Articoli di riviste sul tema "Building Trades Employers' Association"

For employers and employer associations, 2018 was in part a year of submissions to government inquiries, the 4-yearly modern wage review and the minimum wage review. Issues of numerical flexibility, including casual work, the gig economy and labour hire, also consumed much attention. It was also a year in which public discontent with the business world, particularly with big business, in relation to industrial relations and broader socio-political issues, and the questioning of its social licence to operate have escalated. In examining the major issues that concerned employers and their associations during the year, this article also discusses the pressures building for them in expressing and promoting their industrial relations agendas in response to a looming federal election, dynamic trade union campaigning and growing public discontent with the industrial relations system in its current form.

According to Chapter 2 of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995, employers, like trade unions, have a right to freedom of association. However, hardly any research has been conducted to establish the efficiency/effectiveness of employers’ organisations. The question thus is: To what extent do members (companies) make use of the services rendered by their employers’ organisations, and how satisfied are they with the service provided? From this study it is clear that a small percentage of companies avail themselves of the services of employers’ organisations. Popular areas of contact appear to be human resource management, labour relations and training. A number of problems in the area of client satisfaction have been identified and recommendations are made to increase the efficiency/effectiveness of employers’ organisations. It is clear that despite the limited use of their services, employers’ organisations continue to fulfil a key role in the labour dispensation in South Africa.

The context of this study was to examine factors contributing to significant workforce shortages in building trades in the United States. As it is, recruitment of qualified skilled trades workers is becoming increasingly difficult due to lack of a pipeline of prospective workers, and training programs. The study assumed a theoretical inquiry approach in order to address the following three main questions: 1) What is the scope of the workforce shortage in skilled and building trades in the US? 2) What factors are recognized as contributors to the building trades workforce shortage in the US? And, 3) What strategies can be implemented to reverse building trades workforce shortages in the US? Findings affirmed that the scope of workforce shortages in skilled and building (con- struction) trades in the US is very broad and the impact is rather deep. Factors con- tributing to the shortage include: declines in high school technical education programs, which have been replaced by career academies; misconception that higher education al- ways equal higher income, but the untold story is higher debt associated with pursuing higher education; and stricter immigration laws, which are forcing potential workers out of the US. The study concluded that in order to reverse currently declining workforce trends the following six strategies should be implemented: 1) Make it a national priority, thereby appropriating adequate resources to the effort. 2) Increase the number or women and African Americans in building trades. 3) Expand apprenticeship programs. An expan- sion of both government and corporate incentives are needed to stimulate an increase in apprenticeships. 4) Reintroduce building and skilled trades programs in secondary and postsecondary schools. Growth in the number of Career Academies, and participation in them has been encouraging, yet there are not enough of them to meet the need. 5) Re-examine guest-worker programs, which are currently cumbersome for employers to participate in, and do not allow for anywhere close to the number of workers needed to meet workforce needs. 6) Change marketing of building trades from menial to meaning- ful. Many young people simply do not know that they can make a comfortable living from a career in skilled trades. They have been taught that at least a bachelor’s degree is needed in order to have a successful career. This narrative has to be revised in order to create a pipeline of prospective skilled trades employees for the future.

Labour commodification is a core process in building capitalist society. Nonetheless, it is given remarkably little attention in labour and social historiography, because assumptions about the process have obscured its historical character. Abandoning these assumptions, a close study of labour commodification in the boilermaking trades of late colonial New South Wales (Australia) illustrates the historical character of the process. In these trades, labour commodification was deeply contested at the most intimate level of class relations between workers and employers. This contest principally took the form of a struggle over the scheme of occupational classification used as the basis of pay rates. It was a highly protracted struggle, because workers developed strategies that kept the employers' efforts at bay for four decades. Employer efforts to intensify the commodity character of boilermakers' labour were largely ineffective, until they were given great assistance in the early twentieth century by the state arbitration system.

AbstractSkilled labour shortage is the shortfall of workforce in specific trades or shortage of workforce with requisite skills. The paper seeks to identify areas where there are skilled labour shortages in the building construction industry within the Central Region. A survey research approach was employed to get the study population that consisted of project managers, site engineers, site foremen and engineers working with contactors. Questionnaires were designed based on the research specific objectives and used as the main instrument for data collection. Findings from the study revealed that the shortage of skilled manpower was from painters and decorators, electricians and tile workers. Further findings showed that skilled labour shortage was caused by socio–economic conditions, external forces, job attractiveness, job characteristics, job satisfaction, industry limitations and personal factors. Employees should be encouraged to develop their trade competences and change their attitude to work, while employers should build their manpower base through training.

The problem of social and labor relations in small businesses is relevant due to many circumstances: the priority of small business development is associated with its significant impact on employment, improvement of the socio-economic situation, reduction of tension in the labor market by creating additional jobs. In addition, small businesses should become a reliable taxable base for budgets of all levels. The object of the study is a social partnership as a mechanism for coordinating the interests of employees and employers in small businesses. The subject of the research is the regulation and improvement of social and labor relations within the framework of social partnership in small enterprises. The aim of the article is to improve social and labor relations in small enterprises based on the development of the social partnership. Methods of statistical analysis, data from a questionnaire survey of various categories of small business workers, analysis of materials provided by the FNPR, regions of the Russian Federation, the Russian Professional Union of Employees of Innovative and Small Enterprises, Internet sources served as the methodological basis for the study. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the development of the provisions of the social partnership system in the field of regulation of social and labor relations in small enterprises, proposals for the development of small business, proposals for building a mechanism for protecting the interests of SE employees. Based on the results of the study, in order to strengthen guarantees in the field of labor, recommendations were formulated and substantiated for concluding regional agreements at the level of Russian regions that apply to small enterprises and provide for the creation of appropriate associations of employers. They can be used to improve social partnership in the field of regulation of social and labor relations in the activities of small enterprises, as well as find application as aids in the educational process. The materials obtained during the study can be used by state bodies, the government, employers and trade unions to solve the country's economic, social and labor problems. The author concludes that it is necessary to establish guarantees in the system of social partnership in terms of indicators related to the regulation and protection of wages, ensuring stable employment and comfortable working conditions, and continuous training of personnel. In order to increase the employer's interest in creating proper working conditions at small businesses, it is proposed that the authorities, as one of the parties to social partnership, develop a system of measures, including government orders, grants, training, and state assistance in labor protection to cover expenses.

In 2010 much of the activity in industrial relations for employers and employer associations was focused on transitioning to and complying with the Fair Work Act 2009. The issues identified by employer associations as being of most concern have varied. For many in the services sector, as well as in small businesses in other sectors, the focus has been on the impact of the modern awards; while in industries such as mining, construction and manufacturing, bargaining and agreement-making have been of a higher order of priority. There have been numerous other IR matters also occupying employers’ time, including the proposed amendments to the building industry inspectorate’s powers, which remain in ‘limbo’. Towards the end of the year, serious concerns about the supply of skilled labour arose again, which, together with the enhanced union bargaining capacity provided by the Fair Work Act, suggests that employers may expect more ‘hard bargaining’ in some sectors in 2011.

At the present stage of development of the trade union movement in Ukraine, the issues of determining the place and role of trade unions in the system of public administration as a subject of public administration and the institution of civil society are relevant. The lack of legal recognition of social partnership, and its replacement by social dialogue has led to a decrease in the influence of trade unions on social protection and the lack of trade union control. The latter has been replaced by public control exercised in Ukraine by various public associations. The aim of the article: As a result, trade unions began to participate as advisory bodies rather than as defenders of workers' labor rights. Accordingly, the relations with the subjects of public administration have changed. The aims of the article: to demonstrate that not only in the Ukrainian practice of public administration, but also in the science of public administration, no attention is paid to the problem of trade union control and the relationship between trade unions and public administration entities. Object of research: trade unions as a subject of public administration. Research methodology: a review of Ukrainian literature sources on trade union control and its impact on the relationship of public administration. The results obtained: in the Ukrainian science of public administration there are no publications on trade union activities and trade union control; the mechanisms for building relationships between trade unions and public administration entities are not defined; there is a constant perception that trade unions are public associations and their main role is to conduct a dialogue between employers, authorities and employees; there is no clear conceptual view of the trade union control process, which causes many legal conflicts. Practical significance: scientific substantiation of the use of the concept of "trade union control" in legal practice and in the activities of public administration, its clear definition makes it possible to influence the rights of workers and influence the development of social policy by public administration.

The institutional records of builders in Otago in the 1890s are more comprehensively preserved that those of architects. These are primarily represented by the archives of the Dunedin Builders and Contractors' Association, and they provide a specific point of view of the profession of architect during the decade. This paper will examine how these records represent the relationships between builders and architects and the emerging attempts to define these trades and professions with their distinct contributions to, and benefits gained from, the processes of design and building architecture.

For employers 2009 was a year of major regulatory change in industrial relations, requiring them to position themselves in response to these changes. The first part of the Fair Work Act commenced on 1 July and details of the modern awards continued to be released throughout the year. The drive towards a unified national industrial relations system was consolidated legislatively; amendments to the building industry inspectorate’s powers were debated but not concluded; a promise to introduce paid parental leave was put on the table; and regulatory changes occurred in relation to the 457 visa programme, employee share schemes and executive remuneration. These changes were occurring in the context of the global financial crisis, which itself required employers to determine appropriate strategic actions to reduce labour costs and yet retain their workforce for the future. Not surprisingly, concerns about labour shortages abated although there was ongoing recognition that long term labour supply issues were still very real.

Employers and their associations were hopeful that the double dissolution election in 2016 would end continuing policy deadlock, which had hitherto stalled progress on their desired industrial relations reforms. But the coalition’s less than convincing victory at the polls dashed any hope that such progress would be swift and comprehensive. Towards the end of the year, the government was finally able to secure the passage of the contentious Australian Building and Construction Commission and Registered Organisations bills that triggered the election. But action on other fronts, like implementing the recommendations of the Productivity Commission’s 2015 Inquiry, had been slow. The Fair Work Commission’s much anticipated deliberation on Sunday penalty rates is also delayed, creating more uncertainties for award-reliant employers at the end of 2016. To aggravate matters further, unions are continuously trying to chip away various key features of casual working arrangements, through Fair Work Commission test cases and by pushing strongly in favour of the inclusion of casual deeming provisions in modern awards.

There is increasing evidence that the stock of college-educated labor in an area has fundamental effects on state and local economies through its association with wages, economic growth, personal incomes, and tax revenues. As a result, policy makers in many states attempt to increase the percentage of the state’s population (or workforce) that has a college degree through the use of various higher education policies that have the potential to influence the supply side of the labor market. This article reviews evidence on the effectiveness of these policies in achieving that goal. The author discusses several types of policies related to the finance and production of undergraduate education within a state, including expansions in degree production, merit-based scholarships, location-contingent financial aid, adjustments to the composition of enrollment by residency or by field of study, and internships with state-based employers.

The National Council for Drama Training represents the drama sector of the British performing arts industry and is responsible for the accreditation of the standard and content of the courses at vocational drama schools for professional actors and stage managers, to ensure their relevance to the industry. The Council has three wings: the employers (Society of London Theatre, Theatrical Management Association, the BBC, Channel 4, Channel 5, and ITV), the trades union (Equity), and the leading professional training providers. The purpose of the report which follows was to provide as objective as possible an assessment of the workings of the government's new Dance and Drama Awards scheme, to assist the industry in discussions with Government on improvements to the scheme. Its author, Graham Marchant, is an arts consultant with an exceptional breadth of knowledge and experience, particularly as theatre administrator, senior Arts Council officer, and principal of a vocational school for professional dancers. The NCDT was enabled to commission the Report through the generous provision of funds from the Mackintosh Foundation and the Society of London Theatre.

Purpose The purpose of this paper was to investigate the physiological cost of concrete construction activities. Design/methodology/approach Five concrete construction workers were recruited. The workers’ three-week heart rate (HR) data were collected in summer and autumn. In this paper, several HR indexes were used to investigate the physiological cost of work in concrete construction trades, including average working HR, relative HR and ratio of working HR to resting HR. Findings This paper measures how absolute and relative HRs vary throughout a workday and how working HR compares to resting HR for individual workers. Research limitations/implications Field observations are usually extremely difficult as researchers need to overcome a number of barriers, including employers’ resistance to perceived additional liabilities, employees’ fear that their level of activity will be reported to managers and many other practical and technical difficulties. As these challenges increase exponentially with the number of employers, subjects and sites, this study was limited to a small number of subjects all working for the same employer on the same jobsite. Still, challenges are often unpredictable and lessons learned from this study are expected to guide both our and other researchers’ continuation of this work. Originality/value The time effect on the physiological cost of work has not been considered in previous studies. Thus, this study is noteworthy owing to the depth of the data collected rather than the breadth of the data.

The government of Rwanda set its development agenda with a focus on transforming the country from a predominantly agrarian to a knowledge-based and service-driven economy by the year 2020. The role of WDA in strengthening linkages between education and employment is imperative for sustainable economic development. However, the relationship between education and employment cannot be ascertained without conducting a tracer study. It’s against this background that a tracer study about the employment status of TVET graduates across the trades/ disciplines was needed to assess their employability and the employers’ levels of satisfaction with the graduates’ competencies in the various agencies where the latter are employed, an in-depth assessment of how graduates assess themselves concerning the relevance and quality of their training and the labor market demands and research-based recommendations on what curriculum changes TVET institutions could be adapted to enhance the competence and employability level of the TVET graduates. We found that the employment rate of IBT graduates was quite impressive, as 70.1% of the graduates were employed, and the average earning per month was 63,592 Rwf. In addition, findings reveal that most respondents (64.9%) reported having spent less or equal to 3 months before they got employment, 14.4% indicated 4-6 months, and 15.2% reported 7-12 months. Regarding employer satisfaction of IBT graduates, competencies, 90.6% noted that they were delighted with the graduates’ work. This directly implies their level of performance on the job. However, some of the following challenges were highlighted. These included high student-teacher ratios, insufficient time for training, lack of meaningful network, and lack of job-related information and opportunities for further training.

Abstract: This paper argues that the accession of 10 new Member States in 2004 represents the greatest challenge the EU has ever faced, since the considerable enlargement in surface area and population, along with the increase in the number of countries and languages, is not matched by a commensurate rise in GDP. In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe the development of industrial relations has not managed to keep pace with the emergence of democratic freedoms and the market economy, with highly individualistic neo-liberal values tending to prevail. The weakness of the trade unions is matched by that of the employers’ associations, and collective bargaining is largely confined to company or plant level. In Central and Eastern Europe a legalistic approach is common, with a wide gap between legislative provisions and day-to-day practice, but EU Directives increasingly rely on the active participation of the social partners for their implementation, that varies widely from country to country. The impact of the single currency on working conditions and collective bargaining is discussed, some cases of cross-border collective bargaining are examined, and the fundamental role of employee participation in company decision-making is underlined. Without the involvement of social partners and/or workers’ representatives, the most recent Directives cannot be implemented in a satisfactory manner. The challenge is therefore for the EU as a whole to build an integrated system of industrial relations, and for the new Member States in particular to play an active part in this transformation.

This article explores the origins of peak employers' associations to understand why countries produce highly centralized macrocorporatist groups, weaker national associations but stronger industry-level groups, or highly fragmented pluralist associations. The authors suggest that the structure of partisan competition played a vital causal role in the development and evolution of these peak associations. The leadership for peak employers' association development came from business-oriented party activists and bureaucrats, who sought both to advance industrial development policy and to solve specific problems of political control. Business-oriented party leaders and bureaucrats in both predemocratic and democratic regimes feared the rising tide of democracy and labor activism and viewed employer organization as a useful tool for political control, to secure parliamentary advantage, and to serve as a societal counterweight to working class activism. Because leadership for association building came from the state, the political rules of the game were crucial to outcomes. The structure of party competition and state centralization shaped incentives for strategic coordination for both political actors and employers. Dedicated business parties were more likely to develop in countries with multiparty systems and limited federal power sharing than in countries with two-party systems and federalism: in a multiparty context where no single party was likely to gain power, each party had an incentive to cooperate with other social groups. Moreover, business-oriented party leaders and bureaucrats in multiparty systems were motivated to delegate policy-making authority to coordinated societal channels for industrial relations, because they anticipated that employers would win more in these channels than in parliamentary settings where the center and left could form a coalition against the right. Again, centralized party systems were more likely than federal ones to develop a dedicated national business party that transcended regional cleavages and to retain a strong role for the state in the governance of industrial relations.

The article analyzes methodological approaches to assessing the highest quality of education. Based on the study of sociological studies of European countries and secondary studies of the association for the quality of education, the main principles and approaches to assessing the quality of higher education are revealed, the interest in the thoroughness of the partners of the educational process – the faculty of universities, students, graduates, employers, researchers in the external assessment of the quality of higher education. The article considers national approaches to building a system of independent assessment of the quality higher education. The article discusses the directions of pan-European policy of the quality of higher education, the formation of unified supranational associations in the field of education assessment, accreditation of educational programs of universities. The conclusions of the article allow us to talk about the growing influence of university graduates and employers in the choice of methods and approaches in assessing the quality of education, the untapped potential of local authorities.

Abstract For seven years, the University of Rhode Island (URI) Engaging Generations Cyber-Seniors Program has utilized university student mentors through an internship format and integration within service learning courses. In 2019, community interest in the program significantly increased as did student interest in gerontology internships. This led us to develop a robust internship program focused on building age and digital inclusivity across campus and the state of RI. The program integrates a three-pronged approach where students complete field hours within the URI Cyber-Seniors program, focus on enhancing the Career Readiness Competencies employers seek in graduates today as determined by the National Association of Colleges & Employers, and complete the components necessary to earn the Geriatric Education Center Interprofessional Teamwork in Geriatrics and Gerontology Certificate. This process has enabled 350 students from different majors, including Pharmacy and Human Development & Family Science, to complete internship experiences ranging from 30 to 210 hours.

