportunities to the development of LOBT activism in Serbia. A background of nationalism, warfare, ethnic fragmentation, authoritarianism, shifting international and domestic resources and opportunities have influenced the strategies and tactics, participation, leadership, motivations for taking part, and patterns of cooperation, all of which are explored. At the same time the thesis stresses the importance of actors making choices and acting creatively to influence, as well as work within, this context. To this end, the movement is theorised as representing a model of 'activist citizenship' based on rights, participation and belonging, utilising identity strategically whilst seeking a wider citizenship based on common humanity and linking struggles between oppressed groups. In doing so, this interdisciplinary research fills an important gap in existing sociological literature on the former Yugoslavia and makes a contribution to social movement theory and citizenship studies, as well as contributing to political sciences work on the former Yugoslavia and social movement studies.
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Johansson, Sophie. ""The Invisible EU-citizens" "De Osynliga EU-medborgarna"". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23329.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Denna uppsats belyser problemet med användandet av begreppen EU-medborgare och EU-migrant, samt vad det är som avgör huruvida man skall bli betraktad som antingen det ena eller andra. Det råder fri rörlighet för alla EU-medborgare mellan medlemsstaterna, det skapar problem när grupper som rent juridiskt inte klassificeras som medborgare, och i stället klassificeras som migrant. Skillnaden mellan att vara EU-medborgare och EU-migrant är bland annat att det skiljer sig i åtnjutandet av det sociala skyddsnätet. Romer används som ett exempel genom hela uppsatsen då de har en historia som inte påminner om någon annan, samt för att det är ett aktuellt ämne i dagens EU. Genom en komparativ studie mellan två välfärdsstater, samt en diskursanalys där Benhabibs teori ”the rights of others” appliceras diskuteras huruvida alla inom EU kan åtnjuta de mänskliga rättigheterna. Benhabibs teori tydliggör nationalstaters rädsla gentemot det främmande och bekräftar att det sker en kränkning av de mänskliga rättigheterna när människor saknar medborgarskap. Slutsatsen av denna studie är att orsaken till att romska grupper ofta faller utanför det skyddsnät som finns är på grund av avsaknaden av subjektivitet. Nationalstater ser ofta romska grupper som icke-hanterbara och det smittar av sig på civilsamhället och den generella attityden gentemot romer är negativ.This thesis highlights the problem with the use of the concepts “EU-citizen” and “EU-immigrant”, as well as what determines whether someone should be considered one or the other. Since freedom of movement is granted EU-citizens between member states, problems arise when groups that technically do not qualify as citizens, but are classified as migrants, utilize the freedom of mobility. The difference between being classified as an EU-citizen vs an EU-immigrant is the differences in the ability to enjoy the social safety net provided by the state. The Roma people will be used as an example throughout the thesis, as the history of the group is unique, and it is currently a topic of discussion in the EU.Through a comparative study of welfare states, along with a discourse analysis utilizing Benhabib’s theory of ”the rights of others”, a discussion will examine whether everyone in the EU have the opportunity to enjoy human rights.Benhabib’s theory clarifies the nation state’s fears of that considered foreign and confirms the violations of human rights that occur when people lack citizenship.The conclusion of the study is that the reason Roma groups often fall outside the social safety net is because the lack of subjectivity of states. Nation states often view Roma groups as non-manageable, the perception rubs off on civil society and generates generally negative attitudes towards the Roma.
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Bailo, Francesco. "The citizen-user and the crowd-mediated politics of the Five Star Movement". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17068.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis described the trajectory of the Italy’s Five Star Movement (M5S, 2005- 2014) from the perspective of the citizens who, as Internet users, participated in in the political enterprise. Citizen-users, enabled and empowered by Internet and mobile technologies, shaped and sustained the identity and evolution of the movement that became the M5S. The case study selected for this research, the M5S, is exceptional due to the magnitude of its success; but its features (Internet-centered and fluid ideology) are becoming more common among political organisations in Western democracies. The goal of the thesis is to assess the impact of the Internet on the political process, through its connecting, mobilising, organising, and to characterise the shape of political talk among citizens. This is achieved by applying quantitative methods, including network analysis and natural language processing, on 10 years of user-generated data collected mainly from four sources: the blog of the Movement’s founder, the M5S official forum, Facebook and Meetup.com. The thesis finds that the online discussion fora fostered diversity without fragmentation, and contributed on at least one occasion to shape the policy agenda of the M5S. Furthermore, the meetups of the Movement maintained their capacity to attract and mobilise users, and their territorial distribution clearly correlate with local results of the M5S in two elections, suggesting a positive impact of Internet-enabled mobilisation. Finally, given the votes received in the 2013 general election, the political communication generated over the Internet offset the low attention dedicated by TV news broadcast to the Movement during the electoral campaign. As Internet and mobile technologies are routinised, it is easy to see how their importance in political organisation and deliberation will grow. By studying the application of ICTs in the case of the M5S, this thesis offers insights into their use in practice, as well as pointing to possible democratic risks if online deliberation is non controlled to guarantee its fairness and openness but instead steered by the leadership, turning a deliberating community of citizen-users into a noisy crowd.
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Thomas, Timothy LLoyd Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The Montreal Citizen's Movement; new forms of political representation and municipal politics 1974-1990". Ottawa, 1994.
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17
Karohs, Karoline. "A sustainable technology? : How citizen movements in Germany frame CCS and how this relates to sustainability". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-200577.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Carbon capture and storage (CCS) is a technology that is developed with the aim of decreasing the emissions of the greenhouse gas carbon dioxide (CO2) in order to mitigate global climate change. However, citizens strongly oppose the technology in areas where carbon storages are supposed to be constructed. With the help of framing theory, this work analyzes four German anti-CCS citizens’ initiatives. Qualitatively studying publicly available material from their websites, their diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames on the issue are reconstructed. Guided by a first research question about what frames on CCS are constructed by the citizens’ initiatives, the frames are then compared to each other, showing that political opportunity structures as well as local factors regarding particularly the prevalent type of energy production are taken up to some extent. Systematically retracing the arguments, this study aims on investigating into the connections between local and global issues and interests around CCS. This entails potential for generalization regarding the decision-making process in the area of conflict when society, environment, technology, economic and political actors are involved. Afterwards, a second research question is taken up – the frames’ relation to sustainability. They are discussed in the wider context of sustainable development because of the close connection between the climate change and the sustainability discourse. Moreover, proponents as well as opponents use parts of the sustainability concept for their arguments. This highlights the difficulties of a sustainable decision-making process in which a variety of interests are interwoven and partly contradicting each other. It is concluded that both, comprehensive information and transparent communication, between all actors are the first steps towards a more sustainable decision-making process but that structurally as well as technically more than this is required, especially regarding the acceptance of the outcome. Research on sustainability as an increasingly influential paradigm can pave the way in this regard.
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Santori, Claudia. "Ecology, behaviour and citizen science of Murray River turtles: implications for future conservation and management". Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/22964.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Two of the three turtle species inhabiting the Murray River, Emydura macquarii and Chelodina longicollis, have declined since the 1970s, whilst C. expansa is rare. As much of the ecology of these turtles and their threats are poorly understood, a comprehensive conservation plan is yet to be drafted. Here, I describe a threat to turtles, investigate aspects of their ecology and behaviour, and evaluate methods for public engagement in turtle conservation. These areas are critical for the design of an effective management plan. In Chapter 2, I describe mortality on roads using data collected via citizen science, and show that C. longicollis is most at risk on multiple-lane highways during their nesting season and after rain. I propose testing road signs, eco-passages and artificial nesting grounds to address this issue. In Chapter 3, I evaluate the consequences of the decline of all three species by quantifying their scavenging role, and show that they are key scavengers that positively affect water quality. Hence, areas with few or no turtles are likely to be most affected by unchecked carrion decay, highlighting the need to address the turtle decline. Headstarting hatchlings may be an effective conservation technique. In Chapter 4, I test whether hatchling E. macquarii associate with aquatic vegetation, and whether captivity affects their behaviour and short-term survival, to inform a headstarting plan. I conclude that E. macquarii hatchlings should be released at hatching in areas with abundant aquatic vegetation. In Chapter 5, I show that skills and knowledge gains after participating in the citizen science project TurtleSAT are associated with behavioural and attitudinal changes that may be beneficial for turtle conservation. This thesis justifies the conservation of the turtles of the Murray River, informs a future conservation plan, and provides an example approach for other poorly known species that are likely to play key roles in their ecosystem functioning.
