Articoli di riviste sul tema "Bruit de trafic"

Un grand nombre d’aménagements urbains de l’espace public cherche à « pacifier » le trafic automobile afin d’améliorer le cadre de vie (moins de bruit, moins de pollution), de mieux partager la rue entre les différents usagers et surtout d’assurer un bon niveau de sécurité pour les plus vulnérables. C’est le cas des zones 30, une pratique largement développée dans les villes françaises. La question que pose cet article est la suivante. En réduisant la vitesse et le trafic automobile, ces aménagements répondent aussi aux enjeux du transport durable qui vise, entre autres, à promouvoir la marche à pied. Qu’en est-il au sujet plus spécifique de la mobilité des enfants, dont nous savons qu’elle se caractérise pour l’essentiel par une faible part de déplacement autonome et une dépendance marquée à l’automobilisme ? Autrement dit, la mise en zone 30 d’un quartier permet-elle une mobilité plus autonome des enfants et une plus grande pratique de la marche à pied ? Pour y répondre, une série d’observations non participantes a été menée dans différents sites en zone 30 à Paris.

Les principales initiatives réalisées de 1978 à 2018 pour définir et protéger l’habitat du béluga (Delphinapterus leucas) de l’estuaire du Saint-Laurent sont présentées. Malgré ces efforts, l’état de la population s’est détérioré depuis 20 ans : celle-ci est en déclin, la proportion de jeunes a diminué par un facteur d’environ 3, et la mortalité des veaux et des femelles est en hausse. Nous présentons ici des informations récentes sur la répartition spatiale des bélugas, de leurs proies et du trafic maritime dans la portion de l’habitat essentiel dans et autour du parc marin du Saguenay–Saint-Laurent. Des considérations et des occasions pour mettre en place des approches spatiales pour favoriser une meilleure cohabitation entre les activités humaines et le béluga sont présentées. En complément aux actions déjà entreprises, 2 stratégies sont exposées favorisant son rétablissement : 1) la gestion des pêches pour tenir compte des besoins alimentaires du béluga et prévenir la remise en suspension de contaminants persistants par les engins de pêche; 2) la réduction du dérangement par la perturbation des activités vitales ou par le bruit dans l’habitat des femelles et des jeunes. L’accès aux proies clés et à des lieux de quiétude en été améliorerait la résilience de la population face aux dégradations de son habitat, dont celles résultant des changements climatiques.

Abstract In this study, we propose an analysis of the vehicular traffic noise indices and comparison between field measurements and prediction data obtained from mathematical models. The study area consists of two pedestrians routes of a medium-sized South American city. University students use these routes in displacements between their universities and residences. We monitored twenty-eight points along the two routes, performing three daytime measurements for each point. The calculated values were obtained from two mathematical predicted models: the English model CRTN (Calculation of Road Traffic Noise) and the French model NMPB-Routes (Nouvelle Methode de Prevision de Bruit). The measurements considered two noise descriptors: the A-weighted equivalent sound level (LAeq) and the noise pollution index (Lnp). The results show that the pedestrians are exposed to excessive levels of vehicle traffic noise along these routes. However, the analysis showed that the two mathematical models achieved good similarity and high performance in the prediction potential. The CRTN model has a better performance than NMPB, proving to be useful as an auxiliary tool in the monitoring of vehicle traffic noise. Finally, we used the CRTN (LAeq) predictions to generate the map of noise pollution indices.