In this article it is investigated the relationship between advertising and sustainability by evaluating the perceptions of employees of advertising agencies in the Pan-Amazon region using pre-defined indicators. Seeking to identify the level of environmental practices adopted by advertising agencies toward the goal of building a sustainable society, it was interviewed advertising professionals about whether they saw themselves as contributing to changing consumer society towards a new society based on economic efficiency, social equality and ecological equilibrium. To answer these questions it was used quantitative survey data complemented by qualitative research using in-depth interviews. Results suggest that, from the point of view of advertising professionals, advertising agencies do not have much interest in contributing to a more sustainable society. Moreover, our research showed how the lack of strong ties within advertising trade associations further contribute to the weakness of efforts aimed at this area.

Abstract This presentation will describe the key elements of the University of Rhode Island (URI) Engaging Generations Cyber-Seniors Program internship and discuss results from an assessment study that examined post-survey data related to student experiences. Past research has shown that this program is successful in reducing ageism in student participants. In this study, we examined questions from two scales about youth empowerment and participation in planning that corresponded to the Career Readiness Competencies employers seek in graduates today as determined by the National Association of Colleges & Employers (NACE) and measures for building age-friendliness. Survey findings (n=112) showed that the areas in which students stated the most impact were: effort, problem solving, identity exploration, goal setting, and time management. This corresponds to improvements in the NACE Career Readiness Competencies of career & self-development, professionalism, equity & inclusion, and leadership. Related to age-friendliness, scores were particularly high for questions about students speaking out and educating people about older adulthood, telling people about how older people can be digitally included, feeling confident about teaching older adults to use technology, and having ideas about how to improve digital support for older people. The key takeaway from this presentation will be for educators to identify a way in which student experiences can be assessed for growth in career readiness and building age-friendliness.

Building management service that delivered by appartment tenant association is categorized as service that not imposed PPN. Subject determination PPN becoming not clear, because definition difference between this hand bill and the rules of hits honor bound party collects PPN. Though apartment tenant association LR have circulation bruto exceeds definition small entrepreneur, tenant association remain not to be obliged as taxable employers. Evaluated from PPN object also not gives rule of law because intrinsically its service included in facility understanding or amenity or rights is available to weared as understanding taxable service as the same manner as determined by section 4 UU PPN, until provisions in this handbill opposes against rule on it. Evaluated from elementary imposition PPN generates indistinctness the level of income that obtained from management fee can become elementary imposition PPN or not, because existed difference of object definition PPN between hand bill and the rules of other PPN.

The article considers the components of the Unifi ed Certifi cation System for managers and specialists of the construction complex of the Russian Federation, as well as the principles of its functioning, technical and methodological assessment tools. The objectives of the fi nal certifi cation, which are established by the legislation on education (control of the assimilation of new knowledge) and qualifi cation and job certifi cation, established by labor legislation (confi rmation of compliance with the position held) are not aimed at achieving the self-regulation goals in construction defi ned by the Town Planning Code of the Russian Federation. A Unifi ed system of attestation, developed by the All-Russian branch association of employers “National Association of Self-Regulating Organizations Based on the Membership of Building Persons” (NOSTROY), aims to confi rm the qualifi cation of a specialist in terms of knowledge of the norms of technical regulation of works in the fi eld of construction — norms that provide a safe execution of the kind of construction work on which this specialist is declared upon obtaining a certifi cate of admission to work aff ecting safety of objects of capital construction in Russia.

The article has a research, practice-oriented nature and analyzes the problems of professional development and building a career trajectory of graduates through the prism of the personnel partnership of university and the business community. The purpose of the article is to explore the personnel cooperation between university and industrial partners in the context of professional development tracks and, in the light of this, develop a cyclogram of youth career development.The article presents the results of the study of factors influencing the formation of a career trajectory from the position of students of Orenburg State University (2022). The practice of implementing the formats of personnel partnership of the university and employers of Orenburg State University, including various activities within the framework of building the trajectory of professional and career development of a future specialist, is analyzed.The authors propose recommendations for the development of a cyclogram of students’ career development, improvement of the efficiency of interaction between the university and personnel partners by creating a student association of professional development focused on enhancement of career guidance activities at university, identifying creative, scientific, and entrepreneurial potential of students, developing skills necessary to increase competitiveness in the labor market, assistance in career planning and building of university students and graduates.

This paper explores the spatial politics of racism and inter-worker competition through a case study of Indigenous employment during the construction of the Voisey’s Bay mine in northern Labrador. Over the course of construction, the building and construction trades unions (BCTUs) sought to restrict the hiring of local Inuit and Innu workers by challenging the legitimacy of place-based entitlements to work. Inuit and Innu workers had preferential access to employment as a result of unresolved land claims and the ensuing Impact and Benefit Agreements (IBA) between the Voisey’s Bay Nickel Company and both the Innu Nation and the Labrador Inuit Association. IBA provisions that local Inuit and Innu be hired preferentially ran counter to the unions’ organizational structures and cultures, which privileged worker mobility and skill. The BCTUs used the geographic incompatibility between the scale of Indigenous claims and that of construction worker organization to justify a competitive approach to unionism and to veil racist portrayals of Innu and Inuit workers. By drawing out the relation between skill, racism and beliefs about entitlements to work, this paper explores how workers selectively use place-based and mobile identities to participate in inter-worker competition, reifying colonial patterns of labour mobility and labour market segmentation.

This paper aims to analyze and define incentives for the implementation of modern technology and digitalization of the Food Supply Chain (FSC) in the function of sustainability of the food retail sector of the Western Balkans (WB) region. The survey method was applied to a sample of 255 employees. We tested the importance of certain indicators for the implementation of the digitalization process, such as the application of Blockchain Technology (BT), the use of modern IT solutions for traceability, the implementation of the Internet of Things (IoT), the introduction of Artificial Intelligence (AI), development of a system for electronic food placement, implementation of standards, measures, and procedures for regulating the digitalization process, continuous training of employees and economic and financial measures and incentives. A special segment of research deals with the impact of the implemented digitalization process on the sustainability of food placement. The research was conducted among employees of SMEs, large-scale business entities, and retail chains. The research results showed significant deviations from the mentioned incentives to the digitalization process depending on the size of the FSC participants. The work has practical implications because the obtained results show the FSC management, trade policy makers, and competent institutions (ministries, chambers of commerce, professional associations) what measures to apply in order to improve a more efficient implementation of the digitalization process of food placement and lay the foundation for the sustainability of the FSC. Guidelines for future research are outlined in the paper.

This study aims to determine the traces of the presence of the Bugis people in Banten Lama, using historical research methods, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study indicate that the background of the existence of the Bugis people in Banten started after the makassar war (17th century) which made many officials of the Gowa kingdom and their ethnic Bugis allies to go to Banten as a new place to fight the Dutch. However, during this period there was no Bugis settlement in karangantu (banten lama). Entering the 1970s, Bugis people arrived from Sumatra to karangantuk because it was caused by economic factors, namely that there was a Karangantuk port as an infrastructure that supported the life of small industries. These industries are capture fisheries, wood processing industry, shipbuilding (fishing boats). The development of the Karangantuk coast gave birth to multiple effects, such as an increase in the population of the Bugis people, causing some Bugis people to work in various sectors, such as a cottage industry for making yeast, employees in garment factories and wood factories. In the political field, some Bugis people also fill important government positions, contribute to building the province of Banten, and also contribute to the scope of regional organizations such as the association of the South Sulawesi people in Banten.

Program accreditation is important for determining whether or not a program or institution meets quality standards. It helps employers to evaluate the programs and qualifications of their graduates as well as to achieve its strategic goals and its continuous improvement plans. Preparing for accreditation requires extensive effort. One of the required documents is the program’s self-study report (SSR), which includes the PEO-SO map (which allocates the program’s educational objectives (PEOs) to student learning outcomes (SOs)). It influences program structure design, performance monitoring, assessment, and continuous improvement. Professionals in each academic engineering program have designed their PEO-SO maps in accordance with their experiences. The problem with the incorrect design of map design is that the SOs are either missing altogether or cannot be assigned to the correct PEOs. The objective of this work is to use a hybrid data mining approach to design the correct PEO-SO map. The proposed hybrid approach utilizes three different data mining techniques: classification to find the similarities between PEOs, crisp association rules to find the crisp rules for the PEO-SO map, and rough set association rules to find the coarse association rules for the PEO-SO map. The work collected 200 SSRs of accredited engineering programs by the ABET-EAC. The paper presents the different phases of the work, such as data collection and preprocessing, building of three data mining models (classification, crisp association rules, and rough set association rules), and analysis of the results and comparison with related work. The validation of the obtained results by different fifty specialists (from the academic engineering field) and their recommendations were also presented. The comparison with other related works proved the success of the proposed approach to discover the correct PEO-SO maps with higher performance.

The right to strike has always been of fundamental importance to both workers and employers at the national level. However, the globalization of production has instilled it with renewed significance for their organizations at the international level. Beyond this fundamental substantive issue, there is also an equally fundamental institutional issue at stake for the International Labour Organization (ILO). This is the so-called “regular supervisory system”, which combines two complementary types of review and assessment of the action Members have taken to meet their obligations under ratified Conventions: an objective and impartial review conducted by the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations; and a more political and moral review exercised through the Conference Committee on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations. In June 2012, the effectiveness of this system was called into question when employers criticized the historical interpretations of ILO Convention 87 on Freedom of Association as building up a detailed and expansive right to strike, and retaliated by blocking the adoption of the proposed list of cases to be examined by the Conference Committee. For the first time in its existence, the Applications Committee and the Conference found themselves unable to fulfil what is considered to be the ILO’s core function. This crisis is unlikely to be just a passing episode. This paper considers how this crisis might be avoided or resolved. By unearthing the deep and bifurcated roots of this twin crisis of political support and of systemic sustainability, it suggests that any durable solution to the crisis needs to take into account a dual objective: first, rebuilding a tripartite compact around the supervisory system; and second, restoring institutional balance foreseen in the ILO Constitution.

This research on sleep disturbances emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our study investigated the association between self-reported sleep disturbances among teleworkers and the preventive measures employers took to improve their working environment. Answers obtained via a web survey gathered from 1086 teleworkers (517 in the spring of 2021 and 569 in the spring of 2022) were analysed. The odds of self-reported sleep disturbances were significantly higher for all preventive measures in the group of respondents reporting a lack of a particular measure. The highest odds ratios were observed for the statement “My employer identified conditions where I am teleworking” (adjusted OR = 2.98, 95% CI 2.10–4.23) and “Online team-building events were organised” (adjusted OR = 2.85, 95% CI 1.88–4.35). The results of our study have revealed that workplace interventions that serve as a mediator for sleep disorders, even if they are not directly targeted at managing sleep disturbances or stress, can reduce the number of teleworkers reporting sleep disturbances. According to our knowledge, this is the first study reporting the effectiveness of employer interventions that help teleworkers manage their sleep disturbances.

The 2018 Restaurant Association Hospitality Report [1] shows Kiwis are eating out more often, for a wider range of occasions. The latest report finds that nationwide sales for the hospitality industry have continued to grow, with takeaway food recording the highest growth. In 2018, New Zealand’s hospitality sector achieved record sales of over $11.2 billion (year end, March). This represents sales growth of 3.6 percent over the previous year, which after two years of significant growth (8.2 percent from 2016–2017 and 9.7 percent from 2015–2016) settles at a more stabilised level in 2018. Conversely, EFTPOS data shows that grocery sales are continuing to slow, pointing to people eating out more often, replacing meals that may traditionally have been eaten at home. Over the past five years, there has been a slowdown in year-on-year supermarket sales growth from 4.9 percent in 2014 to 3.9 percent this year [2]. A recent My Food Bag and Stuff survey showed that only 52 percent of parents now eat at home every night. Statistics NZ data [3] shows that more than a quarter (26 percent) of all food spending is now at restaurants and on ready-to-eat meals, such as takeaway hot drinks and takeaway pizzas (compared with 23 percent in 2014). The takeaway/food-to-go sector is recording the highest growth. Sales for the food-to-go sector grew 5.7 percent in 2018. In dollar terms, this translates to an increase in annual sales of $148 million. But it seems we Kiwis are still hooked on dining out, with restaurants and cafés the biggest winners and accounting for $5.6 billion of all hospitality sales. Consumer spending is highest in Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch. These three regions all have annual sales of more than $1 billion per annum. The Ministry of Business Innovation and Employment (MBIE) forecast an annual employment growth for the hospitality sector of 2.7 percent per annum through to 2026. For the period 2016–2017, however, the industry achieved employment growth of almost three times that, at 6.8 percent. The total number of people employed in hospitality is now just under 130,000, with more than 72,000 in restaurants and cafés. Hospitality business owners rank their number one challenge as the lack of skilled employees, followed by managing wage costs. This competition for skilled employees has the potential to drive wage rises in some regions, although operators also look for creative ways to retain employees to ensure their labour costs are kept under control. Wages have the potential to rise beyond customers’ expectation of price rises, and that’s a challenge and a balancing act that hospitality business owners must face. The challenge for hospitality owners to find staff is compounded by the number of new businesses opening every week, although to a certain extent this is offset by a comparable number of businesses closing. In 2017, while more than 2,700 new businesses opened, due to those closures, the volume of new outlets overall was an increase of 534 new establishments. The hospitality industry has performed exceptionally well in recent years and, although 2018 sees more restrained growth, the industry is well positioned to face the challenges of its competitive operating environment. Although a more cautious outlook is expected for the remainder of 2018, there are also opportunities for operators – particularly for those that deliver an exceptional offering to customers and for those that embrace both changing consumer dining trends and developments in technology to help grow their businesses. Highlights: Nationwide sales for the hospitality industry in 2018 (year end, March) increased by 3.6 percent, to exceed $11 billion. The sales growth in 2018 carried across all sectors, excluding the clubs sector, with takeaway/food-to-go recording the highest growth of 5.7 percent. Regionally, revenue growth in the Bay of Plenty region was highest for the second year in a row at 6.8 percent, followed by Auckland at 5.1 percent. In 2017, the number of hospitality businesses nationwide increased by 534 to 17,328. The industry currently employs almost 130,000 people. The top challenges identified by the industry are a lack of skilled employees, wage costs, and building and maintaining sales. Corresponding author Marisa Bidois can be contacted at: marisa@restaurantnz.co.nz References (1) Restaurant Association. Annual Hospitality Report 2018, 2018. https://www.restaurantnz.co.nz/product/2018-hospitality-report/ (2) Marketview. Consumer Spending Year Ending June 2018. https://marketview.co.nz/news/ (accessed Aug 18, 2018). (3) Stats NZ. Retail Trade Survey: March 2018 Quarter. https://www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/retail-trade-survey-march-2018-quarter (accessed Sep 5, 2018).

The article is devoted to the study of the elements of the Ukrainian labor market infrastructure and their role in the context of modern challenges. The relevance of the study is stipulated by the need to understand and support the effective functioning of the labor market in the face of change and instability. The purpose of the article is to develop recommendations aimed at infrastructural support of the labor market as an important condition for adapting to modern challenges, ensuring effective interaction between employers and employees, and developing the Ukrainian labor market in a complex socio-economic context. To achieve this goal, the study solved a number of tasks: defined the concept of "labor market infrastructure", elements of labor market infrastructure and their role in the functioning of the labor market; analyzed the current state of the Ukrainian labor market and negative trends in it; developed recommendations for infrastructure support of the labor market aimed at overcoming them. The study used general scientific methods of cognition: induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, association and analogy. The study found that a number of negative trends have emerged in the modern labor market, including a shortage of qualified personnel, a mismatch between the geographical location of jobs and labor, the spread of informal employment, and the inappropriate replacement of men by women in certain industries. Overcoming these challenges requires comprehensive infrastructure support for the labor market. This support should include improving vocational education, continuing the reform of employment services, cooperation between employers, government agencies and educational institutions, adapting legislation to labor market dynamics, and integrating innovations into various sectors of the economy to create new employment opportunities. Encouraging flexible forms of employment, such as remote work and freelancing, is crucial. In addition, creating equal conditions for all workers, regardless of gender, age or social status, is imperative to promote the development of a modern labor market. The practical significance of the study lies in the possibility of using its results to develop and implement effective labor market management strategies.