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Siqueira, Sandra Maria Marinho. "Matrizes históricas dos movimentos sociais: entre a cidadania nos limites do capital e a busca pela emancipação humana". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFC, 2006. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/23350.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
SIQUEIRA, Sandra Maria Marinho. Matrizes históricas dos movimentos sociais: entre a cidadania nos limites do capital e a busca pela emancipação humana. 2006. 206f. – Tese (Doutorado) Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2006.Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-06-16T17:10:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_tese_smmsiqueira.pdf: 144211805 bytes, checksum: 4e764b9c6df6b1dc6f79047b55f55bc2 (MD5)
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Abstract This work to present na actual problem: is foundation in history of social movements, between the stake of capital and the citizen in search of human emancipation. The argumentation hare his base in a writers like Marx (2001a, 2002a, 2002b), Lukács (1979a, 1979b), Mészáros (1981, 1989a, 1989b, 2002), Lessa (1997a, 1997b, 2002), to confront of autors like Touraine (1996, 1999), Mellucci (1992), Gorz (1980), Kurz (1992, 2002), Offe (1989) e Habermas (1990). Recuperate the history by those movements and their importance to the transformation of society, in yours relationship sharer economics, the text to remake the trajectory from the contest of workman through conquests and progress of life and work and his vinculum intrinsic with one project about an society in order to beyond of the money. In analysis of that process from contest of classes, the research try to draw the lines general about news moviments social (NMS), which convoke an important number of individuals, joined lathe by revindications specifics, in general the access to rights political and civils, denying or obstruct along relations socials, however, organize and propose methods of contest pretending displace from the collision of class. To long for therefore, the citizen stay in the stake of society commom, although this, about hers contradiction societies and economics, to develop wounds like misery, hunger and unemployment , ending for restricting the access in the rights prevision in juridical order pertaining to the state common. Acoording to the citizen have, then, laces with the society commom and, to be able to confirm, it to be whit her that have forge yours modern concept of access to the rights citizens, politician and societies, under state guarantee, since that not inquire the pillares essentials to the order of capital. This work comfront the citizen, inscribe in the society of class, in the emancipation of the human being, in line of argumentation propose by Marx (2001a), when he analyze in Manuscript Economic-philosophical in 1844, the emancipation politics common and her surmount for the contest emancipation about all kind of domination economic-society. The human emacipation represent, consequently, one higher horizon, more profound, one transformation by the root, and not only one restrict reform, of order in vigor. She means the association, in all your complescity, of contest for improvement of life and job, with the radical change (along basis) of society common upon to socialism, the association free, by the individuals have the control of production and the product, however the control in all of stage by the aware form and they can develop theirs human potencials. The research analysed how one idea of citizen have been seduce the field of education, in one mode that have been defended the obtainment about the “citizem scool”, that can take a concience by rights and obliged. The counter project of this idea, the emancipation of human being collocate jobs more complex to the education, to mediate between individuals and society and in the context in process ffrom the contest of class and the socialism.
Este trabalho trata de um problema atual: matrizes históricas dos movimentos sociais, entre a cidadania nos marcos do capital e a busca pela emancipação humana. A argumentação se assenta em autores como Marx (2001a, 2002a, 2002b), Lukács (1979a, 1979b), Mészáros (1981, 1989a, 1989b, 2002), Lessa (1997a, 1997b, 2002), contrapostos a autores como Touraine (1996, 1999), Mellucci (1992), Gorz (1980), Kurz (1992, 2002), Offe (1989) e Habermas (1990). Recuperando a historicidade desses movimentos e sua importância para a transformação da sociedade, em suas relações sócio-econômicas, o texto refaz a trajetória da luta dos trabalhadores por conquistas e melhorias de vida e trabalho e seu vínculo intrínseco com um projeto de uma sociedade para além do capital. Na análise desse processo de luta de classes, a pesquisa tenta traçar as linhas gerais dos chamados novos movimentos sociais (NMS), que congregam um importante número de indivíduos, unidos em torno de reivindicações específicas, em geral o acesso a direitos políticos e civis, negados ou obstruídos pelas relações sociais, entretanto, organizando-se e propondo métodos de luta pretensamente deslocados dos choques de classes. Almejam, portanto, a cidadania nos marcos da sociedade burguesa, embora esta, por suas contradições sociais e econômicas, gerem mazelas como miséria, fome e desemprego, acabem por restringir o acesso aos direitos previstos na ordem jurídica estatal burguesa. A cidadania tem, pois, laços com a sociedade burguesa e, pode-se afirmar, foi com ela que se forjou a sua concepção moderna de acesso aos direitos civis, políticos e sociais, sob garantia do Estado, desde que não questionados os pilares fundamentais da ordem do capital. O trabalho contrapõe a cidadania, inscrita na sociedade de classes, à emancipação humana, na linha de argumentação proposta por Marx (2001a), quando analisa, em Manuscritos Econômico-Filosóficos de 1844, a emancipação política burguesa e sua superação pela luta emancipatória de toda forma de dominação econômico-social. A emancipação humana representa, portanto, um horizonte superior, mais profundo, uma transformação pela raiz, e não apenas uma restrita reforma, da ordem vigente. Ela significa a associação, em toda a sua complexidade, da luta por melhorias de vida e trabalho, com a mudança radical (pela raiz) da sociedade burguesa em direção ao socialismo, à associação livre, em que os indivíduos tenham o controle da produção e dos produtos, mas o controlem em todas as suas etapas e de forma consciente e possam desenvolver suas potencialidades humanas. A pesquisa analisou como a idéia d cidadania tem seduzido o campo da educação, de modo que se tem defendido a consecução de uma “escola cidadã”, que forme uma consciência de direitos e deveres. Contraposta a essa idéia, a emancipação humana coloca tarefas mais complexas para a educação, na mediação entre indivíduos e sociedade e a contextualiza no processo da luta de classes e do socialismo.
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Berneri, Chiara. "The movement and residence rights of third country national family members of EU citizens : a historical and jurisprudential approach". Thesis, City, University of London, 2014. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/18070/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Granting family residence rights to third country national EU family members is a controversial issue that has been the object of a lively debate, especially in recent years. The debate has been particularly focused on the role played by the Court of Justice of the European Union in deciding cases involving EU citizens and their third country national family members. The Court has been criticized for inconsistent judgments and providing a lack of legal certainty. The object of this thesis is to analyse the intricate jurisprudential scenario of family reunifications between EU citizens and third country nationals. In order to do so I will place the Court’s case law in its broader historical context. Through my analysis, I will show how the phenomenon of family reunification between EU citizens and third country nationals is the fruit of a development that, starting from the legislation of the first post World War II era reached its climax in the more recent judgments of the CJEU. Using a historical prospective, I will outline that the original meaning of the first family reunification legislative provisions, their more recent CJEU interpretation and the new application of the concept of EU citizenship find their ground on specific trends that have characterized the process of European integration for years. I will look in particular at the development of the Common Market project, focused on eliminating obstacles that would hinder the right of free movement of workers and at the strengthening of the rights deriving from the EU citizenship status. I will also show how since the oil economic crises these two currents begun to clash with the stricter immigration policies adopted by some Member States. I will argue that the approach of the Court can be better appreciated when placed at the interplay of this clash.
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Koon, Sun-fai, e 官晨暉. "Urban governance and social movements in the context of urban regeneration in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4673708X.
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Filecia, Danielle. "Why Occupy?: Principal Reasons for Participant Involvement in Occupy Portland". PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1098.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Occupy Wall Street galvanized the country and attracted thousands of participants, who came to New York City in order to protest corporate greed. Occupy Portland, standing in solidarity with Occupy Wall Street, began their encampment less than a month later and attracted more participants on its first day than did Occupy Wall Street. This grounded theory inquiry uncovers the principle reasons why individuals participated in Occupy Portland. The findings revealed that participants were (1) upset about the bank bailouts and corporate irresponsibility; (2) swept up by the size and organization of Occupy; and (3) looking to get some fundamental societal needs met. The findings do not neatly fit collective behavior or resource mobilization theory, paving the way for further scholarship.
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Baer, G. "The right to travel : United Kingdom and United States Constitutional Law and the citizen's freedom of movement". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375874.
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Soares, Giselle Silva. "Lideranças e movimentos sociais no cenário sociopolítico da cidade de São Paulo: experiências coletivizadas no Observatório dos Direitos do Cidadão entre os anos 2001 e 2009". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/18039.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
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Previous issue date: 2010-05-18Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This research investigates the performance of social movements and their relationship with the democratization of Brazilian social life, considering the sociopolitical landscape of São Paulo city and as a hub for this research, the participation involving of social leaders in the Observatory of Citizens' Rights. The aim is to examine the social relations created between the social leaders and the training process that is established from such participation. The research refers to the main features of social policies in the areas of social assistance, child and adolescent, housing and health during the first democratic administrations of Sao Paulo city, after the dictatorial period, the line of action of social movements in the mentioned areas , the period from 2008 to 2009, beyond to present the perception of social leaders, enabling the participation on Observatory of Citizens' Rights as an experiment collectivized capable of generating a training process with relevant learning the realization of popular participation and strengthening the democracy in Brazilian society
O presente trabalho aborda a atuação dos movimentos sociais e sua relação com a redemocratização da vida social brasileira, tomando como eixo de análise o cenário sociopolítico da cidade de São Paulo e como eixo de investigação a participação de lideranças sociais no Observatório dos Direitos do Cidadão. Busca-se examinar as relações sociais constituídas entre as lideranças sociais, bem como o processo formativo que se estabelece a partir desta participação. A pesquisa desenvolvida faz referência às principais características das políticas sociais nas áreas da assistência social, criança e adolescente, habitação e saúde, durante as primeiras gestões democráticas da cidade de São Paulo, após o período ditatorial, e à linha de atuação dos movimentos sociais nas áreas referidas, no período de 2008 a 2009, além de apresentar a percepção das lideranças sociais. Tal contexto possibilitou identificar a participação no Observatório dos Direitos do Cidadão como uma experiência coletivizada, capaz de gerar um processo formativo com aprendizados relevantes à efetivação da participação popular e ao fortalecimento da democracia na sociedade brasileira
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Norman, Bradley Michael. "Integrating citizen science and telemetry techniques in understanding the movement patterns of the whale shark (Rhincodon typus)". Thesis, Norman, Bradley Michael (2016) Integrating citizen science and telemetry techniques in understanding the movement patterns of the whale shark (Rhincodon typus). PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2016. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/32335/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since its inception in 1995, the whale shark photo-identification library that was developed for whale sharks at Ningaloo Reef (Western Australia) has burgeoned, with submissions from over 54 countries throughout the species global range and it has received more than 30000 encounter reports with sighting information and associated photographic images. In recent times, with the assistance of digital techniques, a global campaign to promote the library, and an increase in the number research active organisations utilising the library, has led not only to the identity of the world’s 20 ‘hotspots’ for whale shark aggregations, but to improved conservation measures for this internationally threatened species.