Objective : To increase the awareness for ophthalmologist in diagnosing rare case of bilateral traumatic carotid cavernous fistula that could lead to serious complications. Case description : A 44 years old woman came with chief complaint of squint and diplopia since one month after traffic accident. She had been underwent orbital bone fracture repair at previous hospital immediately. There was complaint of headache, blurred vision, double vision and pain on the eyes one month after trauma. There was no history of redness or proptosis. Examination revealed 6/6 for the right and 6/8.5 for the left eye corrected visual acuity, 30 degrees exotropia, normal intraocular pressures (IOP), restriction on eyes movement especially on the left eye, normal anterior and posterior segment, and no bruit. CT orbital revealed bilateral dilated and tortuous of the ophthalmica vein with suspicious of carotid cavernous fistula (CCF). Patient developed slowly progressive conditions such as proptosis non axial on the left eye, redness with corkscrew appearance on both eyes, restriction of the ocular movement and also founded bruit on both eyes within two months follow up. CT angiography revealed CCF bilateral type A. Patient underwent digital subtraction angiography (DSA) and balloon embolization four months after diagnosed. Conclusion : Although bilateral carotid cavernous fistula is a rare case, performing a suitable diagnostic examination would help to prevent devastating outcome. Prognosis depends on severity and time span from symptoms to treatment.

The authors present the unsolved issue of the contextual design of urban intersections (UI) from the point of view of traffic noise emissions around residential buildings in the Slovak context. Noise barriers are very rarely used in urban areas, due to such reasons as lack of space for their installation, traffic safety (view at intersections), architectural factors, as well as the fact that they represent a barrier for pedestrians and cyclists. The use of low-noise asphalt pavements is limited in urban areas primarily due to the high cost of production and maintenance of these covers, their limited durability in a colder climate, and lower efficiency compared to the roads outside urban areas. From this aspect of urban intersection design, the authors focused on the identification of individual factors associated with the significant reduction (2–8 dB) of traffic noise induced by the reconstruction of non-signalized urban intersections into roundabouts. The authors draw attention to the fact that both new surfaces of intersection branches and the change in traffic processes contribute to the aforementioned reduction. This finding was obtained by comparing direct measurements of noise levels and the results of their predicted values using validated 3D models in the CadnaA program. Noise emissions were measured by a noise analyzer (NOR-1210), and traffic noise emissions were predicted by the “Nouvelle Méthode de Prévision du Bruit” methodology (NMPB-1996). Based on the analysis of the measured and predicted traffic noise levels, the authors objectivized the share of reduction in traffic processes in the 2–3 dB range. The authors objectified the share of traffic noise reduction due to the change in traffic processes as being in the 2.2–3.3 dB range. The presented research results could contribute to a quantifiable reduction in the noise load in the external environment of residential buildings using the contextual design of intersections.

Traffic stops and tickets often have far-reaching consequences for poor and marginalized communities, yet resulting fines and fees increasingly fund local court systems. This paper critically explores who bears the brunt of traffic fines and fees in Nevada, historically one of the fastest growing and increasingly diverse states in the nation, and one of thirteen US states to prosecute minor traffic violations as criminal misdemeanors rather than civil infractions. Drawing on legislative histories, we find that state legislators in Nevada increased fines and fees to raise revenues. Using descriptive statistics to analyze the 2012–2020 open arrest warrants extracted from the Las Vegas Municipal Court, we find that 58.6% of all open warrants are from failure to pay tickets owing to administrative-related offenses—vehicle registration and maintenance, no license or plates, or no insurance. Those issued warrants for failure to pay are disproportionately for people who are Black and from the poorest areas in the region. Ultimately, the Nevada system of monetary traffic sanctions criminalizes poverty and reinforces racial disparities.

Traffic stops and traffic tickets often have far-reaching consequences for poor and marginalized communities, yet resulting fines and fees increasingly fund local court systems. This study critically explores who bears the brunt of traffic fines and fees in Nevada, historically one of the fastest growing and increasingly diverse states in the nation. Nevada is one of thirteen US states to prosecute minor traffic violations as criminal misdemeanors rather than civil infractions. Drawing on legislative histories, we find that state legislators in Nevada increased fines and fees to raise revenues. Using descriptive statistics, we analyzed 2012–2020 open arrest warrant data extracted from the Las Vegas Municipal Court and found that 83.3% of all open bench warrants were issued for traffic charges. 58.6% were for administrative infractions – vehicle registration and maintenance, no or expired license, plates, or insurance – as opposed to only 24.7% for behavioral violations such as speeding, reckless driving, and DUI. Those issued warrants for failure to pay monetary sanctions are disproportionately people who are Black and from the poorest areas in the region. Ultimately, the Nevada system of fines and fees criminalizes poverty and reinforces racial disparities.