New Zealand has one of the highest imprisonment rates per capita when compared to the rest of the developed world. People who offend in New Zealand have a 43% chance of reoffending within the first 24 months of their release [1]. It is estimated that approximately 60% of people who offend have literacy and numeracy skills lower than the NCEA Level 1 competency, and 66% of adults have no formal qualifications [2, 3]. A focus on literacy and numeracy, support through baseline education, and specific trades like hospitality, can start to refine the options of a person who offends, further enabling them to start developing goals that will support their futures [4]. Since 2014, the Department of Corrections/Ara Poutama Aotearoa has been upgrading the prison-based educational programmes available to people who offend to achieve this. Goals have been set to integrate the in-prison education with the nationally recognised level of education along with practical elements such as kitchen work, housekeeping and other service-based vocations such as hairdressing and customer service. The courses are relatively short, ranging from six to 12 weeks, and provide key skills and the foundations for further study. Evidence from overseas has found that hospitality and, specifically, catering programmes are a tool that positively impacts the way people who offend engage with their rehabilitation; creating an experience through the sharing and giving of food is seen as a way to reintegrate and regain a sense of achievement and being of service through meaningful social connections and employment. Our study carried out a systematic literature review of the effectiveness of hospitality training and education in correctional facilities. Evidence was found of the effectiveness of educational programmes within prisons and their positive impact on recidivism. It was also found that hospitality training initiatives, such as those provided in prison training restaurants open to the public for dining, could offer a unique opportunity that allows people who offend to change the negative public perceptions held about them. In New Zealand, we have unique tikanga-based initiatives that support people who offend to reintegrate back into the public environment and their families, with reduced reoffending [5]. The literature showed, convincingly, that education leads to opportunities for post-release employment and the ability to manage work-life balance, reintegration into society, and gain skills that support long-term prosperity [3]. Czerniawski [6] sees education as a key step in making a positive change in the lives of people who offend, especially if followed by a period of post-release support. Our study also revealed the challenges of providing hospitality education in prisons. Prison security risks, risk of lockdowns, student mental health, lack of educational resources and support services, and lack of set-up and sustainable funding for educational programmes were seen as hindrances to the success of prison education programmes. Lack of post-release support and the negative stigma of people who offend perceived by the public and employers were further noted issues of concern. Likewise, prison culture, staff retention, general misconduct and mistrust were also cited as aspects of concern [7]. Giousmpasoglou and colleagues [8] suggested that people who offend would prefer education programmes that were carried out by external facilitators over in-prison programmes. The importance of networks between educators, support workers and employers are important in this regard. With the hospitality industry facing a skills shortage and with its low barriers to entry, there is potential to build upon the success of existing hospitality education programmes to build skills, pride and a second chance for those who are engaging in rehabilitation. There is also an opportunity to consider tertiary pathways for these hospitality graduates and entrepreneurs. Furthermore, the Department of Corrections/Ara Poutama Aotearoa could consider the success of initiatives such as The Clink Charity training restaurants in the UK in supporting rehabilitation through hospitality training and work. Corresponding author Madz Crouth can be contacted at: madz.crouth@aut.ac.nz References (1) Boomen, M. Where New Zealand Stands Internationally: A Comparison of Offence Profiles and Recidivism Rates. Practice: The New Zealand Corrections Journal 2018, 6 (1), 87–96. https://www.corrections.govt.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0005/33449/Practice_Journal_Vol6_Iss1_July_2018_WEB.pdf (accessed Dec 1, 2021). (2) Corrections. Prison Facts and statistics – December 2020, 2020. https://www.corrections.govt.nz/resources/statistics/quarterly_prison_statistics/prison_stats_december_2020 (accessed Dec 1, 2021). (3) Corrections. Prison Facts and Statistics – March 2020, 2020. https://www.corrections.govt.nz/resources/statistics/quarterly_prison_statistics/prison_stats_march_2020 (accessed Dec 1, 2021). (4) Harkison, T.; McIntosh, A. Hospitality Training for Prisoners. Hospitality Insights 2019, 3 (1), 5–6. https://doi.org/10.24135/hi.v3i1.52 (5) Hamer, P.; Paul, J.; Hunia, M. Hōkai Rangi: Context and Background to the Development of Ara Poutama Aotearoa Strategy 2019–2024. Practice: The New Zealand Corrections Journal 2021, 8 (1), 18–22. https://www.corrections.govt.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0017/43208/Practice_Journal_2021_Final_Web_Version.pdf (accessed Dec 1, 2021). (6) Czerniawski, G. A. Race to the Bottom – Prison Education and the English and Welsh Policy Context. Journal of Education Policy 2016, 31 (2), 198–212. https://doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2015.1062146 (7) Chui, W. H.; Cheng, K. K.-Y. The Mark of an Ex-Prisoner: Perceived Discrimination and Self-Stigma of Young Men after Prison in Hong Kong. Deviant Behavior 2013, 34 (8), 671–684. https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2013.766532 (8) Giousmpasoglou, C.; Brown, L.; Marinakou, E. Training Prisoners as Hospitality Workers: The Case of the CLINK Charity; Paper presented at the Travel & Tourism Research Association (TTRA) 2019: European Chapter Conference, 2019. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/31827/1/Giousmpasoglou-Brown-Marinakou_TTRA19_conference_Final.pdf (accessed Dec 1, 2021).

Abstract: The most frequent method by which companies borrow money takes the form of debentures, which are usually accompanied by a charge on the company’s assets. One of the features of the company law which applies in Common Law countries, and which distinguishes it from that which prevails in most codified law systems on this issue, is the distinction made between the “fixed charge” and the “floating charge”. Fixed charges normally take the form of legal mortgage over specified company assets, e.g. its land and buildings. A charge may also be fixed on the company’s present and future book debts, which prevents the company from using the debts without the consent of the chargee. On the other hand, companies may also give a lender a “floating charge”, being an equitable charge on some or all of the present and future property of the company. Normally such a charge relates to those assets which are constantly changing, such as the company’s stock-in-trade. The company thus remains free to deal with the assets as it sees fit in the course of its business. The floating charge only becomes attached to an item if and when the charge “crystallizes”, whereupon it becomes a fixed charge on all the current assets which it covers. A charge crystallises where the company is about to be wound up or in such other conditions as are specified in the trust deed or debentures – e.g. failure by the company to pay the agreed interest or to redeem the debentures as agreed. In the majority of cases, the category to which a particular charge belongs is clear beyond reasonable doubt; however, there are some charges which admit of some doubt in this respect. It was precisely such a borderline charge which is the subject-matter of the case under review, which landed before the Privy Council from the New Zealand Court of Appeal. Here, a company granted a charge over its uncollected book debts, which left it free to collect them and use the proceeds in the ordinary course of its business, but prevented the company from assigning or from factoring them. The underlying debenture was expressed in such a way as to create a fixed charge over the book debts. When the company went into receivership, the only assets available for distribution to creditors were the proceeds of the book debts which were outstanding when the receivers were appointed. The question arose whether the right of the company to collect the debts and deal with their proceeds free from security meant that the charge on the uncollected debts, although described in the debenture as being fixed, was nevertheless a floating charge until it crystallised through the appointment of the receivers. It was argued by the receivers that the charge was fixed and that the proceeds were accordingly payable to the company’s bank, acting as the holder of the charge. However, of the charge was a floating charge at the time when it was created, then, through the combined effects of Schedule VII to the Companies Act 1993 and Section 30 of the Receiverships Act 1993, the proceeds were payable to the employees and the Inland Revenue Commissioner as preferential creditors. The judge at first instance ruled that the charge in question was a fixed charge. However, this decision was reversed by the Court of Appeal (New Zealand). The receivers appealed to the Privy Council. The question to be settled on appeal was whether a charge over the uncollected book debts of a company which left the latter free to collect them and use the proceeds in the ordinary course of its business was a fixed or a floating charge. The Council dismissed the appeal. It traced the history of the floating charge from its inception to the present day, paying particular attention to charges over book debts, and arrived at the following conclusions: (a) the characteristics of the floating charge as specified by Romer LJ in the landmark decision of Re Yorkshire Woolcombers Association

Construction workers, their unions, and the construction industry face important challenges in addressing substance use disorders and mental health issues. To examine these issues further, we spoke with Chris Trahan Cain, Executive Director of CPWR—The Center for Construction Research and Training, a nonprofit organization that is affiliated with North America’s Building Trades Unions and the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health. As the chair of the North America’s Building Trades Unions opioid task force, she has been working with construction unions and employers to develop primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention methods to help combat the opioid epidemic, other substance use disorders and to improve worker mental health.

Purpose This paper aims to demonstrate how the Nordic model, featuring highly regulated trade union–employer collaboration, has enabled the building of learning organizations through a co-generative learning model involving both practitioners and action researchers. Design/methodology/approach A literature search on the Nordic sociotechnical systems tradition led to a further search based on the snowball method. This paper reveals how the unique features of the Nordic model for work life through union–management relations constitute a formal system for building learning organizations. Findings This paper acknowledges the difference in power that exists between the social parties within the Nordic model. However, the practice is not due solely to the political structure in which trade unions, employers’ associations and the state form a tripartite collaboration, and thus, create a framework for workplace collaboration. This tripartite collaboration has enabled the development of an organizational practice by action researchers, union representatives and companies over several decades. Originality/value Limited literature has explicitly linked the formal structures of the Nordic model of work life and the effort to develop learning organizations. This paper addresses criticism that the research field has not fully considered power issues when developing a learning organization. It demonstrates how the Nordic model as a formal structure creates a system of democratic norms and rules that facilitates a safe arena for employees to invest their effort in co-generating a learning organization.

Abstract Background Studies show that certain occupations are associated with an increased risk of hearing loss. However, many studies are cross-sectional, and the few longitudinal studies are mostly small or focus on only one occupation. Aims We aimed to quantify the long-term hearing decline among workers in different occupations and assess whether the change differs between the occupations. Methods The study population was 4525 adults who participated in two population-based health studies in Norway, HUNT2 1996–1998 and HUNT4 2017–2019. Linear regression models assessed the association between occupations (clerks as reference) and 20-year hearing decline (hearing thresholds at 3–6 kHz, averaged over both ears) from HUNT2 to HUNT4. Models were adjusted for age, sex, recurrent ear infections, smoking and ear pathology. Results Among the participants (40% men), the mean age at HUNT2 was 31.2 ± 5.4 years (range 20–39) and the average 20-year hearing decline was 11.3 ± 9.8 dB. Occupations that were associated with larger hearing decline included other craft and related trades workers (3.9 dB, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.2–7.7) and building frame and related trades workers (3.4 dB, 95% CI 1.3–5.4). Among occupations with larger hearing decline, a higher proportion of the workers reported exposure to noise. Conclusions This large longitudinal study shows a larger long-term hearing decline among building frame workers and craft and related trades workers. Differences between occupations were modest, which may indicate successful preventive measures in Norway during the last two decades.

The creation of a common European market for financial services has significantly altered the strategic edifice for banks, as well as for the trade unions representing their employees. In the Nordic countries, where regulation of the labour market has long relied on multiemployer bargaining and strong sector-level actors, this has led to a strategic realignment. Faced with mergers and acquisitions, the potential for delocalization and an increasing amount of directly applicable EU-regulation in the sector, Nordic finance trade unions have supported the creation of company-level trade union alliances within MNCs, while still building upon resources and repertoires stemming from Nordic ‘comparative institutional advantage’. Our ‘extended case study’ of three such alliances in the finance sector, called ‘Nordic company clubs’, concludes that, while trade unions there still benefit from strong, typically Nordic institutional and associational power resources, important actor-centred variables and capabilities such as narratives, scaling, resourcefulness and institutional experimentation complement and strengthen our understanding of trade union strategies and institutional change in the context of market integration.

After the end of Apartheid 18 years ago, class conflicts are on the rise in South Africa. In most cases, social struggles of poor communities and trade union protests are led separately from each other. In contrast, trade unions in South Africa were regarded as an exemplar of Social Movement Unionism in their fight against Apartheid. Based on seven interviews and three group discussions with trade unionists from the South African Municipal Workers’ Union (SAMWU) and municipal employees in Cape Town, this article examines the impact, chances and obstacles of coalition building between trade unions and the new social movements in contemporary South Africa. In Cape Town SAMWU and social movements are working together to formulate an alternative Development Plan for the city as well as joint ideas for a good public service based on the needs of poor communities. As casualisation is increasing and undermining the associational power of trade unions, links are rebuild between SAMWU and community organisations in Cape Town. At the same time it can be shown that the joining of forces and social struggles is based on preconditions and needs intensified efforts undertaken by unions and social movements alike.

PurposeThis study aims to determine the effects of sexism and unfavourable job conditions on women's mental and physical wellbeing in construction operations. In addition, this study will establish the mediating role of work morale in the association between workplace challenges and wellbeing.Design/methodology/approachData for this study were obtained from women working in office environments, onsite professionals and those in trades. A total of 65 participants responded to the survey. The partial least square structural equation modelling method was applied to validate the measurement model and test the hypotheses.FindingsThe findings demonstrate that benevolent and hostile sexism directly influences work morale and indirectly affects women's mental and physical wellbeing in the construction industry. Hostile sexism is the most significant challenge for female construction workers in New Zealand.Research limitations/implicationsThe finding is theory-building and challenges the assumptions that the nature of the construction industry has a bearing on the mental and physical health of women in construction. In addition, the finding is useful for creating positive work environments that are both inclusive and empathetic to the diverse needs of the modern-day construction workforce. Thus, reducing the challenges experienced by construction women's workforce.Originality/valueThe current study focuses on women and those who identified themselves as such. The conclusions show the relevance of work morale to their mental wellbeing. This exploratory quantitative study contributes to research by advancing understanding of the challenges women face in the industry and the consequences of those challenges on their physical and mental wellbeing.

BackgroundCarpal tunnel syndrome is characterized by symptoms such as pain, numbness, or tingling on the anterior surface of the index, middle, or radial half of the ring finger, which is frequently associated with weakness of hand grip, and nocturnal pain and/or numbness resulting from compression of the median nerve at the carpal tunnel between the carpal bones and the transverse ligament. The construction industry involves many activities aside from the building process, such as landscaping, painting, electrical supply, plastering, paving, and telecommunications. Performing such tasks involves repetition of wrist flexion and extension, forceful grip with the hand, and/or vibrations of the hand and arm. This study aimed to assess the prevalence of carpal tunnel syndrome and its associated risk factors among construction workers.MethodAn institutional-based cross-sectional study design was conducted among six construction sectors in Gondar from April to July 2021. An interviewer-administered questionnaire was prepared from the literature with a Katz hand diagram, and a physical examination and a special test (carpal compression test, Phalen’s, and Tinel’s test) were carried out for those participants who reported pain during the interview. Binary logistic regression was conducted with SPSS 25 to identify the associated risk factors for carpal tunnel syndrome. The strength of the association was detected by the adjusted odds ratio.ResultA total of 333 study participants aged 18–70 years were included in this study. Among the participants, 11.7% (AOR: 95%CI: 8.1–15.3) had carpal tunnel syndrome. Age, cigarette smoking, work experience, and working with finger-pressing tools were risk factors significantly associated with carpal tunnel syndrome among construction workers with a p-value of <0.05.ConclusionThe magnitude of carpal tunnel syndrome was 11.7% among construction workers. Being of older age, having more experience, cigarette smoking, and working with finger-pressing tools were risk factors significantly associated with carpal tunnel syndrome among construction workers. Employers should implement work safety education programs that raise awareness about the risks of cigarette smoking and encourage employers and supervisors to seek early medical intervention and treatment for carpal tunnel syndrome before it becomes a chronic problem.

The article identifies problems and prospects for modernization of labor legislation and employment sphere in the process of Ukraine’s European integration, which is on topic in the context of optimizing factors of the national economy’ competitiveness in a globalized world. A significant range of obligations regarding the convergence of labor legislation and regulatory principles of Ukraine’s employment sphere with the EU acquis communautaire requires a broad inter-sectoral and inter-departmental approach to the development and implementation of relevant measures. Activities towards adaptation of Ukraine’s labor legislation to the provisions of the EU law take place in three main areas: normalization of the labor legislation’ basic principles; prevention of discrimination and ensuring gender equality of employees; guaranteeing their labor safety. The difficulties of fulfilling the EU acquis communautaire’ requirements in the employment sphere and in the field of ensuring the working population’ social and labor rights are largely connected with contradictory interpretations of Ukraine’s obligations under the Association Agreement by the EU itself and by representatives of national legislative and executive authorities, oriented on a neoliberal economy’ development with the rejection of a large part of usual social guarantees, a significant strengthening of the employers’ rights. The identified problems of Ukraine’s labor legislation reforming within the framework of obligations of the EU Association Agreement testify to the need for more careful consideration of achievements of the established national practice of the employment sphere’ regulating at the same time with activation of the acquis communautaire’ implementation in the sphere of observing the social and labor rights of certain categories of employed and labor collectives, guaranteeing labor safety in the conditions of modernization and diversification of the economy’ technological base, as well as to the need for implementing the best world standards and benchmarks of the working life quality’ improving.

Purpose The purpose of this study was to better understand the state of the healthcare facility management (FM) workforce and trends and how it compares to the nonhealthcare industries. Design/methodology/approach A survey was developed, based on relevant literature, regarding respondents’ gender, race, age, educational attainment and job tenure. The survey was sent electronically via Qualtrics® system in February 2021 to members of the International Facility Management Association membership; 3,557 individuals completed the survey by April 2021, for a 29% response rate. Only data from 1,407 US respondents working in facility operations were included in this study. Of the 1,407 respondents included in this study, 89 worked in the healthcare industry. The majority of respondents not working in healthcare industry (1,318) were employed in government, education or banking and investment. Findings The demographics of facility managers in the healthcare industry are similar to the demographics of facility managers in other industries: the majority of the FM workforce is male, middle-aged, white, college educated and employed in-house. While healthcare and nonhealthcare facility managers have similar responsibilities across job levels, compensation for entry-level FM roles in the healthcare industry is significantly lower than for entry-level FM roles in other industries. This low pay in healthcare FM, compared to other industries, may exacerbate ongoing challenges related to talent recruitment and retention and justify pay banding increases to improve attraction of top talent into healthcare FM. Both healthcare and nonhealthcare industries hire new college graduates for entry-level FM jobs, but the healthcare industry is more likely to hire individuals who majored in liberal arts compared to other industries more likely to hire individuals who majored in subjects related to the built environment such as FM and engineering. To compensate for low entry-level pay, healthcare organizations may be focusing recruitment efforts on liberal arts students who have little to no training in the built environment because they have lower pay expectations. Older healthcare facility professionals also have shorter job tenures with their current employers than do older facility professionals in other industries; this trend appears to be recent and not be related to pay or the COVID-19 pandemic. A surge of senior-level FM retirements may be creating advancement opportunities for older entry- and mid-level FM personnel in healthcare; if this situation is a factor, research should be conducted to understand its implications for recruiting and developing healthcare FM talent. Research limitations/implications Only data from US respondents who were working in healthcare facility operations at the time of the study were included in the data analysis. Originality/value Healthcare organizations can use the study’s findings to help address FM workforce challenges unique to their industry staff recruitment, retention and succession planning.