The collation and analysis of such data has demonstrated the uniqueness of the different ‘population’ centres, inter-jurisdiction movement patterns within only adjacent sites, an absence of oceanic basin migrations, and has implied that many of the aggregations are comprised of individuals that show a strong affinity to that area, and some individuals return for decades. The population demographics of the various sites may be either homogenous or heterogeneous, including some sites which are seasonally used, while others have year-round residents. Some populations are dominated by juvenile males, while others may be entirely large females. Globally, more than 6000 individual whale sharks have been identified, with over 1000 identified from Ningaloo Reef, a location where contemporary belief was that the aggregation was extremely seasonal, occurring during the Austral autumn and winter. More than 8000 useable images of whale sharks were analysed from Western Australia, and a targeted campaign further assessed whale shark occurrences from 3000 km of the Western Australian coastline. This, coupled with satellite tracking and acoustic tracking, identified that not only are whale sharks found at Ningaloo throughout all months of the year, but the species within Western Australian waters has a strong site fidelity to Ningaloo during the main aggregation period, although individuals may roam north, west or south from Ningaloo and the species ultimately spans much of the State’s immense coast. Acoustic tracking further revealed that at Ningaloo, individuals remain relatively close to the outer reef edge, moving longitudinally. Satellite tracking and citizen science allowed the hypothesis to be tested that in Western Australian waters, individuals may be seeking other areas of high productivity outside of the predictable mass coral spawn at Ningaloo Reef, which has long been thought to be a significant driver of their build up in numbers during the Austral autumn. A number of the whale sharks photo-tagged in Western Australia have been ‘re-captured’ many times over a 21 year period (1995-2015), and these individuals have been studied at a time-scale that exceeds almost all other studies of individual fish. The continuation of the monitoring program of this long-lived species, together with the continued update of citizen science in the region, will in time reveal and help solve additional mysteries (including migration patterns and critical habitats) surrounding this enigmatic species.
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Koh, Adam Byunghoon. "Black Dionysus classical iconography and its contemporary resonance in Girodet's Portrait of Citizen Belley /". Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 84 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1605135741&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Domokos-Bays, Becky L. "The Role Of The Citizen's Clearinghouse For Hazardous Wastes As An Agent Of Adult Education In The Environmental Justice Movement From 1981-1985". Diss., Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/29867.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This historical study examined the educational dimensions of the Citizen's Clearinghouse for Hazardous Wastes from 1981-1995. Its role as an agent of adult education in the grassroots movement for environmental justice was demonstrated by tracing the movement from the toxic waste disaster at Love Canal, New York and focusing on the role of Lois Gibbs as a leader in the movement. The conceptual framework for the study was built upon interdisciplinary work in the fields of adult education, sociology, and educational history. The study examined the mission, belief systems, processes and strategies of learning and information dissemination by the Clearinghouse during three periods: 1981-1986, during which the organization was formed and began to develop a mission and belief system; the 1987-1991 period when CCHW experienced enormous growth and began to exert its power nationally with campaigns such as the McToxics Campaign. It was also during this period that CCHW began the process of working toward a unified grassroots environmental justice movement; and the period from 1992-1995 which marked the beginning of CCHW's second decade of existence and in which CCHW conducted an in-depth organizational assessment. Organizing and technical assistance were found to be the primary vehicles of learning. Publications and site visits were powerful dissemination mechanisms used to assist citizens in their struggles against corporations and government authorities. Secondly, citizens who remained active in the environmental justice movement often took on broader roles such as organizing regional citizen groups. The study found that women composed nearly eighty percent of the leaders in the movement. Reasons for involvement varied, but most women became involved initially out of fear for theirs or a loved one's health. Conclusions drawn indicate that learning occurred through everyday experiences and empowered citizens to take direct action in their communities. Secondly CCHW emerged as a powerful national political force due to its ability to maintain its mission of continuously listening and meeting the needs of its grassroots constituents.Ph. D.
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Khurshudyan, Eliza. "Social Movements and Social Media : the case of the Armenian 'velvet' revolution". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-169816.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Depending on the political environment, economic, cultural and social factors, the digital era provides new opportunities and constraints for mobilization of social movements.The current research was focused on exploring how protest leaders and activists used and perceived social media as a tool for communication and organization during the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh”; a series of peaceful, anti-governmental protests which led to a shift of governmental power in Armenia. Prior work dedicated to unpacking the relationship between social movements and social media have focused on a few empirical cases. Hence, a case study of a yet underexplored social movement can add to this strand of literature. The methodological approach displayed in this study follows a mixed-method model. Interviews with activists of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” and content analysis of official social media accounts of leaders of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” were expected to provide a diverse perspective on social media tactics during the movement. The results implied that social media were perceived as one of the main contributors to the fulfilment of objectives of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” in multiple ways: social media allowed for fast communication, decentralized organization, testimony of the non-violent nature of the movement, as well as validation of the movement through transparency of action (most importantly, in real-time). There was a strong indication that live video broadcasting function on Facebook was generally perceived as a tool with more capacities for contentious politics. Meanwhile, the results suggest that the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” could be perceived as a continuity of previous social movements, the negative experience gained from which curbed the overall tactics of the movement, rather than a result of immediate grievances. Nonetheless, the role of human emotions, such as fear, hope and will, was at the centre of interpretations of how the activists experienced the movement.
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Balazard, Hélène. "Quand la société civile s’organise : L’expérience démocratique de London Citizens". Thesis, Lyon 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO20125/document.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Trois jours avant les élections nationales de 2010 au Royaume-Uni, l’association London Citizens réunit les trois principaux prétendants à la fonction de Premier Ministre. Parmi les 2 200 personnes présentes dans la salle, certaines défilent sur scène et confrontent les candidats à des revendications (portant sur le salaire minimum, les droits des immigrés, les logements abordables et l’accès au crédit), tout en les enjoignant à reconnaître et à promouvoir le rôle de la « société civile » dans la gouvernance londonienne. À la pointe de ce combat, London Citizens représente un très large éventail d’organisations - congrégations religieuses, établissements scolaires, syndicats et autres associations - qui cherchent collectivement à faire entendre leur voix en interpellant les responsables politiques, mais également les acteurs économiques, bousculant ainsi les règles du jeu politique traditionnel. Construite sur le modèle du Broad-Based Community Organizing initié par Saul Alinsky dans les années 1940 à Chicago, London Citizens cherche à mobiliser un très grand nombre de communautés et d’habitants de Londres. Encadrés par des « organisateurs », les différents membres se rencontrent régulièrement et mènent ensemble des actions collectives sur des territoires et des sujets variés. « Démocratique » sous bien des aspects, l’action de London Citizens est aussi ambigüe au regard de sa conception de l’émancipation citoyenne et des changements sociaux visés. C’est une approche pragmatique de la citoyenneté et de la démocratie qui est alors mise en avantThree days before the general elections of 2010 in the UK, the organisation called London Citizens brings together the leaders of the three main parties. Among the 2,200 people in the room, some come on stage and confront the candidates with their demands (on the minimum wage, immigrant rights, affordable housing and access to credit), while urging them to recognize and promote the role of "civil society" in the governance of London. At the forefront of this fight, London Citizens represents a very wide range of organizations - religious congregations, schools, trade unions and other associations - which collectively seek to make their voices heard by politicians, but also economic actors, upsetting the traditional rules of politics. Built on the model of broad-based community organizing initiated by Saul Alinsky in the 1940s in Chicago, London Citizens seeks to mobilize a large number of London communities and residents. Supervised by "organizers", the various members meet on a regular basis and conduct collective actions, big and small, on different issues. "Democratic" in many ways, the work of London Citizens is also ambiguous with regard to its conception of citizen empowerment and targeted social changes. In so doing, it promotes a pragmatic approach to citizenship and democracy
30
Cheung, Tak-piu, e 張德標. "The role of housing managers in housing estate-based social movements in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45009235.
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Rechia, Tania Maria. "O imaginario da violencia em minha vida em cor-de-rosa". [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252475.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientador: Aurea Maria GuimarãesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Este estudo trata do imaginário da violência a partir do filme Minha vida em cor-de-rosa, de Alain Berliner. Define-se como uma pesquisa qualitativa, baseada nos pressupostos da fenomenologia. A partir das descrições de algumas seqüências do filme, escolhidas intencionalmente, procedeu-se a uma reflexão que buscou compreender e não explicar uma das modulações da violência, isto é, a violência sutil que impõe determinados papéis sociais. Os sentidos produzidos dizem respeito ao mito de Dionísio e à vítima expiatória ¿ sentidos que nos levam a pensar que, apesar de nossa vida ser alicerçada em artifícios que produzem padrões comportamentais exemplares veiculados pelo cinema e pela televisão, há também possibilidade de recriar esses sentidos e escapar de todo domínio e controle, uma vez que os modos de socialidade existentes não são os únicos e nem tampouco definitivos
Abstract: This study deals with violence imagery, as exposed in Alain Berliner¿s motion picture Ma vie en rose, and is defined as a qualitative research based on phenomenology presuppositions. From the description of some intentionally chosen scenes of that film, a reflection was made to understand, not to explain, one of violence¿s modulations, i. e., the subtle violence that imposes certain social roles. Senses produced refer to Dionysius myth and to expiatory victim ¿ senses that lead to think that, no matter how our life is founded on artifices that produce exemplar behavioral patterns transmitted by movie and TV, there is also the possibility of recreating those senses and of escaping all domain and control, for existing sociality ways are not the only nor definitive ones
Doutorado
Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura
Doutor em Educação
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Siqueira, Sandra Maria Marinho. "Matrizes HistÃricas dos Movimentos Sociais: entre a cidadania nos limites do capital e a busca pela emancipaÃÃo humana". Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2006. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=336.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgicoRESUMO Este trabalho trata de um problema atual: matrizes histÃricas dos movimentos sociais, entre a cidadania nos marcos do capital e a busca pela emancipaÃÃo humana. A argumentaÃÃo se assenta em autores como Marx (2001a, 2002a, 2002b), LukÃcs (1979a, 1979b), MÃszÃros (1981, 1989a, 1989b, 2002), Lessa (1997a, 1997b, 2002), contrapostos a autores como Touraine (1996, 1999), Mellucci (1992), Gorz (1980), Kurz (1992, 2002), Offe (1989) e Habermas (1990). Recuperando a historicidade desses movimentos e sua importÃncia para a transformaÃÃo da sociedade, em suas relaÃÃes sÃcio-econÃmicas, o texto refaz a trajetÃria da luta dos trabalhadores por conquistas e melhorias de vida e trabalho e seu vÃnculo intrÃnseco com um projeto de uma sociedade para alÃm do capital. Na anÃlise desse processo de luta de classes, a pesquisa tenta traÃar as linhas gerais dos chamados novos movimentos sociais (NMS), que congregam um importante nÃmero de indivÃduos, unidos em torno de reivindicaÃÃes especÃficas, em geral o acesso a direitos polÃticos e civis, negados ou obstruÃdos pelas relaÃÃes sociais, entretanto, organizando-se e propondo mÃtodos de luta pretensamente deslocados dos choques de classes. Almejam, portanto, a cidadania nos marcos da sociedade burguesa, embora esta, por suas contradiÃÃes sociais e econÃmicas, gerem mazelas como misÃria, fome e desemprego, acabem por restringir o acesso aos direitos previstos na ordem jurÃdica estatal burguesa. A cidadania tem, pois, laÃos com a sociedade burguesa e, pode-se afirmar, foi com ela que se forjou a sua concepÃÃo moderna de acesso aos direitos civis, polÃticos e sociais, sob garantia do Estado, desde que nÃo questionados os pilares fundamentais da ordem do capital. O trabalho contrapÃe a cidadania, inscrita na sociedade de classes, Ã emancipaÃÃo humana, na linha de argumentaÃÃo proposta por Marx (2001a), quando analisa, em Manuscritos EconÃmico-FilosÃficos de 1844, a emancipaÃÃo polÃtica burguesa e sua superaÃÃo pela luta emancipatÃria de toda forma de dominaÃÃo econÃmico-social. A emancipaÃÃo humana representa, portanto, um horizonte superior, mais profundo, uma transformaÃÃo pela raiz, e nÃo apenas uma restrita reforma, da ordem vigente. Ela significa a associaÃÃo, em toda a sua complexidade, da luta por melhorias de vida e trabalho, com a mudanÃa radical (pela raiz) da sociedade burguesa em direÃÃo ao socialismo, Ã associaÃÃo livre, em que os indivÃduos tenham o controle da produÃÃo e dos produtos, mas o controlem em todas as suas etapas e de forma consciente e possam desenvolver suas potencialidades humanas. A pesquisa analisou como a idÃia d cidadania tem seduzido o campo da educaÃÃo, de modo que se tem defendido a consecuÃÃo de uma âescola cidadÃâ, que forme uma consciÃncia de direitos e deveres. Contraposta a essa idÃia, a emancipaÃÃo humana coloca tarefas mais complexas para a educaÃÃo, na mediaÃÃo entre indivÃduos e sociedade e a contextualiza no processo da luta de classes e do socialismo.
Abstract This work to present na actual problem: is foundation in history of social movements, between the stake of capital and the citizen in search of human emancipation. The argumentation hare his base in a writers like Marx (2001a, 2002a, 2002b), LukÃcs (1979a, 1979b), MÃszÃros (1981, 1989a, 1989b, 2002), Lessa (1997a, 1997b, 2002), to confront of autors like Touraine (1996, 1999), Mellucci (1992), Gorz (1980), Kurz (1992, 2002), Offe (1989) e Habermas (1990). Recuperate the history by those movements and their importance to the transformation of society, in yours relationship sharer economics, the text to remake the trajectory from the contest of workman through conquests and progress of life and work and his vinculum intrinsic with one project about an society in order to beyond of the money. In analysis of that process from contest of classes, the research try to draw the lines general about news moviments social (NMS), which convoke an important number of individuals, joined lathe by revindications specifics, in general the access to rights political and civils, denying or obstruct along relations socials, however, organize and propose methods of contest pretending displace from the collision of class. To long for therefore, the citizen stay in the stake of society commom, although this, about hers contradiction societies and economics, to develop wounds like misery, hunger and unemployment , ending for restricting the access in the rights prevision in juridical order pertaining to the state common. Acoording to the citizen have, then, laces with the society commom and, to be able to confirm, it to be whit her that have forge yours modern concept of access to the rights citizens, politician and societies, under state guarantee, since that not inquire the pillares essentials to the order of capital. This work comfront the citizen, inscribe in the society of class, in the emancipation of the human being, in line of argumentation propose by Marx (2001a), when he analyze in Manuscript Economic-philosophical in 1844, the emancipation politics common and her surmount for the contest emancipation about all kind of domination economic-society. The human emacipation represent, consequently, one higher horizon, more profound, one transformation by the root, and not only one restrict reform, of order in vigor. She means the association, in all your complescity, of contest for improvement of life and job, with the radical change (along basis) of society common upon to socialism, the association free, by the individuals have the control of production and the product, however the control in all of stage by the aware form and they can develop theirs human potencials. The research analysed how one idea of citizen have been seduce the field of education, in one mode that have been defended the obtainment about the âcitizem scoolâ, that can take a concience by rights and obliged. The counter project of this idea, the emancipation of human being collocate jobs more complex to the education, to mediate between individuals and society and in the context in process ffrom the contest of class and the socialism.
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Sömersalu, Liisa. "The role of media in fostering citizen engagement : A case study on the communication tactics of the Let’s Do It! movement". Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Avdelningen för medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-34312.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A wide use of social media and the development of digital communication channels have changed the game in grassroots activism. Embracing those new ways of communication gives a way to new forms of activism and raises questions about media’s shifting role in the sphere of social movements and collective action. The general aim of this study was to map the role of media in the Let’s Do It! (LDI) movement that fights against illegal waste by organizing clean-up campaigns and by building awareness about the problem among the general public. The purpose was to find out what role media plays in the mobilization of clean-up actions; in communicating with the whole LDI movement and in sustaining the global network. The research questions posed were: What communication channels are used, and how are they used by activists to reach general public and to engage the volunteers when organizing the local and the global clean-up campaigns in the LDI network? What is the value of the global Let’s Do It! network and how is global-local communication organized? To find out about the use of communication channels and the purpose of the global network, a web-survey and in-depth interviews with global and local members of Let’s Do It! were conducted. The results show that different communication channels have a different role in the process of coordinating clean-up campaigns and in sustaining the network. Traditional media is important for gaining wider visibility; digital channels of communication, especially social networking platforms, are multifunctional with combining the internal and the external communication; and face-to-face meetings and interpersonal relationships are deemed crucial in forming strong ties and sustaining the network both globally and locally. The actual media use is also strongly influenced by the cultural context and the resources available for the local teams.
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Sua, Yttrium. "Bridging the Blue-Green Divide: The Role of Environmental NGOs in Tackling Environmental Problems in Taiwan". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/133.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis attempts to provide a brief historical outline of the environmental movement in Taiwan and the unique political situation that has directly affected how the movement has progressed. Thereafter, it looks at some examples of environmental disputes that have occurred in recent years, paying special attention to the ways the environmental movement has interacted with the government. This provides the background to frame the analysis, which will shed light on the reasons for the current state of distrust and antagonistic interactions between the environmental movement and the government. Finally, the thesis evaluates whether such interactions with the government is helpful for the environmental movement in achieving its goals, while suggesting other possible models of environmentalism in Taiwan.