Workplace wellness programs raise the question: Who owns the health and sickness of the employee? Once, they belonged to the person and his/her doctor, in a kind of binary health relationship. Now companies have made it a triangular relationship. But actually, it's rectangular - the government is also shaping this relationship by occupying a fourth corner. As Nikolas Rose (1989) points out in his exploration of the place of individual in the corporate state, history suggests that it might be the government whose corner is dominant. Rose notes that "Taylorism", the scientific pursuit of maximum efficiency of human labour which was fashionable early last century, is now seen not just as the creation of industrialists like Henry Ford. Much more broadly, it reflected a philosophy current in the western industrialised nations like the US, UK and Germany. Achieving optimum output from men and machines was "part of a wide family of political programmes that sought to use scientific knowledge to advance national efficiency through making the most productive use of material and human resources." Reflecting prevailing political climates, national governments had already begun to introduce legislation which regulated the relationship between capital and labour. Ostensibly, these laws were intended to protect the rights of workers, but Rose suggests that their ultimate motivation was to ensure the nation received social dividends from the labour market. That was then. Now, social dividends from employment may be different but governments are still pursuing them. It was a labour government in Australia in the 1980s which first required employees to fund their own aged pensions (by trading off pay increases for superannuation). In another manifestation of their worry about the costs of an ageing population, governments are now prodding workers to become their own health managers, through the agency of wellness programs at work. Wellness programs really began to flourish in the last 20 years, most visibly in the Unites States where pressure from the employee health insurance system and high participation targets set by the Federal Government have made them the rule. "As a result, work-site health promotion programs are becoming increasingly prevalent. In 1985, 65 percent of work sites with 50 or more employees offered at least one health promotion activity. The [Government's] Healthy People 2000 goals aim to increase this proportion to 85 percent and to increase employee participation in these programs." (Meurer et al. 1997, p. 384) In other countries, pressure from insurance/litigation may be weaker, but employers have increasingly seen workplaces as suitable locations for health campaigns targeted at their employees, and governments have become supportive of such programs because of the public health benefits and convenience. They might be viewed as privatised community health promotion. In Australasia: "The idea of using workplaces as sites to promote health is attractive from a public health point of view. It provides an opportunity for adults to gain access to health promotion initiatives and enables them to participate in programs planned according to their needs in a familiar physical and social setting. It also provides an opportunity for health promotion efforts to extend to the worker's home and involve his/her family." (Williams 1991, p. 490) From an employer's perspective, workers' sickness has always been a matter of interest because of the duty of care. In the distinctive social environment of work, their health has belonged at least partly to the company, but the wellness programs may be further stripping away the autonomy of health. Moral philosopher R S Downie and his co-writers (1990) believe that health promotion is not value-free. "It endeavours to persuade people to adopt certain lifestyles.") It attempts to transfer to the employees values held by the organisation, promoting a particular lifestyle - in this case, a healthy one. Participation in wellness programs provides benefits which flow in two directions. The company donates the resources which allow the employees to avoid sickness and to live healthier lives. The employees donate a longer and more productive working life to the company and society. In this way, these programs conform with the dominant current management philosophy describing the relationship between employee and employer. Just as Hirschhorn (1988) describes how workers won social freedoms in exchange for psychological "unfreedoms" (the work ethic) in the industrial revolution , so Rose describes how modern, caring management practice is all about "aligning the wishes, needs and aspirations of each individual who works for the organisation with the successful pursuit of its objectives". A win-win situation? In some organisations, some employees may not see it that way. The fact that wellness programs are declared "voluntary" may not necessarily rectify a perception of compulsion. Employees may believe that nothing is truly voluntary at work. With these concerns in mind, Stokols et al. (1995) advocate ethical guidelines to prevent job discrimination based on health status and related potential conflicts of interest. They say that the bottom-line benefits to management of health-promotion campaigns cannot legitimately include discriminating against employees who refuse to make healthy lifestyle choices. Discrimination might exist on another level. What is the company to make of workers who choose to continue an unhealthy lifestyle which may put them at greater risk of a succumbing to a health hazard at work? The most well-known of such consequences is the predisposition to bronchial illness caused by smoking. Of course, there are two sources of sickness at work; self-induced and work-induced. Smoking cigarettes may cause self-induced sickness. Mining asbestos may cause work-induced sickness. If it was once clear who was responsible for which sickness, the advent of workplace wellness programs has reduced the clarity. Such health promotion can make it seem that the employer has taken responsibility for both self-induced and work-induced sickness, or perhaps the worker has. Wellness programs are culturally ambiguous. Their very introduction signifies the employer's care for employees' health, but the function of the program is to teach the employees how to take responsibility for it. So Blewett and Shaw (1995) wonder whether health promotion programs change the balance of responsibility between employer and employee. The origin of this issue, they suggest, is in the World Health Organisation's 1986 Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, which describes health promotion as "the process of enabling individuals and communities to increase control over the determinants of health and thereby improve their health." (cited in Blewett & Shaw 1995, p. 462) The writers argue that the health promotion rhetoric is increasingly focused on promoting 'self-responsibility' for health in the workplace, and the skills of health self-care. If governments value wellness programs, and business likes them, is the workplace a conducive cultural setting for wellness to be marketed? Do workplace health promotion programs obviate the well-documented communication barriers from which community programs suffer? It seems they might. "Worksites afford a high degree of leverage for influencing the health of the population," according to Stokols et al. (1995, p. 1136) "Leverage" is a reference to the big percentage of the population (the employed) they reach, as well as the power of persuasion in a workplace. The persuasion can derive from the corporate culture which employers strive to create in their organisations - a mono-culture whose values are aligned with those of all members. It can also derive from company rules - all members of the organisation, whether value-sharers or value-rejectors, are captured by the requirement to conform with wellness objectives. Thus, in western industrial democracies, where smoking is banned it is usually because they are places of work. It is necessary to ask the question: Do employees exposed to health promotion at work make good use of self-care skills. Williams (1991) notes that the uptake of health promotion campaigns, not at work but in the broad community, is greatest among those who least need the benefits - that is, it correlates with socio-economic status. Wellness programs in industrial settings provide opportunities for health promotion to reach lower-paid trades and "blue-collar" employees not well served by these community campaigns. However, poor health behaviours are based on life-long habits, usually reinforced by people's lifestyles, reference groups and family structure. These habits take time and persistence to counteract. It is only in the long term that participation gives employees positive benefits, and therefore positive reinforcement for their healthy efforts. Noblet and Murphy (1995, p. 18) report that "early workplace programs relied heavily on behaviour change techniques as their health promotion strategy." Therefore, many failed to produce lasting change because they did not take advantage of the complex social and cultural structure that exists within each workplace. The writers suggest that recently "activities have expanded beyond risk reduction strategies to a settings approach that addresses the social, organisational, environmental and cultural factors." (Noblet and Murphy 1995, p. 18) In conclusion, it is likely that the motivation for companies to run health promotion campaigns will increase, but wellness may be a concept which fits somewhat awkwardly in the employer-employee relationship. Perhaps care for employees is the factor which will bring outcomes beneficial to all. Farnell (1987) expresses such care this way: An organisation's health comprises three components, its financial health, its organisational health (openness, trust, morale, etc) and the personal health of its members. No employer should consider the organisation in good shape without addressing each component. References Blewett, V. and Shaw, A. "Health promotion, handle with care." Journal of Occupational Health and Safety Australia and New Zealand 11 (1995): 461-5. Downie, R., Fyfe, C. and Tannahill, A. Health Promotion - Models and Values, Oxford UP: Oxford,1990. Farnell, L."Corporate culture change - the healthy way." Journal of Occupational Health and Safety Australia and New Zealand 3 (1987): 46-52. Hirschhorn, L. The workplace within: psychodynamics of organizational life. Cambridge, Mass: M.I.T. Press,1988. Leigh, J. and Harrison, J. "Reduction of Ischaemic heart disease risk factors following direct probabilistic risk communication in the workplace.", Journal of Occupational Health and Safety Australia and New Zealand 7 (1991): 467-72. Meurer, L., Meurer, J. and Holloway, R. "New models of health care in the home and in the work site.", American Family Physician 56 (1997): 384-7. Noblet, A.J. and Murphy, C. "Adapting the Ottowa Charter for Health Promotion to the Workplace Setting." Health Promotion Journal of Australia 5 (1995): 18-22. Rose, N. Governing the soul: the shaping of the private self. London: Routledge, 1989. Stokols, D., Pelletier, K. and Fielding, J. "Integration of medical care and worksite health promotion.", Journal of the American Medical Association 273 (1995): 1136-42. Williams, P. 1991, "Planning factors contributing to on-going health promotion programs." Journal of Occupational Health and Safety Australia and New Zealand 7 (1991): 489-94.

IntroductionBritish initiatives to manage both the number of arrivals of asylum seekers and the experiences of those who arrive have burgeoned in recent years. The budget dedicated to asylum seeker management increased from £357 million in 1998-1999 to £1.71 billion in 2004-2005, making the Immigration and Nationality Directorate (IND) the second largest concern of the Home Office behind the Prison Service in 2005 (Back et al). The IND was replaced in April 2007 by the Border and Immigration Agency (BIA), whose expenditure exceeded £2 billion in 2007-2008 (BIA). Perhaps as a consequence the number of asylum seekers applying to the UK has fallen dramatically, illustrating the continuing influence of exclusionary state policies despite the globalisation and transnationalisation of migrant flows (UNHCR; Koser).One of the difficulties with the study of asylum seekers is the persistent risk that, by employing the term ‘asylum seeker’, research conducted into their experiences will contribute towards the exclusion of a marginalised and abject group of people, precisely by employing a term that emphasises the suspended recognition of a community (Nyers). The ‘asylum seeker’ is a figure defined in law in order to facilitate government-level avoidance of humanitarian obligations by emphasising the non-refugeeness of asylum claimants (Tyler). This group is identified as supplicant to the state, positioning the state itself as a legitimate arbiter. It is in this sense that asylum seekers suffer a degree of cruel optimism (Berlant) – wishing to be recognised as a refugee while nevertheless subject to state-defined discourses, whatever the outcome. The term ‘forced migrant’ is little better, conveying a de-humanising and disabling lack of agency (Turton), while the terms ‘undocumented migrant’, ‘irregular migrant’ and ‘illegal migrant’ all imply a failure to conform to respectable, desirable and legitimate forms of migration.Another consequence of these co-opted and politically subjugating forms of language is their production of simple imagined geographies of migration that position the foreigner as strange, unfamiliar and incapable of communication across this divide. Such imaginings precipitate their own responses, most clearly expressed in the blunt, intrusive uses of space and time in migration governance (Lahav and Guiraudon; Cohen; Guild; Gronendijk). Various institutions exist in Britain that function to actually produce the imagined differences between migrants and citizens, from the two huge, airport-like ‘Asylum Screening Units’ in Liverpool and London where asylum seekers can lodge their claims, to the 12 ‘Removal Centres’ within which soon-to-be deported asylum seekers are incarcerated and the 17 ‘Hearing Centres’ at which British judges preside over the precise legal status of asylum applicants.Less attention, however, has been given to the tension between mobility and stillness in asylum contexts. Asylum seeker management is characterised by a complex combination of enforced stillness and enforced mobility of asylum seeking bodies, and resistance can also be understood in these terms. This research draws upon 37 interviews with asylum seekers, asylum activists, and government employees in the UK conducted between 2005 and 2007 (see Gill) and distils three characteristics of stillness. First, an association between stillness and safety is clearly evident, exacerbated by the fear that the state may force asylum seekers to move at any time. Second, stillness of asylum seekers in a physical, literal sense is intimately related to their psychological condition, underscoring the affectual properties of stillness. Third, the desire to be still, and to be safe, precipitates various political strategies that seek to secure stillness, meaning that stillness functions as more than an aspiration, becoming also a key political metric in the struggle between the included and excluded. In these multiple and contradictory ways stillness is a key factor that structures asylum seekers’ experiences of migration. Governing through Mobility The British state utilises both stillness and mobility in the governance of asylum seeking bodies. On the one hand, asylum seekers’ personal freedoms are routinely curtailed both through their incarceration and through the requirements imposed upon them by the state in terms of ‘signing in’ at local police stations, even when they are not incarcerated, throughout the time that they are awaiting a decision on their claim for asylum (Cwerner). This requirement, which consists of attending a police station to confirm the continuing compliance of the asylum seeker, can vary in frequency, from once every month to once every few days.On the other hand, the British state employs a range of strategies of mobility that serve to deprive asylum seeking communities of geographical stillness and, consequently, also often undermines their psychological stability. First, the seizure of asylum seekers and transportation to a Removal Centre can be sudden and traumatic, and incarceration in this manner is becoming increasingly common (Bacon; Home Office). In extreme cases, very little or no warning is given to asylum seekers who are taken into detention, and so-called ‘dawn raids’ have been organised in order to exploit an element of surprise in the introduction of asylum seekers to detention (Burnett). A second source of forced mobility associated with Removal Centres is the transfer of detainees from one Removal Centre to another for a variety of reasons, from the practical constraints imposed by the capacities of various centres, to differences in the conditions of centres themselves, which are used to form a reward and sanction mechanism among the detainee population (Hayter; Granville-Chapman). Intra-detention estate transfers have increased in scope and significance in recent years: in 2004/5, the most recent financial year for which figures are available, the British government spent over £6.5 million simply moving detainees from one secure facility to another within the UK (Hansard, 2005; 2006).Outside incarceration, a third source of spatial disruption of asylum seekers in the UK concerns their relationship with accommodation providers. Housing is provided to asylum seekers as they await a decision on their claim, but this housing is provided on a ‘no-choice’ basis, meaning that asylum seekers who are not prepared to travel to the accommodation that is allocated to them will forfeit their right to accommodation (Schuster). In other words, accommodation is contingent upon asylum seekers’ willingness to be mobile, producing a direct trade-off between the attractions of accommodation and stillness. The rationale for this “dispersal policy”, is to draw asylum seekers away from London, where the majority of asylum seekers chose to reside before 2000. The maintenance of a diverse portfolio of housing across the UK is resource intensive, with the re-negotiation of housing contracts worth over a £1 billion a constant concern (Noble et al). As these contracts are renegotiated, asylum seekers are expected to move in response to the varying affordability of housing around the country. In parallel to the system of deportee movements within the detention estate therefore, a comparable system of movement of asylum seekers around the UK in response to urban and regional housing market conditions also operates. Stillness as SanctuaryIn all three cases, the psychological stress that movement of asylum seekers can cause is significant. Within detention, according to a series of government reports into the conditions of removal centres, one of the recurring difficulties facing incarcerated asylum seekers is incomprehension of their legal status (e.g. HMIP 2002; 2008). This, coupled with very short warning of impending movements, results in widespread anxiety among detained asylum seekers that they may be deported or transferred imminently. Outside detention, the fear of snatch squads of police officers, or alternatively the fear of hate crimes against asylum seekers (Tyler), render movement in the public realm a dangerous practice in the eyes of many marginalised migrants. The degree of uncertainty and the mental and emotional demands of relocation introduced through forced mobility can have a damaging psychological effect upon an already vulnerable population. Expressing his frustration at this particular implication of the movement of detainees, one activist who had provided sanctuary to over 20 asylum seekers in his community outlined some of the consequences of onward movement.The number of times I’ve had to write panic letters saying you know you cannot move this person to the other end of the country because it destabilises them in terms of their mental health and it is abusive. […] Their solicitors are here, they’re in process, in legal process, they’ve got a community, they’ve got friends, they may even have a partner or a child here and they would still move them.The association between governance, mobility and trepidation highlights one characteristic of stillness in the asylum seeking field: in contra-distinction to the risk associated with movement, to be still is very often to be safe. Given the necessity to flee violence in origin countries and the tendency for destination country governments to require constant re-positioning, often backed-up with the threat of force, stillness comes to be viewed as offering a sort of sanctuary. Indeed, the Independent Asylum Commission charity that has conducted a series of reviews of asylum seekers’ treatment in the UK (Hobson et al.), has recently suggested dispensing with the term ‘asylum’ in favour of ‘sanctuary’ precisely because of the positive associations with security and stability that the latter provides. To be in one place for a sustained period allows networks of human trust and reciprocity to develop which can form the basis of supportive community relationships. Another activist who had accompanied many asylum seekers through the legal process spoke passionately about the functions that communities can serve in asylum seekers’ lives.So you actually become substitute family […] I think it’s what helps people in the midst of trauma when the future is uncertain […] to find a community which values them, which accepts them, which listens to them, where they can begin to find a place and touch a creative life again which they may not have had for years: it’s enormously important.There is a danger in romanticising the benefits of community (Joseph). Indeed, much of the racism and xenophobia directed towards asylum seekers has been the result of local community hostilities towards different national and ethnic groups (Boswell). For many asylum seekers, however, the reciprocal relations found in communities are crucially important to their well-being. What is more, the inclusion of asylum seekers into communities is one of the most effective anti-state and anti-deportation strategies available to activists and asylum seekers alike (Tyler), because it arrests the process of anonymising and cordoning asylum seekers as an homogenous group, providing instead a chance for individuals to cast off this label in favour of more ‘humane’ characteristics: families, learning, friendship, love.Strategies for StillnessFor this reason, the pursuit of stillness among asylum seekers is both a human and political response to their situations – stillness becomes a metric in the struggle between abject migrants and the state. Crucial to this political function is the complex relationship between stillness and social visibility: if an asylum seeker can command their own stillness then they can also have greater influence over their public profile, either in order to develop it or to become less conspicuous.Tyler argues that asylum seekers are what she calls a ‘hypervisible’ social group, referring to the high profile association between a fictional, dehumanised asylum seeking figure and a range of defamatory characteristics circulated by the popular printed press. Stillness can be used to strategically reduce this imposed form of hypervisibility, and to raise awareness of real asylum seeker stories and situations. This is achieved by building community coalitions, which require physically and socially settled asylum seeking families and communities. Asylum advocacy groups and local community support networks work together in the UK in order to generate a genuine public profile of asylum seekers by utilising local and national newspapers, staging public demonstrations, delivering speeches, attending rallies and garnering support among local organisations through art exhibitions, performances and debates. Some activist networks specialise explicitly in supporting asylum seekers in these endeavours, and sympathetic networks of journalists, lawyers, doctors and radio producers combine their expertise with varying degrees of success.These sorts of strategies can produce strong loyalties between local communities and the asylum seekers in their midst, precisely because, through their co-presence, asylum seekers cease to be merely asylum seekers, but become active and valued members of communities. One activist who had helped to organise the protection of an asylum seeker in a church described some of the preparations that had been made for the arrival of immigration task forces in her middle class parish.There were all sorts of things we practiced: if they did break through the door what would we do? We set up a telephone tree so that each person would phone two or three people. We had I don’t know how many cars outside. We arranged a safe house, where we would hide her. We practiced getting her out of the room into a car […] We were expecting them to come at any time. We always had people at the back […] guarding, looking at strangers who might be around and [name] was never, ever allowed to be on her own without a whole group of people completely surrounding her so she could feel safe and we would feel safe. Securing stillness here becomes more than simply an operation to secure geographic fixity: it is a symbolic struggle between state and community, crystallising in specific tactics of spatial and temporal arrangement. It reflects the fear of further forced movement, the abiding association between stillness and safety, and the complex relationship between community visibility and an ability to remain still.There are, nevertheless, drawbacks to these tactics that suggest a very different relationship between stillness and visibility. Juries can be alienated by loud tactics of activism, meaning that asylum seekers can damage their chances of a sympathetic legal hearing if they have had too high a profile. Furthermore, many asylum seekers do not have the benefits of such a dedicated community. An alternative way in which stillness becomes political is through its ability to render invisible the abject body. Invisibility is taken to mean the decision to ‘go underground’, miss the appointments at local police stations and attempt to anticipate the movements of immigration removal enforcement teams. Perversely, although this is a strategy for stillness at the national or regional scale, mobile strategies are often employed at finer scales in order to achieve this objective. Asylum seekers sometimes endure extremely precarious and difficult conditions of housing and subsistence moving from house to house regularly or sleeping and living in cars in order to avoid detection by authorities.This strategy is difficult because it involves a high degree of uncertainty, stress and reliance upon the goodwill of others. One police officer outlined the situation facing many ‘invisible’ asylum seekers as one of poverty and desperation:Immigration haven’t got a clue where they are, they just can’t find them because they’re sofa surfing, that’s living in peoples coffee shops … I see them in the coffee shop and they come up and they’re bloody starving! Despite the difficulties associated with this form of invisibility, it is estimated that this strategy is becoming increasingly common in the UK. In 2006 the Red Cross estimated that there were some 36 000 refused and destitute asylum seekers in England, up from 25 000 the previous year, and reported that their organisation was having to provide induction tours of soup kitchens and night shelters in order to alleviate the conditions of many claimants in these situations (Taylor and Muir). Conclusion The case of asylum seekers in the UK illustrates the multiple, contradictory and splintered character of stillness. While some forms of governance impose stillness upon asylum seeking bodies, in the form of incarceration and ‘signing in’ requirements, other forms of governance impose mobility either within detention or outside it. Consequently stillness figures in the responses of asylum seeking communities in various ways. Given the unwelcome within-country movement of asylum seekers, and adding to this the initial fact of their forced migration from their home countries, the condition of stillness becomes desirable, promising to bring with it stability and safety. These promises contrast the psychological disruption that further mobility, and even the threat of further mobility, can bring about. This illustrates the affectual qualities both of movement and of stillness in the asylum-seeking context. Literal stillness is associated with social and emotional stability that complicates the distinction between real and emotional spaces. While this is certainly not the case uniformly – incarceration and inhibited personal liberties have opposite consequences – the promises of stillness in terms of stability and sanctuary are clearly significant because this desirability leads asylum advocates and asylum seekers to execute a range of political strategies that seek to ensure stillness, either through enhanced or reduced forms of social visibility.The association of mobility with freedom that typifies much of the literature surrounding mobility needs closer inspection. At least in some situations, asylum seekers pursue geographical stillness for the political and psychological benefits it can offer, while mobility is both employed as a subjugating strategy by states and is itself actively resisted by those who constitute its targets.ReferencesBack, Les, Bernadette Farrell and Erin Vandermaas. A Humane Service for Global Citizens. London: South London Citizens, 2005.Bacon, Christine. The Evolution of Immigration Detention in the UK: The Involvement of Private Prison Companies. Oxford: Refugee Studies Centre, 2005.Berlant, Lauren. “Cruel Optimism.” differences : A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 17.3 (2006): 20—36.Border and Immigration Agency. Business Plan for Transition Year April 2007 – March 2008: Fair, Effective, Transparent and Trusted. London: Home Office, 2007.Boswell, Christina. “Burden-Sharing in the European Union: Lessons from the German and UK Experience.” Journal of Refugee Studies 16.3 (2003): 316—35.Burnett, Jon. Dawn Raids. PAFRAS Briefing Paper Number 4. Leeds: Positive Action for Refugees and Asylum Seekers, 2008. ‹http://www.statewatch.org/news/2008/apr/uk-patras-briefing-paper-4-%2Ddawn-raids.pdf›.Cohen, Steve. “The Local State of Immigration Controls.” Critical Social Policy 22 (2002): 518—43.Cwerner, Saulo. “Faster, Faster and Faster: The Time Politics of Asylum in the UK.” Time and Society 13 (2004): 71—88.Gill, Nick. "Presentational State Power: Temporal and Spatial Influences over Asylum Sector." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 2009 (forthcoming).Granville-Chapman, Charlotte, Ellie Smith, and Neil Moloney. Harm on Removal: Excessive Force Against Failed Asylum Seekers. London: Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture, 2004.Groenendijk, Kees. “New Borders behind Old Ones: Post-Schengen Controls behind the Internal Borders and inside the Netherlands and Germany”. In Search of Europe's Borders. Eds. Kees Groenendijk, Elspeth Guild and Paul Minderhoud. The Hague: Kluwer International Law, 2003. 131—46.Guild, Elspeth. “The Europeanisation of Europe's Asylum Policy.” International Journal of Refugee Law 18 (2006): 630—51.Guiraudon, Virginie. “Before the EU Border: Remote Control of the 'Huddled Masses'.” In Search of Europe's Borders. Eds. Kees Groenendijk, Elspeth Guild and Paul Minderhoud. The Hague: Kluwer International Law, 2003. 191—214.Hansard, House of Commons. Vol. 440 Col. 972W. 5 Dec. 2005. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200506/cmhansrd/vo051205/text/51205w18.htm›.———. Vol. 441 Col. 374W. 9 Jan. 2006. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200506/cmhansrd/vo060109/text/60109w95.htm›.Hayter, Theresa. Open Borders: The Case against Immigration Controls. London: Pluto P, 2000.HM Inspectorate of Prisons. An Inspection of Campsfield House Immigration Removal Centre. London: HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2002.———. Report on an Unannounced Full Follow-up Inspection of Campsfield House Immigration Removal Centre. London: HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2008. Hobson, Chris, Jonathan Cox, and Nicholas Sagovsky. Saving Sanctuary: The Independent Asylum Commission’s First Report of Conclusions and Recommendations. London: Independent Asylum Commission, 2008.Home Office. “Record High on Removals of Failed Asylum Seekers.” Press Office Release, 27 Feb. 2007. London: Home Office, 2007. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://press.homeoffice.gov.uk/press-releases/asylum-removals-figures›. Joseph, Miranda. Against the Romance of Community. Minnesota: U of Minnesota P, 2002.Koser, Khalid. “Refugees, Trans-Nationalism and the State.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33 (2007): 233—54.Lahav, Gallya, and Virginie Guiraudon. “Comparative Perspectives on Border Control: Away from the Border and outside the State”. Wall around the West: State Borders and Immigration Controls in North America and Europe. Eds. Gallya Lahav and Virginie Guiraudon. The Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. 55—77.Noble, Gill, Alan Barnish, Ernie Finch, and Digby Griffith. A Review of the Operation of the National Asylum Support Service. London: Home Office, 2004. Nyers, Peter. "Abject Cosmopolitanism: The Politics of Protection in the Anti-Deportation Movement." Third World Quarterly 24.6 (2003): 1069—93.Schuster, Lisa. "A Sledgehammer to Crack a Nut: Deportation, Detention and Dispersal in Europe." Social Policy & Administration 39.6 (2005): 606—21.Taylor, Diane, and Hugh Muir. “Red Cross Aids Failed Asylum Seekers” UK News. The Guardian 9 Jan. 2006. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/2006/jan/09/immigrationasylumandrefugees.uknews›.Turton, David. Conceptualising Forced Migration. University of Oxford Refugee Studies Centre Working Paper 12 (2003). 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/PDFs/workingpaper12.pdf›.Tyler, Imogen. “'Welcome to Britain': The Cultural Politics of Asylum.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 9.2 (2006): 185—202.United Nations High Commission for Refugees. Refugees by Numbers 2006 Edition. Geneva: UNHCR, 2006.