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Stoppa, Edmur Antonio. "Ta ligado mano : o hip-hop como lazer e resgate da cidadania". [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/274915.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientador: Nelson Carvalho MarcellinoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação Fisica
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Resumo: O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar como se processa a organização de grupos de hip-hop no desenvolvimento de suas ações, com base na análise central dos significados do lazer dos seus participantes, na busca de uma nova perspectiva de inserção social para os membros da comunidade. O estudo pode contribuir para a área da Educação Física e dos Estudos do Lazer, na medida que busca conhecer e entender esses espaços como uma possibilidade de atuação a partir das ¿brechas¿ que o sistema oferece, no caminho para a implantação de uma nova ordem social, que permita às pessoas a autopromoção por meio da efetiva participação sociocultural. Enquanto metodologia, o estudo foi realizado mediante a combinação da pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e empírica, o que levou a inserção do pesquisador no grupo pesquisado. O método utilizado foi o estudo de caso, como forma de analisar as ações e a participação dos integrantes da Organização dos Novos Quilombos (ONQUI), ¿posse¿ de hip-hop que desenvolve suas ações no município de Guarulhos. Com a realização do estudo é possível afirmar que o lazer, desenvolvido por meio das atividades relacionadas ao movimento hip-hop, contribui para a busca da cidadania das pessoas na periferia da cidade. No entanto, é importante destacar que, no caso específico da pesquisa em Guarulhos, tal situação é fruto de ações e de processos formais e informais de associativismo, dada à falta de políticas sociais adequadas, por parte do poder público, que tratem a questão do lazer como prioridade, como direito social. Organizações como a ONQUI, com base na realização e mobilização em atividades culturais ligadas ao hip-hop, desenvolvem políticas públicas sociais, de forma não-governamental, ações que podem ser entendidas como um contraponto, uma resposta às ações do poder público municipal, marcadas, de forma geral, pelo assistencialismo ou pelo privilégio a determinados setores da sociedade
Abstract: The objective of the present study is to analyze how the organization of hip-hop groups in the development of their actions happens, taking as a basis the central analysis of the meanings of the leisure of the participants, searching for a new perspective of social inclusion for the members of the community. The study may contribute for the areas of Physical Education and Studies of Leisure as it tries to know and understand these spaces as a possibility to act from the ¿creaks¿ the system offers, in a path for the implementation of a new social order that allows people to exercise self promotion by means of actual socio-cultural participation. From a methodological standpoint, the study was conducted by means of a combination of bibliographic, documental and empiric research, which led the researcher to be inserted in the researched group. The method utilized was a case study, as a way to analyze the actions and the participation of the members of the ONQUI (¿Organização dos Novos Quilombos¿), a hip-hop ¿group¿ that develops its actions in the city of Guarulhos (SP). As a result of the study it is possible to state that leisure, developed through the actions related to the hip-hop movement contributes to the search for citizenship of the people from the outskirts of the city. However, it is important to point out that, in the specific case of the research conducted in Guarulhos, such situation is a result of both formal and informal processes of association, in face of the lack of adequate social policies, on the side of the public power, that treat the matter of leisure as a priority and a social right. Organizations such as ONQUI, by means of cultural activities connected to hip-hop, develop social public policies of a non-governmental nature; such actions may be understood as a response to the actions of the city public power, which, in general, either have an assistance character or favor certain specific sectors of society
Doutorado
Doutor em Educação Física
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Dubslaff, Étienne. "« Oser plus de social-démocratie ». La recréation et l’établissement du Parti social-démocrate en RDA (1989-1990)". Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040151.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse de doctorat se propose d’éclairer les parcours personnels et collectifs de la quarantaine de membres fondateurs du Parti social-démocrate en RDA (SDP puis SPD), au-delà de sa création le 7 octobre 1989, afin de retracer leurs efforts de structuration mais aussi d’élaboration d’un programme social-démocrate proprement est-allemand, tout ce travail partisan qui dépasse la charge révolutionnaire à l’encontre du régime socialiste quarantenaire du SED. Après la chute du Mur, ce parti résolument est-allemand doit s’ouvrir à la question allemande et se confronter au Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne ouest-allemand qui l’aide tout autant qu’il tente de le récupérer, notamment lorsque le parti est-allemand accède au gouvernement de la RDA en mars 1990. Alors que les deux gouvernements de Berlin et de Bonn préparent l’unification selon la volonté majoritaire, les sociaux-démocrates est-allemands, patriotes, s’affairent à empêcher que leur identité et leur pays ne soient happés par la RFA au niveau national ou par le parti frère de Bonn au niveau partisan. Au-delà de la politique effectivement menée, ce travail s’intéresse donc aux aspirations véhiculées par le parti est-allemand durant son l’année d’existence autonome jusqu’à sa fusion avec le SPD de RFA, le 26 septembre 1990, quelques jours avant la Réunification nationaleThis dissertation analyses the personal and collective background and development of the approximately 40 founding members of the Social democratic Party in the GDR (SDP, then SPD) from October 7th 1989 until the fusion of both German Social democratic parties on September 26th 1990, 8 days before the national Reunification. Beyond the revolutionary act against the East German regime and the SED, this thesis tries to retace the structural and programmatic development of the party and insists on the East-German basis of its ideology. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the SDP has to position itself vis-à-vis the national question and its relations to the West German SPD. The latter helps its new partner but tries to dominate the East German party, especially after it has become part of the East German government after the free national elections on March 18th 1990. Although the majority of the East German population hopes for a prompt reunification as it is promised by the conservative parties in Bonn and Berlin, the SPD tries to avoid a complete rendition of East-German identity and succeeds in maintaining some of its aspects beyond the German Reunification. Nevertheless, the East German social democrats fight for the ratification of the three Treaties by the West German SPD part of which seems reluctant. Throughout their political actions, the East German social democrats seek to maintain their identity which they consider no less valuable than the one that is impersonated by the Federal Republic and the West German SPD. This dissertation tries not only to depict the social democratic policies but to analyze the evolution of objectives within the year of its autonomous existence
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Smith, Rebecca Louise. "Inspiring Action: Measuring the Effect of Motivational Frames on Social Movement Mobilization". PDXScholar, 2015. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2510.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In order to probe how social movement messages foster participant mobilization, this study utilized an experimental design to investigate collective action frames, core messaging tasks that define problems, assign blame, convey a plan of action, and inspire participation. The study compared the effects of climate change messages that contain motivational frames with those that do not, incorporating the influence of resonance, and exposure to competing and counter frames. Results revealed that motivational frames contributed to mobilization, especially intention to act, under conditions of resonance and with exposure to counter frames. Salience primed participants to respond to motivational frames, however for some, motivational frames decreased intention to act. As social movements and climate change continue to profoundly shape our world in myriad ways, we will be better prepared to address those changes with information provided here.
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Bell, Stephanie A. "Knowing politics : knowledge and democratic citizenship in South Africa's education system". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ca7a761-e6f2-4d65-a069-14ed18e18c3e.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis brings together democratic theory's calls for an understanding of the actually existing democratic state and anthropological work on innovative forms of citizen participation. Building on the work of Joao Biehl and Steven Robins, the research focuses on access to knowledge and claims of expertise as grounds upon which politicians and bureaucrats exclude citizen participation. It argues, using an ethnographic case study of South African student activist group Equal Education, that authors such as Max Weber, Michel Foucault, and James Scott are wrong to imply that citizens cannot train themselves in the technocratic manner frequently deployed by the state's representatives. It also argues, however, that the state's representatives are often not the technocrats they are hypothesised to be or that they claim to be, and their knowledge practices cannot be separated from politics. This makes the process through which citizens establish expertise and credibility with the government more complicated than simply training themselves in the government's knowledge practices. Drawing on the work of Danielle Allen and Francesca Polletta, the thesis thus also examines how questions of personal experience and identity on grounds of lived experience as well as claimed or perceived identity often interact with claims to knowledge, opening up or shutting down citizens' ability to participate. Even when citizens are able to leverage their technocratic expertise to successfully influence policy creation, they may still find it difficult to effectively participate in the implementation thereof beyond external monitoring and accountability enforcement. The thesis concludes that the current democratic theory ought not be so pessimistic about the spectre of a know-nothing citizenry, but nor ought it presume that education and expertise alone will be sufficient for democratic governments to take seriously an involved and engaged citizenry.
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Gaines, Rondee. "I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_diss/44.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Historically, black women have always played key roles in the struggle for liberation. A critical determinant of black women’s activism was the influence of both race and gender, as these factors were immutably married to their subjectivities. African American women faced the socio-cultural and structural challenge of sexism prevalent in the United States and also in the black community. My study examines the life of Fulani Sunni Ali, her role in black liberation, her role as the Minister of Information for the Provisional Government for the Republic of New Africa, and her communication strategies. In doing so, I evaluate a black female revolutionary nationalist’s discursive negotiation of her identity during the Black Power and Black Nationalist Movement. I also use womanist criticism to analyze interviews with Sunni Ali and archival data in her possession to reveal the complexity and diversity of black women’s roles and activities in a history of black resistance struggle and to locate black female presence and agency in Black Power. The following study more generally analyzes black female revolutionary nationalists’ roles, activities, and discursive identity negotiation during the Black Power Movement. By examining Sunni Ali’s life and the way she struggled against racism and patriarchy to advocate for Black Power and Black Nationalism, I demonstrate how her activism was a continuation of a tradition of black women’s resistance, and I extrapolate her forms of black women’s activism extant in the movement.
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Lake, Jaboa Shawntaé. "Intraminority Support For and Participation In Race-Based Collective Action Movements: an Intersectional Perspective". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3886.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Due to high profile police shootings, collective action movements addressing racial bias in policing, such as the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, have come to the forefront of societal concern. Though these movements and actions directly address police use of force against Black people, a number of non-Black racial minority individuals and organizations have declared solidarity and joined in protests with BLM. This study takes an intersectional approach to examine racial intraminority attitudes (i.e., racial minorities' attitudes toward other racial minority outgroups) toward support for and participation in protests against police excessive use of force and the BLM movement, through its relationship with modern racist beliefs and racial centrality. Participants completed a survey assessing perspectives on policing, racial protests, and BLM, along with racial identity measures. Results show significant differences in both support for and participation in protests and BLM, with women and Black people reporting higher in both outcomes than men and other racial groups, respectively. Within some racial groups, women show higher overall support for (Latinx, White) and participation in (Black, White) protests and BLM than men in the same racial group, though these differences were not found for other groups. Within each intersecting race and gender group, these effects were mediated by levels of modern racism, highlighting a common factor between all groups and an important point of possible malleability and intervention. Further, the relationship between race and gender identities and modern racism was moderated by racial centrality for some groups (Black and Latina women), though this relationship was again not universally found. By examining within group differences, this study highlights the importance of taking an intersectional approach to understand intraminority attitudes and relations as they pertain to participation in collective action movements towards social change. This study has implications for the generalizability of a number of social psychological theories on minority-minority intergroup race relations (i.e., Black-Latinx), as much of the past literature focuses on majority-minority intergroup relations (i.e., Black-White). Additionally, results from this study may provide useful information for community organizers and social justice activists in promoting intergroup collaboration and coalition building towards more equitable social change that is both more tailored for specific groups and more generalizable across groups.
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Karpavičiūtė, Ieva. "Laisvo asmenų judėjimo teisinio reguliavimo problemos Lietuvoje įstojus į ES ir prisijungus prie Šengeno acquis". Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2010. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2009~D_20100224_102706-65713.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Moksliniame tiriamajame darbe nagrinėjamos laisvo asmenų judėjimo teisinio reguliavimo problemos Lietuvoje įstojus į Europos Sąjungą ir prisijungus prie Šengeno acquis. Autorė, remdamasi dokumentų analizės metodu siekia atskleisti Europos Sąjungos aktuose įtvirtintus, Europos Teisingumo Teismo išaiškintus, laisvo asmenų judėjimo teisės principus. Europos Sąjungos bei Šengeno susitariančiųjų valstybių teritorijoje laisvo asmenų judėjimo idėja buvo sukurta tam, kad būtų įgyvendinama laisvos rinkos politika. Tam, kad būtų pasiektas šis tikslas, kiekviena valstybė narė turi siekti tinkamo Europos Sąjungos aktų įgyvendinimo. Deja, Lietuva čia dar tik naujokė. Vykdant Europos Sąjungos aktuose numatytus nurodymus, juos perkeliant į Lietuvos Respublikos teisės aktus, dėl tradicijų pasikeitimo ir ankstesnių įpročių atsiranda netikslumų, neteisingų interpretacijų, ko pasekoje iškyla įvairių problemų. Šiuo atveju, nagrinėjamos problemos, susijusios su Sąjungos piliečių, jų šeimos narių ir kitų asmenų, turinčių Sąjungos piliečių statusą, judėjimu bei buvimu valstybių narių teritorijoje.
Aptariant, Europos Sąjungos aktus, Europos Teisingumo Teismo praktiką, LR teisės aktus bei įvairių valstybių narių, tame tarpe ir Lietuvos, institucijų veiklą, pasinaudojant lyginamojo, loginio, taip pat analitinio kritinio metodų pagalba, darytina išvada, jog Lietuvoje laisvo asmenų judėjimo teisinio reguliavimo problemos tikrai egzistuoja: vidaus sienos atvertos, tačiau, remiantis statistika, gana... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The scientific research had been made in order to analyse the legal regulation of the free movement of persons in Lithuania after entering the European Union and accesing to the Schengen acquis. There was identified and investigated problems, associated with the Union citizens and their family members and other persons having the status of EU citizens, and with their movement and stay in the union’s territory. The author using the method of document’s analysis explored the main legal regulations of European Union and also the laws of Lithuanian Republic on the matter of implementation of free movement of persons. According to the observations of practitioners and experts the author described existing situation in the area of freedom of movement in Lithuania, which appeared to be innapropriate. Although the internal borders are considered to be not controled, on the basis of statistic, checks on persons are carried out quite often. Moreover, Lithuanian legislation is lacking the rule of reasonable time period for the persons who do not carry the right documents to prove that they have the right for the free movement of persons. In addition, individuals who do not carry the appropriate travel documents are not admitted to the territory, expeled or fined in accordance with such provisions which are intended for external border regime and its illegal crossing, as well as persons from third countries lawlessly crossed external borders. First of all, there should be made... [to full text]
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Cruz, Jose Adelson da. "Organizações não-governamentais, reforma do estado e politica no Brasil : um estudo com base na realidade de Goias". [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253105.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientador: Maria da Gloria Marcondes GohnTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T20:17:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cruz_JoseAdelsonda_D.pdf: 9973489 bytes, checksum: 6ee5dc6fa8f8e32bacc9b96b786cf547 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: Este estudo tem por objetivo discutir, à luz das teorias contemporâneas acerca dos movimentos sociais, a nova formatação das organizações sociais em Goiás. Nesse particular, aborda as redes como estratégia de organização da sociedade civil, tendo como base para análise as parcerias entre organizações não-governamentais (ONGs), Estado, universidades e empresariado. Busca, nas práticas efetivadas pelas organizações sociais, os valores e a cultura política presentes nas ações coletivas da atualidade. Objetiva também identificar as transformações relativas às formas de organizações, as estratégias de lutas, os ideais e os sentidos da democracia e da cidadania, tomando como caso emblemático o Instituto Brasil Central (IBRACE) e as ONGs goianas
Abstract: This study has as objective to discuss, by the light of contemporary theories about social movements, the new formatting of social organizations in Goiás. In this particular one, it talks about the nets as strategy of organization of the civil society, having as base for analysis the partnership between not-governmental organizations, State, university and enterprises. It searches, in practices made by social organizations, for values and political culture presents in class actions of the present time. It objectives also to identify transformations concerning to ways of organization, strategies of fight, ideas and senses do democracy and citizenship, taking as a emblematic case the "Instituto Brasil Central (IBRACE)" and not-governmental organizations from Goiás
Doutorado
Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura
Doutor em Educação
43
Whitener, Olivia. "Farm to Label: A Critique of Consumer Activism in the Sustainable Food Movement". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/202.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
“Local,” “organic,” “natural,” and “Fairtrade” are just several of the many claims adorning the food products that line grocery store shelves. These promises of environmental sustainability and social responsibility are pillars of the “good food revolution” sweeping the nation as consumers demand alternatives to the products of the industrial food system. Green consumerism, the premise that consumer demand for environmentally sustainable goods will bring about ecologically beneficial outcomes, is at the heart of the sustainable food movement. This thesis takes a critical look at the operation of green consumerism in the food system. It explores the ideology and shortcomings of neoliberal consumer-citizenship that informs the “vote with your fork” rhetoric promoted throughout alternative food markets. Examining the plant-based foods movement as a case study, it attempts to shed light on aspects of food production that are obscured by the promises of “conscious consumption,” such as environmental impacts, accessibility, and reinforcement of the dominant dietary and patriarchal paradigm. Ultimately, the emphasis on consumerism as a means to remedy the failures of the industrial food system instead perpetuates social inequalities and environmental exploitation while relieving powerful institutions and the public of the responsibility to enact significant change. This thesis concludes with recommendations for a multi-sectored approach to the good food revolution that incorporates government, corporate, and grassroots action to bring about a truly sustainable food system.
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Andreu, Acebal Marc. "El moviment ciutadà i la transició a Barcelona: la FAVB (1972-1986)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/134795.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
El moviment ciutadà forjat als barris populars durant la dictadura franquista, alimentat per l’oposició comunista i militants cristians de base, articulat a Catalunya en comissions, associacions i centres socials i, des de 1972, organitzat al voltant d’una Federació d’Associacions de Veïns de Barcelona (FAVB) nascuda burgesa i afí al poder establert però hàbil i ràpidament controlada per l’esquerra urbana i el catalanisme, va generar una hegemonia cultural favorable a la lluita antifranquista, a la plena democràcia i als interessos de les classes subalternes. Aquest moviment popular va aconseguir, a Barcelona, conquestes urbanístiques, socials i culturals; la complicitat de professionals i intel•lectuals, i una influència política que va sobrepassar l’àmbit metropolità i va deixar petjada a Catalunya, Espanya i a l’estranger.
Des del final del franquisme i durant el procés de transició i reforma política cap a la democràcia -aguantant la repressió i mobilitzant-se al carrer al costat d’altres actors socials, obtenint gran impacte mediàtic, assumint els postulats i funcions de l’Assemblea de Catalunya i actuant sempre en clau unitària, interclassista i ideològicament transversal (però escorat a l’esquerra)-, aquest moviment ciutadà va impulsar i, de facto, va aconseguir imposar a Barcelona una ruptura política, social i cultural amb el franquisme sense parangó enlloc però amb repercussions a tot Catalunya i arreu d’Espanya. Fins a l’extrem que, després de provocar el cessament dels alcaldes franquistes José María Porcioles (1973), Enric Masó (1975) i Joaquim Viola (1976) -i malgrat influir, per la por a l’esquerra urbana i a un altre 14 d’Abril, en la determinació de retardar al màxim la celebració d’eleccions municipals democràtiques presa pel Rei sota consell del seu ministre Rodolfo Martín Villa, bon coneixedor de la realitat catalana-, aquest moviment va imposar la seva agenda política, social, cultural i reivindicativa durant els dos anys de mandat del singular alcalde de la transició Josep Maria Socías Humbert.