Since the first days of the World Wide Web, artists like myself have been exploring the new possibilities of network interactivity. Some good tools and languages have been developed and made available free for the public to use. This has empowered individuals to participate in the media in ways that are quite remarkable. Nonetheless, the future of independent media is clouded by legal, regulatory, and organisational challenges that need to be addressed. It is not clear to what extent independent content producers will be able to build upon the successes of the 90s – it is yet to be seen whether their efforts will be largely nullified by the anticyclones of a hostile media market. Not so long ago, American news magazines were covering the Browser War. Several real wars later, the terms of surrender are becoming clearer. Now both of the major Internet browsers are owned by huge media corporations, and most of the states (and Reagan-appointed judges) that were demanding the break-up of Microsoft have given up. A curious about-face occurred in U.S. Justice Department policy when John Ashcroft decided to drop the federal case. Maybe Microsoft's value as a partner in covert activity appealed to Ashcroft more than free competition. Regardless, Microsoft is now turning its wrath on new competitors, people who are doing something very, very bad: sharing the products of their own labour. This practice of sharing source code and building free software infrastructure is epitomised by the continuing development of Linux. Everything in the Linux kernel is free, publicly accessible information. As a rule, the people building this "open source" operating system software believe that maintaining transparency is important. But U.S. courts are not doing much to help. In a case brought by the Motion Picture Association of America against Eric Corley, a federal district court blocked the distribution of source code that enables these systems to play DVDs. In addition to censoring Corley's journal, the court ruled that any programmer who writes a program that plays a DVD must comply with a host of license restrictions. In short, an established and popular media format (the DVD) cannot be used under open source operating systems without sacrificing the principle that software source code should remain in the public domain. Should the contents of operating systems be tightly guarded secrets, or subject to public review? If there are capable programmers willing to create good, free operating systems, should the law stand in their way? The question concerning what type of software infrastructure will dominate personal computers in the future is being answered as much by disappointing legal decisions as it is by consumer choice. Rather than ensuring the necessary conditions for innovation and cooperation, the courts permit a monopoly to continue. Rather than endorsing transparency, secrecy prevails. Rather than aiming to preserve a balance between the commercial economy and the gift-economy, sharing is being undermined by the law. Part of the mystery of the Internet for a lot of newcomers must be that it seems to disprove the old adage that you can't get something for nothing. Free games, free music, free pornography, free art. Media corporations are doing their best to change this situation. The FBI and trade groups have blitzed the American news media with alarmist reports about how children don't understand that sharing digital information is a crime. Teacher Gail Chmura, the star of one such media campaign, says of her students, "It's always been interesting that they don't see a connection between the two. They just don't get it" (Hopper). Perhaps the confusion arises because the kids do understand that digital duplication lets two people have the same thing. Theft is at best a metaphor for the copying of data, because the original is not stolen in the same sense as a material object. In the effort to liken all copying to theft, legal provisions for the fair use of intellectual property are neglected. Teachers could just as easily emphasise the importance of sharing and the development of an electronic commons that is free for all to use. The values advanced by the trade groups are not beyond question and are not historical constants. According to Donald Krueckeberg, Rutgers University Professor of Urban Planning, native Americans tied the concept of property not to ownership but to use. "One used it, one moved on, and use was shared with others" (qtd. in Batt). Perhaps it is necessary for individuals to have dominion over some private data. But who owns the land, wind, sun, and sky of the Internet – the infrastructure? Given that publicly-funded research and free software have been as important to the development of the Internet as have business and commercial software, it is not surprising that some ambiguity remains about the property status of the dataverse. For many the Internet is as much a medium for expression and the interplay of languages as it is a framework for monetary transaction. In the case involving DVD software mentioned previously, there emerged a grass-roots campaign in opposition to censorship. Dozens of philosophical programmers and computer scientists asserted the expressive and linguistic bases of software by creating variations on the algorithm needed to play DVDs. The forbidden lines of symbols were printed on T-shirts, translated into different computer languages, translated into legal rhetoric, and even embedded into DNA and pictures of MPAA president Jack Valenti (see e.g. Touretzky). These efforts were inspired by a shared conviction that important liberties were at stake. Supporting the MPAA's position would do more than protect movies from piracy. The use of the algorithm was not clearly linked to an intent to pirate movies. Many felt that outlawing the DVD algorithm, which had been experimentally developed by a Norwegian teenager, represented a suppression of gumption and ingenuity. The court's decision rejected established principles of fair use, denied the established legality of reverse engineering software to achieve compatibility, and asserted that journalists and scientists had no right to publish a bit of code if it might be misused. In a similar case in April 2000, a U.S. court of appeals found that First Amendment protections did apply to software (Junger). Noting that source code has both an expressive feature and a functional feature, this court held that First Amendment protection is not reserved only for purely expressive communication. Yet in the DVD case, the court opposed this view and enforced the inflexible demands of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act. Notwithstanding Ted Nelson's characterisation of computers as literary machines, the decision meant that the linguistic and expressive aspects of software would be subordinated to other concerns. A simple series of symbols were thereby cast under a veil of legal secrecy. Although they were easy to discover, and capable of being committed to memory or translated to other languages, fair use and other intuitive freedoms were deemed expendable. These sorts of legal obstacles are serious challenges to the continued viability of free software like Linux. The central value proposition of Linux-based operating systems – free, open source code – is threatening to commercial competitors. Some corporations are intent on stifling further development of free alternatives. Patents offer another vulnerability. The writing of free software has become a minefield of potential patent lawsuits. Corporations have repeatedly chosen to pursue patent litigation years after the alleged infringements have been incorporated into widely used free software. For example, although it was designed to avoid patent problems by an array of international experts, the image file format known as JPEG (Joint Photographic Experts Group) has recently been dogged by patent infringement charges. Despite good intentions, low-budget initiatives and ad hoc organisations are ill equipped to fight profiteering patent lawsuits. One wonders whether software innovation is directed more by lawyers or computer scientists. The present copyright and patent regimes may serve the needs of the larger corporations, but it is doubtful that they are the best means of fostering software innovation and quality. Orwell wrote in his Homage to Catalonia, There was a new rule that censored portions of the newspaper must not be left blank but filled up with other matter; as a result it was often impossible to tell when something had been cut out. The development of the Internet has a similar character: new diversions spring up to replace what might have been so that the lost potential is hardly felt. The process of retrofitting Internet software to suit ideological and commercial agendas is already well underway. For example, Microsoft has announced recently that it will discontinue support for the Java language in 2004. The problem with Java, from Microsoft's perspective, is that it provides portable programming tools that work under all operating systems, not just Windows. With Java, programmers can develop software for the large number of Windows users, while simultaneously offering software to users of other operating systems. Java is an important piece of the software infrastructure for Internet content developers. Yet, in the interest of coercing people to use only their operating systems, Microsoft is willing to undermine thousands of existing Java-language projects. Their marketing hype calls this progress. The software industry relies on sales to survive, so if it means laying waste to good products and millions of hours of work in order to sell something new, well, that's business. The consequent infrastructure instability keeps software developers, and other creative people, on a treadmill. From Progressive Load by Andy Deck, artcontext.org/progload As an Internet content producer, one does not appeal directly to the hearts and minds of the public; one appeals through the medium of software and hardware. Since most people are understandably reluctant to modify the software running on their computers, the software installed initially is a critical determinant of what is possible. Unconventional, independent, and artistic uses of the Internet are diminished when the media infrastructure is effectively established by decree. Unaccountable corporate control over infrastructure software tilts the playing field against smaller content producers who have neither the advance warning of industrial machinations, nor the employees and resources necessary to keep up with a regime of strategic, cyclical obsolescence. It seems that independent content producers must conform to the distribution technologies and content formats favoured by the entertainment and marketing sectors, or else resign themselves to occupying the margins of media activity. It is no secret that highly diversified media corporations can leverage their assets to favour their own media offerings and confound their competitors. Yet when media giants AOL and Time-Warner announced their plans to merge in 2000, the claim of CEOs Steve Case and Gerald Levin that the merged companies would "operate in the public interest" was hardly challenged by American journalists. Time-Warner has since fought to end all ownership limits in the cable industry; and Case, who formerly championed third-party access to cable broadband markets, changed his tune abruptly after the merger. Now that Case has been ousted, it is unclear whether he still favours oligopoly. According to Levin, global media will be and is fast becoming the predominant business of the 21st century ... more important than government. It's more important than educational institutions and non-profits. We're going to need to have these corporations redefined as instruments of public service, and that may be a more efficient way to deal with society's problems than bureaucratic governments. Corporate dominance is going to be forced anyhow because when you have a system that is instantly available everywhere in the world immediately, then the old-fashioned regulatory system has to give way (Levin). It doesn't require a lot of insight to understand that this "redefinition," this slight of hand, does not protect the public from abuses of power: the dissolution of the "old-fashioned regulatory system" does not serve the public interest. From Lexicon by Andy Deck, artcontext.org/lexicon) As an artist who has adopted telecommunications networks and software as his medium, it disappoints me that a mercenary vision of electronic media's future seems to be the prevailing blueprint. The giantism of media corporations, and the ongoing deregulation of media consolidation (Ahrens), underscore the critical need for independent media sources. If it were just a matter of which cola to drink, it would not be of much concern, but media corporations control content. In this hyper-mediated age, content – whether produced by artists or journalists – crucially affects what people think about and how they understand the world. Content is not impervious to the software, protocols, and chicanery that surround its delivery. It is about time that people interested in independent voices stop believing that laissez faire capitalism is building a better media infrastructure. The German writer Hans Magnus Enzensberger reminds us that the media tyrannies that affect us are social products. The media industry relies on thousands of people to make the compromises necessary to maintain its course. The rapid development of the mind industry, its rise to a key position in modern society, has profoundly changed the role of the intellectual. He finds himself confronted with new threats and new opportunities. Whether he knows it or not, whether he likes it or not, he has become the accomplice of a huge industrial complex which depends for its survival on him, as he depends on it for his own. He must try, at any cost, to use it for his own purposes, which are incompatible with the purposes of the mind machine. What it upholds he must subvert. He may play it crooked or straight, he may win or lose the game; but he would do well to remember that there is more at stake than his own fortune (Enzensberger 18). Some cultural leaders have recognised the important role that free software already plays in the infrastructure of the Internet. Among intellectuals there is undoubtedly a genuine concern about the emerging contours of corporate, global media. But more effective solidarity is needed. Interest in open source has tended to remain superficial, leading to trendy, cosmetic, and symbolic uses of terms like "open source" rather than to a deeper commitment to an open, public information infrastructure. Too much attention is focussed on what's "cool" and not enough on the road ahead. Various media specialists – designers, programmers, artists, and technical directors – make important decisions that affect the continuing development of electronic media. Many developers have failed to recognise (or care) that their decisions regarding media formats can have long reaching consequences. Web sites that use media formats which are unworkable for open source operating systems should be actively discouraged. Comparable technologies are usually available to solve compatibility problems. Going with the market flow is not really giving people what they want: it often opposes the work of thousands of activists who are trying to develop open source alternatives (see e.g. Greene). Average Internet users can contribute to a more innovative, free, open, and independent media – and being conscientious is not always difficult or unpleasant. One project worthy of support is the Internet browser Mozilla. Currently, many content developers create their Websites so that they will look good only in Microsoft's Internet Explorer. While somewhat understandable given the market dominance of Internet Explorer, this disregard for interoperability undercuts attempts to popularise standards-compliant alternatives. Mozilla, written by a loose-knit group of activists and programmers (some of whom are paid by AOL/Time-Warner), can be used as an alternative to Microsoft's browser. If more people use Mozilla, it will be harder for content providers to ignore the way their Web pages appear in standards-compliant browsers. The Mozilla browser, which is an open source initiative, can be downloaded from http://www.mozilla.org/. While there are many people working to create real and lasting alternatives to the monopolistic and technocratic dynamics that are emerging, it takes a great deal of cooperation to resist the media titans, the FCC, and the courts. Oddly enough, corporate interests sometimes overlap with those of the public. Some industrial players, such as IBM, now support open source software. For them it is mostly a business decision. Frustrated by the coercive control of Microsoft, they support efforts to develop another operating system platform. For others, including this writer, the open source movement is interesting for the potential it holds to foster a more heterogeneous and less authoritarian communications infrastructure. Many people can find common cause in this resistance to globalised uniformity and consolidated media ownership. The biggest challenge may be to get people to believe that their choices really matter, that by endorsing certain products and operating systems and not others, they can actually make a difference. But it's unlikely that this idea will flourish if artists and intellectuals don't view their own actions as consequential. There is a troubling tendency for people to see themselves as powerless in the face of the market. This paralysing habit of mind must be abandoned before the media will be free. Works Cited Ahrens, Frank. "Policy Watch." Washington Post (23 June 2002): H03. 30 March 2003 <http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A27015-2002Jun22?la... ...nguage=printer>. Batt, William. "How Our Towns Got That Way." 7 Oct. 1996. 31 March 2003 <http://www.esb.utexas.edu/drnrm/WhatIs/LandValue.htm>. Chester, Jeff. "Gerald Levin's Negative Legacy." Alternet.org 6 Dec. 2001. 5 March 2003 <http://www.democraticmedia.org/resources/editorials/levin.php>. Enzensberger, Hans Magnus. "The Industrialisation of the Mind." Raids and Reconstructions. London: Pluto Press, 1975. 18. Greene, Thomas C. "MS to Eradicate GPL, Hence Linux." 25 June 2002. 5 March 2003 <http://www.theregus.com/content/4/25378.php>. Hopper, D. Ian. "FBI Pushes for Cyber Ethics Education." Associated Press 10 Oct. 2000. 29 March 2003 <http://www.billingsgazette.com/computing/20001010_cethics.php>. Junger v. Daley. U.S. Court of Appeals for 6th Circuit. 00a0117p.06. 2000. 31 March 2003 <http://pacer.ca6.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/getopn.pl?OPINION=00a0... ...117p.06>. Levin, Gerald. "Millennium 2000 Special." CNN 2 Jan. 2000. Touretzky, D. S. "Gallery of CSS Descramblers." 2000. 29 March 2003 <http://www.cs.cmu.edu/~dst/DeCSS/Gallery>. Links http://artcontext.org/lexicon/ http://artcontext.org/progload http://pacer.ca6.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/getopn.pl?OPINION=00a0117p.06 http://www.billingsgazette.com/computing/20001010_cethics.html http://www.cs.cmu.edu/~dst/DeCSS/Gallery http://www.democraticmedia.org/resources/editorials/levin.html http://www.esb.utexas.edu/drnrm/WhatIs/LandValue.htm http://www.mozilla.org/ http://www.theregus.com/content/4/25378.html http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A27015-2002Jun22?language=printer Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Deck, Andy. "Treadmill Culture " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0304/04-treadmillculture.php>. APA Style Deck, A. (2003, Apr 23). Treadmill Culture . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0304/04-treadmillculture.php>

Introduction This article explores the phenomenon of the Creative City in the context of Aberdeen, Scotland’s third-largest city. The common perception of Aberdeen is likely to revolve around its status, for the last 50 years, as Europe’s Oil & Gas Capital. However, for more than a decade Aberdeen’s city planners have sought to incorporate creativity and culture in their placemaking. The most visible expression of this was the unsuccessful 2013 bid to become the UK City of Culture 2017 (CoC), which was referred to as a “reality check” by Marie Boulton (BBC), the councillor charged with the culture portfolio. This article reviews and appraises subsequent policies and actions. It looks at Aberdeen’s history and its current Cultural Strategy and how events have supported or inhibited the reimagining of Aberdeen as a Creative and Cultural City. Landry’s “Lineages of the Creative City” tracks the rise in interest around culture and creative sectors and highlights that there is more to the creative city than economic growth, positing that a creative city is a holistic environment in which “ordinary people can make the extra-ordinary happen” (2). Comunian develops Landry’s concept of hard (infrastructural) assets and soft (people and activity) assets by introducing Complexity Theory to examine the interactions between the two. Comunian argues that a city should be understood as a complex adaptive system (CAS) and that the interconnectivity of consumption and production, micro and macro, and networks of actors must be incorporated into policy thinking. Creating physical assets without regard to what happens in and around them does not build a creative city. Aberdeen: Context and History Important when considering Aberdeen is its remoteness: 66 miles north of its closest city neighbour Dundee, 90 miles north of Edinburgh and 125 miles north-east of Glasgow. For Aberdonians travel is a necessity to connect with other cultural centres whether in Scotland, the UK, Europe, or further afield, making Aberdeen’s nearly 900-year-old port a key asset. Sitting at the mouth of the River Dee, which marks Aberdeen’s southern boundary, this key transport hub has long been central to Aberdeen’s culture giving rise to two of the oldest established businesses in the UK: the Port of Aberdeen (1136) and the Shore Porter’s Society (1498). Fishing and trade with Europe thrived and connections with the continent led to the establishment of Aberdeen’s first university: King’s College (Scotland’s third and the UK’s fifth) in 1495. A second, Marischal College, was established in 1593, joining forces with King’s in 1860 to become the University of Aberdeen. The building created in 1837 to house Marischal College is the second-largest granite building in the world (VisitAberdeenshire, Marischal) and now home to Aberdeen City Council (ACC). Robert Gordon University (RGU), awarded university status in 1992, grew out of an institution established in 1729 (RGU, Our History); this period marked the dawning of the Scottish Enlightenment when Aberdeen’s Wise Club were key to an intellectual discourse that changed western thinking (RSA). Gray’s School of Art, now part of RGU, was established in 1885, at the same time as Aberdeen Art Gallery which holds a collection of national significance (ACC, Art Gallery). Aberdeen’s northern boundary is marked by its second river, the River Don, which has also contributed to the city’s history, economics, and culture. For centuries, paper and woollen mills, including the world-famous Crombie, thrived on its banks and textile production was the city’s largest employer, with one mill employing 3,000 staff (P&J, Broadford). While the city and surrounds have been home to notable creatives, including writers Lewis Grassic Gibbon and Lord Byron; musicians Annie Lennox, Dame Evelyn Glennie, and Emeli Sandé; fashion designer Bill Gibb and dancer Michael Clark, it has struggled to attract and retain creative talent, and there is a familiar exodus of art school graduates to the larger and more accepted creative cities of Glasgow, Edinburgh, and London. In 2013, at the time of the CoC bid, ACC recognised that creative industries graduates leaving the city was “a serious issue” (ACC, Cultural Mapping 1). The City of Culture Bid This recognition came at a time when ACC acknowledged that Aberdeen, with already low unemployment, required an influx of workforce. An ACC document (Cultural Mapping) cites Richard Florida’s proposal that a strong cultural offer attracts skilled workers to a city, adding that they “look for a lively cultural life in their choice of location” (7) and quoting an oil executive: “our poor city centre is often cited as a major obstacle in attracting people” (7). Changing the image of the city to attract new residents appears to have been a key motivation for the CoC bid. The CoC assessor noted this in their review of the bid, citing a report that 120,000 recruits were required in the city and agreeing that Aberdeen needed to “change perceptions of the city to retain and attract talent” (Regeneris 1). Aberdeen’s CoC bid was rejected at the first shortlisting stage, with feedback that the artistic vision “lacked depth” and “that cultural activity in the city was weaker than in several other bidding areas” (Regeneris 3). In an exploration of the bidding process, McGillivray and Turner highlight two factors which link to other concerns and feedback about the bid. Firstly, they compare Aberdeen’s choice of a Bid Manager from the business community with Paisley’s choice of one from their local arts sector in their bid for CoC 2021, which was successful in being shortlisted, highlighting different motivators behind the bids. Secondly, Aberdeen secured a bid team member from “Pafos’s bid to be 2017 European Capital of Culture (ECC), who subsequently played an important role” for Kalamata’s 2021 ECC bid (41), showing Aberdeen’s reluctance to develop local talent. A Decade of Investment ACC responded to the “reality check” with a series of investments in the hard assets of the city. Major refurbishment of two key buildings, the Music Hall and the Art Gallery, caused them both to be closed for several years, significantly diminishing the cultural offer in the city. The Music Hall re-opened in 2018 (Creative Scotland) and the Art Gallery in 2019 (McLean). In 2021, the extended and updated Art Gallery was named “Scotland’s building of the year” by the Royal Incorporation of Architects in Scotland (RIAS) (Museums Association). Concurrent with this was the development of “Europe’s largest new events complex, TECA [now P&J live] part financed through a £370 million stock market bond issue” (InvestAberdeen). Another cultural asset of the city which has been undergoing a facelift since 2019 is Union Terrace Gardens (UTG), the green heart of the city centre, gifted to the public in 1877. The development of this asset has had a chequered history. In 2008 it had been awarded “funding from Aberdeen Council (£3 million), the Scottish Arts Council (£4.3M) and Scottish Enterprise (£2 million)” (Aberdeenvoice) to realise a new multi-disciplinary contemporary art centre to be called ‘Northern Light’ and housed in a purpose-designed building (Brizac Gonzalez). The project, led by Peacock Visual arts, a printmaking centre of excellence and gallery founded in 1974, had secured planning permission. It would host Peacock Visual Arts, City Moves dance company, and the ACC arts development team. It echoed similar cultural partnership approaches, such as Dundee Contemporary Arts, although notably without involvement from the universities. Three months later, a counterbid to radically re-think UTG as a vast new city square was proposed by oil tycoon Sir Ian Wood, who backed the proposal with £50 million of his own funds, requiring matching finance by the city and ownership of the Gardens passing to private hands. Resistance to these plans came from ‘Friends of UTG’, and a public consultation was held. ACC voted to adopt Wood’s plans and drop those of Peacock, but a change of administration in the local authority overturned Wood’s plans in August 2012. A significant portion of the funding granted to the Northern Lights project was consumed in the heated public debate and the remainder was lost to the city, as was the Wood money, providing a highly charged backdrop to the CoC bid and an unfortunate divide created between the business and culture sectors that is arguably still discernible in the city today. According to the Aberdeen & Grampian Chamber of Commerce (AGCC) 2022 Investment Tracker, the nearly complete UTG transformation has cost £28.3m. The AGCC trackers since 2016 provide a useful reference for a wider view of investment in the region over this period. During this period, ACC commissioned two festivals: Spectra (ACC, Culture Programme 5), a festival of light curated by a Manchester-based organisation, and NuArt (VisitAberdeenshire, Nuart), a street-art festival curated by a Stavanger-based team. Both festivals deliver large-scale public spectacles but have little impact on the development of the cultural sector in the city. The drivers of footfall, income generation, and tourism are key motivators for these festivals, supporting a prevailing narrative of cultural consumption over cultural production in the city, despite Regeneris’s concerns about “importing of cultural activity, which might not leave behind a cultural sector” (1) and ACC’s own published concerns (ACC, Cultural Mapping). It is important to note that in 2014 the oil and gas industry that brought prosperity to Aberdeen was severely impacted upon by a drop in price and revenue. Many jobs were lost, people left the city, and housing prices, previously inflated, fell dramatically. The attention of the authorities turned to economic regeneration of the city and in 2015, the Aberdeen City Region Deal (UK Gov), bringing £250m to the region, (REF) was signed between the UK Government, Scottish Government, ACC, Aberdeenshire Council, and Opportunity North East (ONE). ONE “is the private sector leader and catalyst for economic diversification in northeast Scotland” with board members from industry, enterprise, AGCC, the councils, the universities, the harbour, and NHS. ONE focuses on five ‘pillars’: Digital Technology, Energy, Life Sciences, Tourism and Food, and Drink & Agriculture. A Decade of Creativity and Cultural Development Aberdeen’s ambitious cultural capital infrastructure spending of the last decade has seen the creation or refurbishment of significant hard assets in the city. The development of people (Cohendet et al.), the soft assets that Landry and Comunian agree are essential to the complex system that is a Creative City, has also seen development over this time. In 2014, RGU commissioned a review of Creative Industries in the North East of Scotland. The report notes that: the cultural sector in the region is strong at the grass roots end, but less so the higher up the scale it goes. There is no producing theatre, and no signature events or assets, although the revitalised art gallery might provide an opportunity to address this. (Ekos 2) This was followed by an international conference at which other energy cities (Calgary, Houston, Perth, and Oslo) presented their culture strategies, providing useful comparators for Aberdeen and a second RGU report (RGU, Regenerating). A third report, (RGU, New North), set out a vision for the region’s cultural future. The reports recommend strategy, leadership, and vision in the development of the cultural and creative soft assets of the region and the need to create conditions for graduate and practitioner retention. Also in 2014, RGU initiated the Look Again Festival of Art and Design, an annual festival to address a gap in the city festival roster and meet a need arising from the closure of both Art Gallery and Music Hall for refurbishment. The first festival took place in 2015 with a weekend-long public event showcasing a series of thought-provoking installations and events which demonstrated a clear appetite amongst the public and partner organisations for more activity of this type. Between 2015 and 2019, the festivals grew from strength to strength and increased in size and ambition, “carving out a new creative community in Aberdeen” (Williams). The 2019 festival involved 119 creatives, the majority from the region, and created 62 paid opportunities. Look Again expanded and became a constant presence and vehicle for sectoral and skills development, supporting students, graduates, volunteers, and new collectives, focussing on social capital and the intangible creative community assets in the city. Creative practitioners were supported with a series of programmes such as ‘Cultivate’ (2018), funded by Creative Scotland, that provided mentoring to strengthen business sustainability and networking events to improve connectivity in the sector. Cultivate also provided an opportunity to undertake further research, and a survey of over 100 small and micro creative businesses presented a view of a tenacious sector, committed to staying in the region but lacking structured and tailored support. The project report noted consistent messages about the need for “a louder voice for the sector” and concluded that further work was needed to better profile, support, and connect the sector (Cultivate 15). Comunian’s work supports this call to give greater consideration to the interplay of the agents in the creation of a strong creative city. In 2019, Look Again’s evolving role in creative sector skills development was recognised when they became part of Gray’s School of Art. A partnership quickly formed with the newly created Entrepreneurship & Innovation Group (EIG), a team formed within RGU to drive entrepreneurial thinking across all schools of the university. Together, Look Again and EIG ran a Creative Accelerator which became a prototype for a validated Creative Entrepreneurship post-graduate short-course that has supported around 120 creative graduates and practitioners with tailored business skills, contextual thinking, and extended peer networks. Meanwhile, another Look Again collaboration with the newly re-opened Art Gallery provided pop-up design events that many of these small businesses took part in, connecting them with public-facing retail opportunities and, for some, acquisitions for the Gallery’s collection. Culture Aberdeen During this time and after a period of public consultation, a new collaborative group, ‘Culture Aberdeen’, emerged. Membership of the group includes many regional cultural and arts organisations including ACC, both universities, and Aberdeen Civic Forum, which seeks “to bring the voice and views of all communities to every possible level of decision making”. The group subsequently published Culture Aberdeen: A Culture Strategy for the City of Aberdeen 2018-2028, which was endorsed by ACC in their first Cultural Investment Impact Report. The strategy sets out a series of cultural ambitions including a bid to become a UNESCO Creative City, establishing an Aberdeen Biennale, and becoming a national centre of excellence for an (unspecified) artform. This collaboration brings a uniting vision to Aberdeen’s creative activity and places of culture and presents a more compelling identity as a creative city. It also begins to map to Comunian’s concept of CAS and establish a framework for realising the potential of hard assets by strategically envisioning and leading the agents, activities, and development of the city’s creative sector. Challenges for Delivery of the Strategy In delivering a strategy based on collaborative efforts, it is essential to have shared goals and strong governance “based on characteristics such as trust, shared values, implicit standards, collaboration, and consultation” (Butcher et al. 77). Situations like Aberdeen’s tentative bid for UNESO Creative City status, which began in late 2018 but was halted in early 2019, suggest that shared goals and clear governance may not be in place. Wishing to join other UNESCO cities across Scotland – Edinburgh (Literature), Glasgow (Music), and Dundee (Design) –, Aberdeen had set its sights on ‘City of Craft and Folk Art’; that title subsequently went to the city of Perth in 2022, limiting Aberdeen’s future hopes of securing UNESCO Creative City status. In 2022, Aberdeen is nearly halfway through its strategy timeline; to achieve its vision by 2028, the leadership recommended in 2014 needs to be established and given proper authority and backing. Covid-19 has been particularly disruptive for the strategy, arriving early in its implementation and lasting for two years during which collaborators have, understandably, had to attend to core business and crisis management. Picking up the threads of collaborative activity at the same time as ‘returning to normal’ will be challenging. The financial impacts of Covid-19 have also hit arts organisations and local councils particularly hard, creating survival challenges that displace future investment plans. The devastation caused to city centres across the UK as shops close and retail moves online is keenly felt in Aberdeen. Yet the pandemic has also seen the growth of pockets of new activity. With falling demand for business space resulting in more ‘meanwhile spaces’ and lower rents, practitioners have been able to access or secure spaces that were previously prohibitive. Deemouth Artists’ Studios, an artist-run initiative, has provided a vital locus of support and connectivity for creatives in the city, doubling in size over the past two years. ‘We Are Here Scotland’ arrived in response to the resurgent Black Lives Matter movement in 2020, as a Community Interest Company initiated in Aberdeen to support black creatives and creatives of colour across Scotland. Initiatives such as EP Spaces that re-purpose empty offices as studios have created a resource, albeit precarious, for scores of recent creative graduates, supporting an emerging creative community. The consequences of the pandemic for the decade of cultural investment and creative development are yet to be understood, but disrupted strategies are hard to rekindle. Culture Aberdeen’s ability to resolve or influence these factors is unclear. As a voluntary network without a cohesive role or formal status in the provision of culture in the city, and little funding and few staff to advocate on its behalf, it probably lacks the strength of leadership required. Nevertheless, work is underway to refresh the strategy in response to the post-pandemic needs of the city and culture, and the Creative Industries more broadly, are, once again, beginning to be seen as part of the solution to recovery as new narratives emerge. There is a strong desire in the city’s and region’s creative communities to nurture, realise, and retain emerging talent to authentically enrich the city’s culture. Since the 2013 failed CoC bid, much has been done to rekindle confidence and shine a light on the rich creative culture that exists in Aberdeen, and creative communities are gaining a new voice for their work. Considerable investment has been made in hard cultural assets; however, continued investment in and commitment to the region’s soft assets is needed. This is the only way to ensure the sustainable local network of activity and practice that can provide the vibrant creative city atmosphere for which Aberdeen has the potential. References Aberdeen Civic Forum. 4 June 2022 <https://civicforumaberdeen.com/about/>. Aberdeen City Region Deal. 5 June 2022 <https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/city-deal-aberdeen-city-region>. Aberdeen Timelines. 24 Feb. 2022 <https://localhistories.org/a-timeline-of-aberdeen/> and <http://www.visitoruk.com/Aberdeen/13th-century-T339.html>. ACC. 