Amb la instauració del sistema democràtic pluripartidista –i particularment des de la Constitució de 1978 i les eleccions municipals de 1979-, les exigències de participació i democràcia de base del moviment veïnal van topar amb resistències dels vells poders econòmics -conscients d’haver perdut almenys una dècada nefasta per als seus interessos especulatius a la ciutat- i dels nous poders polítics: tant la dreta reformista provinent del franquisme, el centredreta catalanista de Jordi Pujol i l’esquerra socialdemòcrata en ascens dels alcaldes Narcís Serra i Pasqual Maragall. Cert és que el moviment ciutadà va patir el desencís polític i la crisi de les associacions de veïns, iniciats el 1977 i aguditzats als anys 80 per la desmobilització social i la cooptació partidista de quadres veïnals; una crisi, amb tot, esmorteïda a Barcelona pel compromís personal d’alguns dirigents veïnals. En tot cas, el paper del moviment ciutadà, i la FAVB en concret, va ser determinant tant en l’articulació del moviment veïnal a escala catalana i espanyola com en el desenvolupament d’altres moviments socials que el van utilitzar de paraigua o incubadora (feminisme, antimilitarisme…), així com en la consecució de moltes demandes populars i millores concretes als barris. Això inclou l’adquisició pública de més de 100 hectàrees de sòl per a equipaments i zones verdes, l’elaboració del mapa de barris i la descentralització per districtes i, en definitiva, la configuració originària de l’anomenat model Barcelona.
En el context del llarg període de desdemocratització iniciat el 1982, la influència del moviment ciutadà es va mantenir fins que, el 1986, canvis interns a la FAVB i en la seva relació amb el poder local però, sobretot, la designació de Barcelona com a seu olímpica de 1992 van imposar un canvi d’escala urbanístic i en el model de ciutat. Això va marcar la fi d’aquesta hegemonia cultural i d’una idea de ciutat democràtica socialitzant que, malgrat tot, manté el seu influx per sobre de la fi del consens urbà forjat durant la transició. Un canvi d’hegemonia i una fi del consens posats en evidencia a Barcelona pel fracàs del Fòrum 2004, l’inici de la crisi econòmica global del 2007 i la pèrdua de l’alcaldia, el 2011, per part de la socialdemocràcia.The citizens’ movement forged in neighborhoods during the Franco dictatorship in Spain, fueled by opposition militants, basically communist and Christian based, structured in Catalonia by committees and associations and, since 1972, organized around a Federació d’Associacions de Veïns de Barcelona (FAVB) born bourgeois and related to established power but quickly controlled by the urban left and the Catalan movement, generated a cultural hegemony in favor of the fight against Franco to full democracy and the interests of subordinate classes. This popular movement won in Barcelona conquests urban, social and cultural rights and political influence. During the process of political reform and transition to democracy this citizen movement promoted and de facto managed to win a political, social and cultural break in Barcelona unparalleled but instead repercussions throughout Catalonia and throughout Spain. After about the dismissal of Franco mayors Porcioles (1973), Masó (1975) and Viola (1976), this movement imposed its political, social, cultural and protest agenda during the two year term of the transition singular mayor Socías Humbert (1977-1979). With the introduction of multi-party democratic system the requirements for participation and grassroots democracy were met with resistance from local old economic powers and the new political power: the Spanish center-right (Adolfo Suárez, Rodolfo Martín Villa), the Catalan center (Jordi Pujol) and center-left Social Democratic mayors rising Narcís Serra and Pasqual Maragall. It is true that the citizen movement suffered disappointment and political crisis of neighborhood associations, exacerbated by the 80’s social demobilization; crisis, however, cushioned by Barcelona personal commitment of some neighborhood leaders. In any case, the role of the citizen movement, and FAVB in particular, was instrumental in both the articulation of local movement scale Catalan and Spanish, in the development of other social movements (feminism, anti-militarism...) as well as in many popular demands and achieving concrete improvements in neighborhoods and, ultimately, preparing the original configuration of the Barcelona model. The influence of the movement citizen remained until 1986, when the appointment of Barcelona as Olympic 1992 imposed a change of scale and urban city model. This marked the end of this cultural hegemony and a democratic socialist idea of a city which, however, maintains its influence over the end of the street consensus forged during the 70’s.
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Wildschut, Angelique Colleen. "Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53473.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our knowledge in this area. This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991 and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in 1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on women's political participation. I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation. In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of my analysis in this project.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie werk aangepak word. Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en 2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994 insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te spekuleer. Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname oplewer. Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.
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Aquino, Pedro Miranda de. "Mobilização política urbana e o uso das Tics: um estudo exploratório em Jundiaí-sp". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/16918.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
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The research aimed to understand the processes involved in articulating the Comitê Cidade Democrática de Jundiaí. This group has began its activities in August 2009 and was inittialy intended to disclose the Cidade Democrática website, so that the increased citizen participation could promote the changes they expected in the city of Jundiaí. The fact that the group has made extensive use of digital resources is sufficient to note the extraordinary nature of the case and let us decide on an exploratory series of the political phenoma occurring in Jundiaí. Thus, it was expected to contribute to the discipline of social psychology, especially in the research area of Political Psychology and Social Movements. The analysis of the data collected verified the functionality of the website for the citizen collaboration, also, the limits and possibilities of the Comittee to mobilize citizens are demonstrated, and the lack of responsiveness of local goverment was pointed
A pesquisa se teve por objetivo compreender os processos envolvidos na articulação do Comitê Cidade Democrática de Jundiaí. O grupo iniciou suas atividades em agosto 2009 e tinha por finalidade inicial divulgar o site Cidade Democrática, a fim de que o aumento da participação cidadã em Jundiaí promovesse as mudanças que cada entidade componente desta coalizão esperava ver realizadas. O fato de o grupo ter feito uso intensivo de recursos digitais foi suficiente para constatar o caráter extraordinário do caso e decidir por uma investigação exploratória da série de fenômenos políticos ocorridos em Jundiaí. Desta forma, esperava-se poder contribuir com a disciplina da Psicologia Social, especialmente na área de investigação da Psicologia Política e dos Movimentos Sociais. A partir dos dados coletados e da análise que fizemos, constatamos a funcionalidade do site para a colaboração entre cidadãos, demonstramos os limites e as potencialidades que o Comitê desenvolveu para mobilizar cidadãos e apontamos para o quadro de pouca receptividade do governo local na gestão relativa ao período deste estudo
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Mangoldt, Charlotte von. "Student environmentalism in Beijing, China". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ef524063-dda5-4cda-a73a-f0d56b95f527.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation explores student environmentalism in Beijing, China. It traces students' political norms and values, explains their activism and experience of pollution, and investigates the role of environmental non-governmental organisation (ENGOs) in forming youth environmentalism. To serve these objectives, the work takes forward theories on youth activism and agency and recent debates on environmental health, environmentalism and ENGOs. This study was designed as a qualitative research project based primarily on interviews and complemented by ethnographic methods, content analysis, pictorial evidence and survey results provided by the Jane Goodall Institute China. Research findings and methodology are presented in four papers and a framing document. My work challenges labels of agency and activism as either protest and resistance or 'quiescence' and questions the influence of globalisation on activists' norms and values. I put forward 'fragmented activism' as a new concept to capture the nature of youth environmental activism in Beijing. I contribute to environmental health literature by tracing how young people develop discursive mechanisms to mitigate the fear of air pollution and argue that their response offers invaluable insights into the interplay between space and the body in polluted environments. This thesis further shows that the repertoire of student environmental associations in Beijing represents a type of 'place based environmentalism' (Smith, 2001) but argues that, whilst this may be a contradictory response to contemporary environmental issues, it is not usefully assessed against abstract and normative notions of what environmentalism should be. I also challenge scholarly assessments of ENGO action. By exploring ENGO strategies in China that rely on extant societal and governmental narratives about good citizenship and moral values - instead of radical alternatives to mainstream development models or political processes - I argue for new research paradigms guiding the study of environmental movements.