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IntroductionIn Nancy Meyers’s 2015 film The Intern a particular kind of masculinity is celebrated through the material accoutrements of Ben Whittaker (Robert De Niro). A retired 70-year-old manager, Ben takes up a position as a “senior” Intern in an online clothing distribution company run by Jules Ostin (Anne Hathaway). Jules’s company, All About Fit, is the embodiment of the Gen Y creative workplace operating in an old Brooklyn warehouse. Ben’s presence in this environment is anachronistic and yet also stylishly retro in an industry where “vintage” is a mode of dress but also offers alternative ethical values (Veenstra and Kuipers). The alternative that Ben offers is figured through his sartorial style, which mobilises a specific kind of retro masculinity made available through his senior white male body. This paper investigates how and why retro masculinity is materialised and embodied as both a set of values and a set of objects in The Intern.Three particular objects are emblematic of this retro masculinity and come to stand in for a body of desirable masculine values: the business suit, the briefcase, and the handkerchief. In the midst of an indie e-commerce garment business, Ben’s old-fashioned wardrobe registers a regular middle class managerial masculinity from the past that is codified as solidly reliable and dependable. Sherry Turkle reminds us that “material culture carries emotions and ideas of startling intensity” (6), and these impact our thinking, our emotional life, and our memories. The suit, briefcase, and handkerchief are material reminders of this reliable masculine past. The values they evoke, as presented in this film, seem to offer sensible solutions to the fast pace of twenty-first century life and its reconfigurations of family and work prompted by feminism and technology.The film’s fetishisation of these objects of retro masculinity could be mistaken for nostalgia, in the way that vintage collections elide their political context, and yet it also registers social anxiety around gender and generation amid twenty-first century social change. Turner reminds us of the importance of film as a social practice through which “our culture makes sense of itself” (3), and which participates in the ongoing negotiation of the meanings of gender. While masculinity is often understood to have been in crisis since the advent of second-wave feminism and women’s mass entry into the labour force, theoretical scrutiny now understands masculinity to be socially constructed and changing, rather than elemental and stable; performative rather than innate; fundamentally political, and multiple through the intersection of class, race, sexuality, and age amongst other factors (Connell; Butler). While Connell coined the term “hegemonic masculinity,” to indicate “masculinity which occupies the hegemonic position in a given pattern of gender relations” (76), it is always intersectional and contestable. Ben’s hegemonic position in The Intern might be understood in relation to what Buchbinder identifies as “inadequate” or “incompetent” masculinities, which offer a “foil for another principal character” (232), but this movement between margin and hegemony is always in process and accords with the needs that structure the story, and its attendant social anxieties. This film’s fetishising of Ben’s sartorial style suggests a yearning for a stable and recognisable masculine identity, but in order to reinstall these meanings the film must ignore the political times from which they emerge.The construction of retro masculinity in this case is mapped onto Ben’s body as a “senior.” As Gilleard notes, ageing bodies are usually marked by a narrative of corporeal decline, and yet for men of hegemonic privilege, non-material values like seniority, integrity, wisdom, and longevity coalesce to embody “the accumulation of cultural or symbolic capital in the form of wisdom, maturity or experience” (1). Like masculinity, then, corporeality is understood to be a set of unstable signifiers produced through particular cultural discourses.The Business SuitThe business suit is Ben Whittaker’s habitual work attire, so when he comes out of retirement to be an intern at the e-commerce company he re-adopts this professional garb. The solid outline of a tailored and dark-coloured suit signals a professional body that is separate, autonomous and impervious to the outside world, according to Longhurst (99). It is a body that is “proper,” ready for business, and suit-ed to the professional corporate world, whose values it also embodies (Edwards 42). In contrast, the costuming code of the Google generation of online marketers in the film is defined as “super cas[ual].” This is a workplace where the boss rides her bicycle through the open-space office and in which the other 219 workers define their individuality through informal dress and decoration. In this environment Ben stands out, as Jules comments on his first day:Jules: Don’t feel like you have to dress up.Ben: I’m comfortable in a suit if it’s okay.Jules: No, it’s fine. [grins] Old school.Ben: At least I’ll stand out.Jules: I don’t think you’ll need a suit to do that.The anachronism of a 70-year-old being an intern is materialised through Ben’s dress code. The business suit comes to represent Ben not only as old school, however, but as a “proper” manager.As the embodiment of a successful working woman, entrepreneur Jules Ostin appears to be the antithesis of the business-suit model of a manager. Consciously not playing by the book, her company is both highly successful, meeting its five-year objectives in only nine months, and highly vulnerable to disasters like bedbugs, delivery crises, and even badly wrapped tissue. Shaped in her image, the company is often directly associated with Jules herself, as Ben continually notes, and this comes to include the mix of success, vulnerability, and disaster. In fact, the success of her company is the reason that she is urged to find a “seasoned” CEO to run the company, indicating the ambiguous, simultaneous guise of success and disaster.This relationship between individual corporeality and the corporate workforce is reinforced when it is revealed that Ben worked as a manager for 40 years in the very same warehouse, reinforcing his qualities of longevity, reliability, and dependability. He oversaw the printing of the physical telephone book, another quaint material artefact of the past akin to Ben, which is shown to have literally shaped the building where the floor dips over in the corner due to the heavy printers. The differences between Ben and Jules as successive generations of managers in this building operate as registers of social change inflected with just a little nostalgia. Indeed, the name of Jules’s company, All About Fit, seems to refer more to the beautifully tailored “fit” of Ben’s business suit than to any of the other clothed bodies in the company.Not only is the business suit fitted to business, but it comes to represent a properly managed body as well. This is particularly evident when contrasted with Jules’s management style. Over the course of the film, as she endures a humiliating series of meetings, sends a disastrous email to the wrong recipient, and juggles her strained marriage and her daughter’s school schedule, Jules is continuously shown to teeter on the brink of losing control. Her bodily needs are exaggerated in the movie: she does not sleep and apparently risks “getting fat” according to her mother’s research; then when she does sleep it is in inappropriate places and she snores loudly; she forgets to eat, she cries, gets drunk and vomits, gets nervous, and gets emotional. All of these outpourings are in situations that Ben remedies, in his solid reliable suited self. As Longhurst reminds us,The suit helps to create an illusion of a hard, or at least a firm and “proper,” body that is autonomous, in control, rational and masculine. It gives the impression that bodily boundaries continually remain intact and reduce potential embarrassment caused by any kind of leakage. (99)Ben is thus suited to manage situations in ways that contrast to Jules, whose bodily emissions and emotional dramas reinforce her as feminine, chaotic, and emotionally vulnerable. As Gatens notes of our epistemological inheritance, “women are most often understood to be less able to control the passions of the body and this failure is often located in the a priori disorder or anarchy of the female body itself” (50). Transitioning these philosophical principles to the 21st-century workplace, however, manifests some angst around gender and generation in this film.Despite the film’s apparent advocacy of successful working women, Jules too comes to prefer Ben’s model of corporeal control and masculinity. Ben is someone who makes Jules “feel calm, more centred or something. I could use that, obviously,” she quips. After he leads the almost undifferentiated younger employees Jason, Davis, and Lewis on a physical email rescue, Jules presents her theory of men amidst shots at a bar to celebrate their heist:Jules: So, we were always told that we could be anything, do anything, and I think guys got, maybe not left behind but not quite as nurtured, you know? I mean, like, we were the generation of You go, Girl. We had Oprah. And I wonder sometimes how guys fit in, you know they still seem to be trying to figure it out. They’re still dressing like little boys, they’re still playing video games …Lewis: Well they’ve gotten great.Davis: I love video games.Ben: Oh boy.Jules: How, in one generation, have men gone from guys like Jack Nicholson and Harrison Ford to … [Lewis, Davis, and Jason look down at themselves]Jules: Take Ben, here. A dying breed. Look and learn boys, because if you ask me, this is what cool is.Jules’s excessive drinking in this scene, which is followed by her vomiting into a rubbish bin, appears to reinforce Ben’s stable sobriety, alongside the culture of excess and rapid change associated with Jules through her gender and generation.Jules’s adoption of Ben as the model of masculinity is timely, given that she consistently encounters “sexism in business.” After every meeting with a potential CEO Jules complains of their patronising approach—calling her company a “chick site,” for example. And yet Ben echoes the sartorial style of the 1960s Mad Men era, which is suffused with sexism. The tension between Ben’s modelling of old-fashioned chivalry and those outdated sexist businessmen who never appear on-screen remains linked, however, through the iconography of the suit. In his book Mediated Nostalgia, Lizardi notes a similar tendency in contemporary media for what he calls “presentist versions of the past […] that represent a simpler time” (6) where viewers are constructed as ”uncritical citizens of our own culture” (1). By heroising Ben as a model of white middle-class managerial masculinity that is nostalgically enduring and endearing, this film betrays a yearning for such a “simpler time,” despite the complexities that hover just off-screen.Indeed, most of the other male characters in the film are found wanting in comparison to the retro masculinity of Ben. Jules’s husband Matt appears to be a perfect modern “stay-at-home-dad” who gives up his career for Jules’s business start-up. Yet he is found to be having an affair with one of the school mums. Lewis’s clothes are also condemned by Ben: “Why doesn’t anyone tuck anything in anymore?” he complains. Jason does not know how to speak to his love-interest Becky, expecting that texting and emailing sad emoticons will suffice, and Davis is unable to find a place to live. Luckily Ben can offer advice and tutelage to these men, going so far as to house Davis and give him one of his “vintage” ties to wear. Jules endorses this, saying she loves men in ties.The BriefcaseIf a feature of Ben’s experienced managerial style is longevity and stability, then these values are also attached to his briefcase. The association between Ben and his briefcase is established when the briefcase is personified during preparations for Ben’s first day: “Back in action,” Ben tells it. According to Atkinson, the briefcase is a “signifier of executive status […] entwined with a ‘macho mystique’ of concealed technology” (192). He ties this to the emergence of Cold War spy films like James Bond and traces it to the development of the laptop computer. This mix of mobility, concealment, glamour, and a touch of playboy adventurousness in a mass-produced material product manifested the values of the corporate world in latter 20th-century work culture and rendered the briefcase an important part of executive masculinity. Ben’s briefcase is initially indicative of his anachronistic position in All About Fit. While Davis opens his canvas messenger bag to reveal a smartphone, charger, USB drive, multi-cable connector, and book, Ben mirrors this by taking out his glasses case, set of pens, calculator, fliptop phone, and travel clock. Later in the film he places a print newspaper and leather bound book back into the case. Despite the association with a pre-digital age, the briefcase quickly becomes a product associated with Ben’s retro style. Lewis, at the next computer console, asks about its brand:Ben: It’s a 1973 Executive Ashburn Attaché. They don’t make it anymore.Lewis: I’m a little in love with it.Ben: It’s a classic Lewis. It’s unbeatable.The attaché case is left over from Ben’s past in executive management as VP for sales and advertising. This was a position he held for twenty years, during his past working life, which was spent with the same company for over 40 years. Ben’s long-serving employment record has the same values as his equally long-serving attaché case: it is dependable, reliable, ages well, and outlasts changes in fashion.The kind of nostalgia invested in Ben and his briefcase is reinforced extradiagetically through the musical soundtracks associated with him. Compared to the undifferentiated upbeat tracks at the workplace, Ben’s scenes feature a slower-paced sound from another era, including Ray Charles, Astrud Gilberto, Billie Holiday, and Benny Goodman. These classics are a point of connection with Jules, who declares that she loves Billie Holiday. Yet Jules is otherwise characterised by upbeat, even frantic, timing. She hates slow talkers, is always on the move, and is renowned for being late for meetings and operating on what is known as “Jules Standard Time.” In contrast, like his music, Ben is always on time: setting two alarm clocks each night, driving shorter and more efficient routes, seeing things at just the right time, and even staying at work until the boss leaves. He is reliable, steady, and orderly. He restores order both to the office junk desk and to the desk of Jules’s personal assistant Becky. These characteristics of order and timeliness are offered as an alternative to the chaos of 21st-century global flows of fashion marketing. Like his longevity, time is measured and managed around Ben. Even his name echoes that veritable keeper of time, Big Ben.The HandkerchiefThe handkerchief is another anachronistic object that Ben routinely carries, concealed inside his suit rather than flamboyantly worn on the outside pocket. A neatly ironed square of white hanky, it forms a notable part of Ben’s closet, as Davis notices and enquires about:Davis: Okay what’s the deal with the handkerchief? I don’t get that at all.Ben: It’s essential. That your generation doesn’t know that is criminal. The reason for carrying a handkerchief is to lend it. Ask Jason about this. Women cry Davis. We carry it for them. One of the last vestiges of the chivalrous gent.Indeed, when Jules’s personal assistant Becky bursts into tears because her skills and overtime go unrecognised, Ben is able to offer the hanky to Jason to give her as a kind of white flag, officially signaling a ceasefire between Becky and Jason. This scene is didactic: Ben is teaching Jason how to talk to a woman with the handkerchief as a material prop to prompt the occasion. He also offers advice to Becky to keep more regular hours, and go out and have fun (with Jason, obviously). Despite Becky declaring she “hates girls who cry at work,” this reaction to the pressures of a contemporary work culture that is irregular, chaotic, and never-ending is clearly marking gender, as the handkerchief also marks a gendered transaction of comfort.The handkerchief functions as a material marker of the “chivalrous gent” partly due to the number of times women are seen to cry in this film. In one of Ben’s first encounters with Jules she is crying in a boardroom, when it is suggested that she find a CEO to manage the company. Ben is clearly embarrassed, as is Jules, indicating the inappropriateness of such bodily emissions at work and reinforcing the emotional currency of women in the workplace. Jules again cries while discussing her marriage crisis with Ben, a scene in which Ben comments it is “the one time when he doesn’t have a hanky.” By the end of the film, when Jules and Matt are reconciling, she suggests: “It would be great if you were to carry a handkerchief.” The remaking of modern men into the retro style of Ben is more fully manifested in Davis who is depicted going to work on the last day in the film in a suit and tie. No doubt a handkerchief lurks hidden within.ConclusionThe yearning that emerges for a masculinity of yesteryear means that the intern in this film, Ben Whittaker, becomes an internal moral compass who reminds us of rapid social changes in gender and work, and of their discomfits. That this should be mapped onto an older, white, heterosexual, male body is unsurprising, given the authority traditionally invested in such bodies. Ben’s retro masculinity, however, is a fantasy from a fictional yesteryear, without the social or political forces that render those times problematic; instead, his material culture is fetishised and stripped of political analysis. Ben even becomes the voice of feminism, correcting Jules for taking the blame for Matt’s affair. Buchbinder argues that the more recent manifestations in film and television of “inadequate or incomplete” masculinity can be understood as “enacting a resistance to or even a refusal of the coercive pressure of the gender system” (235, italics in original), and yet The Intern’s yearning for a slow, orderly, mature, and knowing male hero refuses much space for alternative younger models. Despite this apparently unerring adulation of retro masculinity, however, we are reminded of the sexist social culture that suits, briefcases, and handkerchiefs materialise every time Jules encounters one of the seasoned CEOs jostling to replace her. The yearning for a stable masculinity in this film comes at the cost of politicising the past, and imagining alternative models for the future.ReferencesAtkinson, Paul. “Man in a Briefcase: The Social Construction of the Laptop Computer and the Emergence of a Type Form.” Journal of Design History 18.2 (2005): 191-205. Buchbinder, David. “Enter the Schlemiel: The Emergence of Inadequate of Incompetent Masculinities in Recent Film and Television.” Canadian Review of American Studies 38.2 (2008): 227-245.Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble. New York: Routledge, 1990.Connell, R.W. Masculinities. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005.Edwards, Tim. Fashion in Focus: Concepts, Practices and Politics. London: Routledge, 2010.Gatens, Moira. Imaginary Bodies: Ethics, Power and Corporeality. New York: Routledge, 1996.Gilleard, Chris, and Paul Higgs. Ageing, Corporeality and Embodiment. London: Anthem, 2014.Lizardi, Ryan. Mediated Nostalgia: Individual Memory and Contemporary Mass Media. London: Lexington Books, 2015.Longhurst, Robyn. Bodies: Exploring Fluid Boundaries. London: Routledge, 2001.Meyers, Nancy, dir. The Intern. Warner Bros. Pictures, 2015.Turkle, Sherry. “The Things That Matter.” Evocative Objects: Things We Think With. Ed. Sherry Turkle. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 2007.Turner, Graeme. Film as Social Practice. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2002.Veenstra, Aleit, and Giselinde Kuipers. “It Is Not Old-Fashioned, It Is Vintage: Vintage Fashion and the Complexities of 21st Century Consumption Practices.” Sociology Compass 7.5 (2013): 355-365.

The task of the unpaid reviewer in academic publishing has always been a taxing one. Although the notion is one of blind peer review, the selection of reviewers is far from random. Journals try to balance a prospective reviewer’s expertise with their availability, and with their track record of returning a useful review on time. Ideally, the reviewer should have a specific (reasonably expert) knowledge of the paper’s topic, but should also retain enough in common with the interested, but jargon-averse, academic reader to empathise with non-specialist journal subscribers. Reviewers should be able to judge the quality of the argument, of the writing, and of the contribution of the article to the field. It’s a tough ask, and now there is a further layer of concern: will the reviewer – having satisfied all the foregoing – be able to spot ‘self-plagiarism’? Self-plagiarism is a relatively new evil – at least, few people in the author’s circle appear aware of it. Googling the term results in some 8,000 hits (whereas plagiarism scores 3,150,000). At first blush, the usual interpretation of plagiarism – the pinching of some one else’s intellectual property without acknowledgement – seems to rule out the possibility of self-plagiarism. Surely, if the ideas and words are your own, a little judicious re-purposing is all grist to the mill? Indeed, most of the anti-plagiarism sites, for example: What is Plagiarism? (Georgetown University), don’t include the term at all. Instead, the site offers examples of five types of plagiarism, most of them familiar to seasoned markers of student work, which are sufficiently rigorous to include “the ‘apt phrase’”, defined as the lifting of a part sentence. Their comment on the example they give for ‘apt phrase’ plagiarism involves four words in an original paragraph: “This passage is almost entirely original, but the phrase ‘dissolved into a conglomeration’ is taken directly from Arendt [the example used for illustration]. Even though this is a short phrase, it must be footnoted. Only phrases that have truly become part of general usage can be used without citation.” Georgetown University, then, sees plagiarism predominantly as a matter of correct attribution of authorship. Most journals have a requirement that no work offered to them for review should previously have been published, and that concurrent submissions to multiple journals are not permitted. The issue here, it seems, is that a journal’s reputation is built upon the originality and usefulness of its contents. Journal editors like to feel that they are ‘advancing the field’ with each edition and they are building a readership that can count upon learning something new (or, at least, provocative) for each hour invested in consuming their journal. Where papers have appeared in other forms (based, for example, on a presentation recorded in conference proceedings) this may be acceptable to the journal, provided it is acknowledged, and experienced editors will often check that papers developed from conference presentations have not previously been posted on the web. If two journals in ignorance each accept and publish the same paper at the same time then that reflects very poorly on the academic who failed to deal honestly with the editors. The issue here is one of resources – the printed page, in particular, is expensive – and of the reviewers’ time. Given the unpaid and voluntary labour of reviewers, and the amount of time and energy that goes into deciding which papers to accept or reject, journals think very poorly of someone who ‘withdraws’ a paper after acceptance on the grounds that s/he has got a better offer/earlier publication elsewhere. Most journals would not welcome future papers from that author. If self-plagiarism were a simple matter of passing off published paper A as published paper B (say, by changing the title and offering it elsewhere), then it would be seen to be deceitful and perpetrators would receive little respect from their peers. But these extreme cases are not (generally) the kind of self-plagiarism against which authors are warned. So what is the authorship problem widely referred to as ‘self-plagiarism’? The SPlaT website (SPlaT) is happy to explain: Self-plagiarism occurs when an author reuses portions of their previous writings in subsequent research papers. Occasionally, the derived paper is simply a re-titled and reformatted version of the original one, but more frequently it is assembled from bits and pieces of previous work. … It is our belief that self-plagiarism is detrimental to scientific progress and bad for our academic community. Flooding conferences and journals with near-identical papers makes searching for information relevant to a particular topic harder than it has to be. It also rewards those authors who are able to break down their results into overlapping least-publishable-units over those who publish each result only once. Finally, whenever a self-plagiarised paper is allowed to be published, another, more deserving paper, is not. Among the more chilling examples of self-plagiarism identified by the developers of SPlaT is “cryptomnesia (reusing one’s own previously published text while unaware of its existence)” (SPlaT). The avoidance of cryptomnesia is one reason why authors are encouraged to use the SPlaT tool. Academic and journal reviewers are also regarded as potential users, and the software is designed to work in three modes – ‘reviewer’s workbench’, ‘author’ and ‘web spider’. It is indeed a crypromnesiac’s concern that the ‘apt phrase’ that came so creatively to the author in an earlier paper might appear again, unwittingly, in the guise of an original composition. However, the injunction to use SPlaT as a ‘reviewer’s workbench’ (where “SPlaT compares a paper under review to a record of the author’s previously published articles extracted from their web site and online article repositories” [SPlaT]) begs the question as to how a review may remain blind – in the sense of not identifying the author of the work to be reviewed – if the ‘workbench’ and/or ‘web spider’ modes of SPlaT are pressed into service. Might it be the case, notwithstanding the foregoing, that the problem of self-plagiarism is as authentic as ‘social anxiety disorder’ (SAD), incidences of which multiplied dramatically once a drug, Paxil, had been shown effective in treating it? In a Washington Post article (Vedantam), the journalist-author comments: “according to a marketing newsletter, media accounts of social anxiety rose from just 50 stories in 1997 and 1998 to more than 1 billion references in 1999 alone” and goes on to say, “The education and advertising campaigns have raised concerns that pharmaceutical companies, traditionally in the business of finding new drugs for existing disorders, are increasingly in the business of seeking new disorders for existing drugs”. Prior to the publicity about SAD, Paxil was an anti-depressant with sales languishing way behind Prozac and Zoloft. The identification (and treatment) of social anxiety disorder did wonders for its marketing. Could it be that self-plagiarism has only come into existence as a major concern for academia now that there is a tool for its detection? Social anxiety disorder may be an authentic scourge – as may self-plagiarism – and the fact that it has been publicised in concert with its cure (or detection) does not mean that the remedy serves no useful purpose. On the contrary, once a population of professionals is attuned to a new way of viewing symptoms and practices then valuable advances may result. However, such advances are only possible when the community concerned has had a chance to consider the matter and discuss the ramifications. At the present, we run the risk of allowing the designers of anti-self-plagiarism software to be the judges and the jury of this new way to commit academic crime. One way to avoid charges of self-plagiarism is self-citation. Leaving aside crytomnesia, it is perfectly possible to cite the already-published reference when an author is aware of reusing a previously-published phrase or idea. Unfortunately, this remedy is also generally frowned upon in many academic circles. The practice undermines the principle of blind peer review – since the identity of the author soon becomes clear in such repeated instances – while readers may become irritated, suspecting that self-citation is a clumsy ruse to improve the citation index ratings of the originally-published article. The issue is of concern to more than journal editors: it also relates to text- and reference-book editors and publishers. One ‘for instance’ was discussed a year ago by the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME) who conducted a hypothetical on “self-plagiarism of textbook chapters” and threw the discussion open to the members’ list. The initial self-plagiarism case-study situation was complicated by the supposition that Author A (of Book A) had self-plagiarised a previously-published chapter which had been jointly authored by Author A and Author B (Book B). Notwithstanding this complication, the WAME Ethics Committee addressed themselves to four questions: Is [Does] reuse of a person’s writings in another textbook, but authored by the same person, meet the definition of plagiarism? If so, what degree of identical components needs to be present for this definition to be met? Is it appropriate for authors to write for different textbooks in the same field? If so, can they write on the same topic? If not, what are the potential infringements on the author’s rights to pursue their career/income? Should the editors of these textbooks agree to exclude authors that write for one another’s textbooks? Or is that unfair restraint of trade? For example, if all four textbooks were to agree to limit or completely avoid any overlap among authors, it could effectively deny entry of another textbook into that market. For book A, the author had a co-author. Since this shared work was used for book B, what is the author’s responsibility to the original co-author? (WAME) These are good questions and they are the kinds of questions we should be asking ourselves about self-plagiarism in our own ‘media and culture’ academic circles. In particular, in the case of textbooks, it is precisely because an author has a standing in the field, and has published on equivalent matters, that editors seek them out and ask them to contribute chapters. Whilst all reputable writers would expect to originate a new chapter according to the specific brief given, it is possible (some might even say likely) that there is an overlap in approach and phraseology. In the case of Books A and B, the overlap stretched the bounds of coincidence in that: “One table is essentially identical, although other tables in the two chapters are different. In addition, there are some passages that contain identical phrases. Most of these appear to have been reworded, but many identifiable words and phrases are identical between the two chapters. There are also areas where the text is completely different” (WAME). However, this hypothetical case is clearly not a situation where the same authorial product was disguised with a new title. Although the whole debate is worth reading, the general consensus of the Ethics Committee was along the lines of (specifically citing one response): I do not see a problem with the author reusing his own material to write a chapter in another textbook (readers of textbooks as opposed to research articles are not expecting originality). The problem is that he should have done this with the concurrence of the two editors and if he signed over his copyright the permission of publisher of textbook A. He should of course also have consulted with his co-author. I think the editors should inform the publishers and his employer of the facts and let them decide what course of action to take. (WAME) The references to re-using the material transparently, and the editors of the textbooks informing the author’s employer, are a constant refrain from a number of contributors to the discussion. Some WAME list discussants offer defences to the charge of self-plagiarism: “the main problem here is not whether the same, or very similar, information can or should be published in more than one place” commented Frank Davidoff, “that sort of thing is done all the time, and can serve important functions. After all, different people read different textbooks, and if it’s important for the information to get out there, why shouldn’t it be made as widely available as possible?” Andrew Herxheimer thought the readers’ perspective had not been given sufficient consideration: “If I were keenly interested in the contents of the chapter in textbook B, I might well wish to know how they had developed, and to look at earlier versions of the material, and to understand why the contents and emphases etc had changed in the way they had.” “The choice of an author for a review monograph or textbook chapter is based always on perusal of the existing reviews and chapters, hoping that the new publication can contain something just as good” argued Rick Nelson, going on to say, “that obligates the author to produce something as similar to his previous publication as possible, and yet different – an impossible task even if such writing were a priority endeavor, which it never is.” (WAME). Irving Hexham, of the Department of Religious Studies, University of Calgary, appears to have been substantially ahead of the game in discussing self-plagiarism in the 1990s. His consideration of the issue is generally more sympathetic than SPlaT’s, or WAME’s. For example, “Self-plagiarism must be distinguished from the recycling of one’s work that to a greater or lesser extent everyone does legitimately”, and: Academics are expected to republish revised versions of their Ph.D. thesis. They also often develop different aspects of an argument in several papers that require the repetition of certain key passages. This is not self-plagiarism if the complete work develops new insights. It is self-plagiarism if the argument, examples, evidence, and conclusion remain the same in two works that only differ in their appearance. (Hexham) It appears that Hexham and SPlaT have very different ideas of what constitutes self-plagiarism. Their different perspectives may be influenced by disciplinary perspectives and wider contexts – journal article or textbook chapter, a cannibalised conference paper or thesis – and by whether or not they have authored software to catch the offending behaviour. At least one Australian academic (not in M/C – Media and Culture) has been asked by their University to justify their publications against a charge of self-plagiarism, however, which is how the topic has become visible and why the need for debate has become urgent. Incidentally, the opening sentence of the opening paragraph to the Introduction of the paper on “Splat: A System for Self-Plagiarism Detection” is almost identical to the Abstract for a paper published two years later as “Self-Plagiarism in Computer Science”, viz: “We are all too aware of the ravages of scientific misconduct in the academic community. Students submit assignments inherited from the [sic] their friends who took the course the year before, on-line paper-mills allow students to browse for term papers on popular topics, and occasionally researchers are found out when falsifying data or publishing the work of others as their own.” (Collburg et al.) “We are all too aware of the ravages of misconduct in the academic community. Students submit assignments inherited from their friends, online papermills provide term papers on popular topics, and occasionally researchers are found falsifying data or publishing the work of others as their own.” (Collburg & Kubourov) Further, in these two papers there is a difference in authorship line-up, as with the WAME example… So what of the reviewers in all this? The Journal of Optical Networking, published by the Optical Society of America, comments that “self-plagiarism causes duplicate papers in the scientific literature, violates copyright agreements, and unduly burdens reviewers, editors, and the scientific publishing enterprise.” (JON). In an environment of blind peer review, where the reviewer does not know the author’s identity and is not in a position to check the body of their published work, the acid test becomes whether (in the reviewer’s opinion) the article advances the debate by offering something new. The submission should also repay the time and effort expended in reading and considering the contents. Other than that, issues of in/valid repurposing, repackaging, recycling and redeveloping arguments and findings require debate and determination at a discipline-wide level, rather than at the coalface of reviewers’ practice. References Collburg, Christian, and Stephen Kobourov. “Self-Plagiarism in Computer Science”, Communications of the ACM, 48.4 (April 2005): 88-94. Collburg, Christian, Stephen Kobourov, Joshua Louie, and Thomas Slattery. “SPlaT: A System for Self-Plagiarism Detection” IADIS International Conference WWW/INTERNET, Algarve, Portugal 5-8 November 2003. 09 Oct 2005 http://splat.cs.arizona.edu/icwi_plag.pdf>. Georgetown University. What Is Plagiarism?, Georgetown University Honor Council, Georgetown University, n.d. 9 Oct. 2005 http://www.georgetown.edu/honor/plagiarism.html>. Hexham, Irving. The Plague of Plagiarism, Department of Religious Studies, University of Calgary, 1999 published on University of Missouri Kansas City, Douglas E Cowan Website. 9 Oct. 2005 http://c.faculty.umkc.edu/cowande/plague.htm#self>. JON. “From the Board of Editors: On Plagiarism”, Journal of Optical Networking, Optical Society of America, 4.3 (2005): 142-3, 9 Oct. 2005 http://www.osa-jon.org/abstract.cfm?URI=JON-4-3-142>. Vedantam, Shankar. “Drug Ads Hyping Anxiety Make Some Uneasy”, Washington Post 16 July (2001): p. A01; also published in PR in the News, Council of Public Relations Firms, 9 Oct. 2005 http://www.prfirms.org/resources/news/drug071601.asp>. SPlaT. SPlaT Website, Computer Science Department, University of Arizona, March 2005. 9 Oct. 2005 http://splat.cs.arizona.edu/>. WAME. “Self-Plagiarism of Textbook Chapters”, World Association of Medical Editors, Ethics Committee and list discussants, October 2004. 9 Oct. 2005 http://www.wame.org/selfplag.htm>. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Green, Lelia. "Reviewing the Scourge of Self-Plagiarism." M/C Journal 8.5 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0510/07-green.php>. APA Style Green, L. (Oct. 2005) "Reviewing the Scourge of Self-Plagiarism," M/C Journal, 8(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0510/07-green.php>.