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López, Espinosa Arnau. "El moviment veïnal al Poble-sec i Montjuïc durant els governs d’esquerres a Barcelona (1979-2011): el diàleg entre el moviment veïnal i les institucions municipals". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664392.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Aquesta investigació és una aproximació a les relacions dialèctiques existents entre el moviment veïnal dels barris del Poble-sec i Montjuïc (Barcelona) i les institucions municipals durant els governs d’esquerres de la ciutat (1979-2011). Durant el tardofranquisme i la Transició el moviment veïnal va aparèixer amb força a Barcelona així com a la resta de ciutats de Catalunya i Espanya. En aquells anys aquest moviment veïnal va esdevenir, sobretot a Barcelona, un actor de primer ordre per posar contra les cordes el poder local franquista i assolir el canvi democràtic en l’àmbit municipal. Amb l’arribada dels ajuntaments democràtics el paradigma dialèctic i relacional entre el moviment veïnal i les institucions municipals va canviar. Les reformes que va introduir el consistori democràtic barceloní van establir uns canals de participació ciutadana que vehicularien i canalitzarien aquest diàleg entre el veïnat organitzat i el govern municipal. Aquesta investigació es centra en l’anàlisi i estudi d’aquests òrgans de participació –posant el focus en els barris del Poble-sec i Montjuïc- i en els resultats que aquesta relació dialèctica va tenir per la seva evolució i transformació. A través d’aquest anàlisi es permet copsar com les limitacions i mancances d’aquestes normatives de participació, així com les dinàmiques que aquestes generen al moviment veïnal i a les institucions, influencien en el desenvolupament i evolució del model de gestió de la ciutat i, per tant, en les transformacions que Barcelona i els seus barris experimenten. Un model de gestió implantat l’any 1979 amb l’arribada al poder de les forces d’esquerra i que evoluciona fins a implosionar l’any 2011 quan aquestes perden l’alcaldia.Esta investigación es una aproximación a las relaciones dialécticas existentes entre el movimiento vecinal de los barrios de Poble-sec y Montjuïc (Barcelona) y las instituciones municipales durante los gobiernos de izquierdas de la ciudad (1979-2011). Durante el tardofranquismo y la Transición el movimiento vecinal apareció con fuerza en Barcelona así como en otras ciudades de Catalunya i España. Durante aquellos años este movimiento vecinal se convirtió, sobretodo en Barcelona, en un actor de primer orden que puso contra las cuerdas al poder local y contribuyó al cambio democrático en el ámbito municipal. Con la llegada de los ayuntamientos democráticos el paradigma dialéctico y relacional entre el movimiento vecinal y las instituciones municipales cambió. Las reformas que introdujo el consistorio democrático barcelonés establecieron unos canales de participación ciudadana que encauzarían y canalizarían este diálogo entre el vecindario organizado y el gobierno municipal. Esta investigación se centra en el análisis y estudio de estos órganos de participación –poniendo el foco en los barrios de Poble-sec y Montjuïc- y en los resultados que esta relación dialéctica tuvo para su evolución y transformación. Este análisis permite captar como las limitaciones y déficits de estas normativas de participación, así como las dinámicas que éstas generan en el movimiento vecinal y en las instituciones, influencian en el desarrollo y evolución del modelo de gestión de la ciudad y, por lo tanto, en las transformaciones que Barcelona y sus barrios experimentan. Un modelo de gestión implantado el año 1979 con la llegada al poder de las fuerzas de izquierdas y que evoluciona hasta implosionar en el año 2011 cuando éstas pierden la alcaldía.
This investigation is an approximation to the dialectical relations between the neighborhood movement of Poble-sec and Montjuïc neighborhoods (Barcelona) and the municipal institutions during the leftist governments of the city (1979-2011). During the late francoism and the transition to democracy period, the neighborhood movement appeared with force in Barcelona as well as in other cities of Catalonia and Spain. During those years, this neighborhood movement became, above all in Barcelona, a leading actor who put the local power against the ropes and contributed to democratic change at the local level. With the arrival of the democratic city councils, the dialectical and relational paradigm between the neighborhood movement and the municipal institutions changed. The reforms introduced by the Barcelona's democratic consistory established channels of citizen participation that would channel this dialogue between the organized neighborhood and the municipal government. This research focuses on the analysis and study of these participation channels - putting the focus on Poble-sec and Montjuïc neighborhoods - and on the results that this dialectical relationship had for its evolution and transformation. This analysis allows us to grasp how the limitations and deficits of these participation regulations, as well as the dynamics they generate in the neighborhood movement and in the institutions, influence the development and evolution of the city's management model and, therefore, in the transformations that Barcelona and its neighborhoods experience. A management model implemented in 1979 with the arrival to power of the forces of the left and that evolves until implosion in 2011 when they lose the mayor's office.
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González, Cabezas Maricel. "La participación ciudadana como herramienta para la equidad territorial: estudio de los movimientos ciudadanos durante la crisis económica". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666479.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
El objetivo del presente estudio es conocer la calidad democrática de las prácticas de participación ciudadana implementadas en el ámbito de la ordenación del territorio, utilizando como punto de referencia las prácticas y demandas de participación desplegadas en el movimiento social 15M.
En un contexto de crisis económica como la vivida recientemente por España y como respuesta al incremento de las desigualdades, se valora como más urgente que nunca implementar de forma eficiente aquellas herramientas que orienten las acciones públicas hacia una mayor equidad. Para ello se considera fundamental avanzar hacia la integración de una verdadera participación de la ciudadanía en las políticas de ordenación del territorio bajo la premisa de que el desarrollo de adecuadas “prácticas de participación” efectivamente mejora los resultados de las políticas públicas con un importante impacto en el territorio.
Podríamos decir que las soluciones planteadas para resolver la crisis justamente han dejado de lado la discusión sobre la equidad, en un momento que es clave para ello. Es en este contexto donde hemos identificado al menos dos hechos relevantes cuya confluencia determinan la pertinencia de la presente investigación. Por una parte, la importancia que adquiere en este escenario de crecientes desigualdades las acciones públicas orientadas hacia una mayor equidad y, por otra, la emergencia de nuevos movimientos o estallidos ciudadanos que reclaman una mayor participación como respuesta a los problemas que giran en torno a las desigualdades sociales.
Sobre el primero, podemos decir que los instrumentos de planificación del territorio se consideran herramientas relevantes para orientar las acciones públicas hacia el desarrollo del territorio de forma equitativa y mucho más permeable al contexto social a partir de la incorporación de principios o directrices que justamente retoman los grandes problemas sociales, ya sean la equidad, la sostenibilidad ambiental o la participación ciudadana.
Sobre el segundo, podemos afirmar que una de las cuestiones de fondo en las que interviene la ordenación del territorio es en esta idea del “interés general sobre el particular”, es aquí donde conectamos con la importancia de una efectiva participación ciudadana, en donde todos los actores de un territorio pueden consensuar un “modelo territorial” que contenga las expectativas sobre el futuro del territorio en términos de alcanzar un desarrollo beneficioso para todos.
Para llegar a los resultados del presente estudio, se ha realizado un abordaje multimétodo que incluye: análisis de contenido cuantitativo de prensa escrita, análisis de contenido temático cualitativo de entrevistas del documental “conversaciones15M.cc” y evaluación de criterios de participación de los siete Planes Parciales elaborados en Cataluña entre los años 2005 y 2010.
Como resultado, se ha llegado a dos perfiles de participación que en términos de calidad democrática son casi opuestos, ya sea el del movimiento social 15M y el de los Planes Territoriales Parciales de Cataluña, comprobando así que la calidad democrática de la participación ciudadana en la ordenación del territorio sigue siendo una tarea pendiente, punto desde el cual comienza una discusión no acabada sobre la importancia de la gobernanza en éste ámbito.The objective of this study is to know the democratic quality of citizen participation practices implemented in the field of spatial planning, using as a point of reference the practices and demands of participation deployed in the social movement 15M. In a context of crisis such as that experienced recently in Spain, it is valued as more urgent than ever to move towards the integration of a true participation of citizens under the premise that adequate participation practices effectively improve the results of public policies. In order to arrive at the results of the present study, a multimethod approach has been carried out that includes: analysis of quantitative content of written press, analysis of qualitative thematic content of interviews of the documentary "conversaciones15M.cc" and evaluation of participation criteria of the seven plans partials produced in Catalonia between 2005 and 2010. As a result, we have reached two participation profiles that in terms of democratic quality are almost opposite, either that of the 15M social movement and that of the PTPs of Catalonia, thus verifying that the democratic quality of citizen participation in spatial planning remains a pending task, from which point an unfinished discussion begins on the importance of governance in this area.
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Guido, Lucia de Fatima Estevinho. "Educação, televisão e natureza : uma analise do reporter ECO". [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252785.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Orientador: Cristina BruzzoAcompanha 1 fita de video
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Esta tese é dedicada ao estudo das questões ambientais tal como são tratadas na televisão. Este meio de comunicação atinge grande parte da população brasileira, ocupando o espaço não atendido pelos outros meios de comunicação, como o jornal diário e as revistas. O programa Repórter Eco foi escolhido por ser veiculado em uma emissora pública e educativa, por trazer reportagens sobre o Brasil, e a primeira vista nos pareceu dar um tratamento menos espetacular e menos superficial às questões ambientais. Uma análise geral do programa foi realizada e a partir dela selecionamos as reportagens sobre as quais nos detemos. Inicialmente, nosso olhar se fixou no tema desenvolvimento sustentável, já que o mesmo está presente no programa como um todo. As Reservas Particulares do Patrimônio Natural foi outro tema abordado nas reportagens e analisado neste trabalho. Os aspectos educativos do programa mereceram atenção constante, revelando que a educação ambiental foi tratada de maneira prescritiva, sem aprofundar os impasses do discurso ecológico
Abstract: This thesis is dedicated to a study about environmental questions as they are showed on television. This medium reaches large part of Brazilian people, occupying the space not served by others vehicles of communication, like daily newspaper and magazines. The TV show Repórter Eco was chosen just to be transmitted in a public and educational broadcasting station, shows reportings about Brazil and, at a first moment, it seems show us a treatment less spectacular and superficial about environmental questions. A general analysis of the whole program was realized and after this, we have selected the reportings that we will study accurately. At first, our look kept in the subject of sustainable development, which is always present during the program. Private reserves were another subject approached in the reportings and it was analyzed in this work. Educational aspects of the program deserved a constant preoccupation, showing that environmental education was treated by an established manner, without deepness on the impasses of ecological speech
Doutorado
Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte
Doutor em Educação