Background: Among all types of injuries road traffic injuries constitute a major public health problem. They lead to not only deaths but many more cases of morbidity and disability. People from all economic groups are affected but poor are affected the worst because they suffer from double brunt of injuries and also the economic loss; sometimes pushing them below the poverty line. The present study was conducted to study the epidemiological variables involved in road traffic accidents.Methods: 500 road traffic accident victims admitted in emergency department of Rajindra Hospital, a tertiary institute; attached to Government Medical College, Patiala (Punjab) were studied from July 2002 to February 2003. In this descriptive study pretested proforma was used to know the various epidemiological factors related to road traffic accident victims. The demographic variables, category of road users, details of injured pedestrians and types of vehicles involved in road traffic accidents were studied.Results: The road traffic accident victims mainly include the young males, especially 21-30 years (31.4%), married (70.6%), and men (86.8%) mainly literate (66.6%), from rural areas of Punjab. Maximum accidents occurred during night time (8pm- 4am) and major involvement was of two wheelers (63.4%). Mainly drivers were affected in the road crashes (46.6%) followed by pedestrians (21.4%).Conclusions: young male drivers are affected the most, mainly involving two wheelers. There should be regular and continuous on-going traffic safety and awareness programs covering all the media especially directed towards education of drivers, pedestrians and young population; mainly focusing on the schools and colleges youth.

Background: Sustainable development goals (SDGs) 3.9.1 and 11.6.2 call for a reduction in deaths and illnesses from air pollution, improving the air quality of cities. The above goals motivate us to organize workshops to improve the health of traffic police, who bear the brunt of air pollution. The paper examines the effect of workshops on the health-seeking behavior of the traffic police in Bhubaneswar city. Methods: The study conducted two workshops as a quasi-experimental, single-group study at an academic institution in Bhubaneswar. It included 20 traffic police officers (11 male and 9 female). The Kirkpatrick 4-level model was used to assess the effectiveness of the workshops. A paired t-test was used to compare pre- and postworkshop scores. Results: Thirteen traffic police officers rated the workshop sessions as excellent. The score before the workshop ranged from zero to three, with a mean (standard deviation [SD]) of 2.81 (1.0). The postworkshop score had a minimum to maximum score of three to five with a mean (SD) of 4.41 (0.7) (P < 0.005). The effect size dcohen (confidence interval [CI]) was 1.87 (3.27–4.71). The mean (SD) of absolute and relative gain was 1.6 (1.0) and 0.93 (1.02), respectively. All 20 traffic police officers showed improvement in health-seeking behavior. The significant lifestyle changes after the workshops ranged between 5% and 75%. Conclusion: The test scores indicated statistically significant improvement as the P value recorded was smaller than 0.05. This concludes that the improvement in understanding of the session was statistically significant because of the training imparted.

Background: Fracture of the zygomatic bone is a frequent maxillofacial trauma, due to its distinction which influences it to bear the brunt of facial trauma but its pattern seems to vary geographically. This study was planned to find out etiologies of zygomatic bone fracture at a tertiary care hospital of South Punjab, Pakistan.Methods: This descriptive observational study was conducted at The Department of Oral and Dental Surgery, Shaikh zayed Medical College Hospital Rahim Yar Khan, Pakistan, from July December 2017. A total of 114 patients with isolated tripod zygomatic bone fracture were enrolled. Demographic characteristics of the patients along with etiologies of zygomatic bone fracture were recorded.Results: Out of a total of 114 patients having zygomatic bone fractures, there were 85 (74.6%) male. Majority of the patients, 58 (50.9%) were aged between 21 to 30 years, 78 (68.4%) belonged to rural areas, 42 (36.8%) laborers while socio-economic class of 66 (57.9%) patients was recorded to be middle income. Road traffic accidents were the commonest, seen among 48 (42.1%) patients followed by inter-personal violence and falls, noted among 26 (22.8%) and 17 (14.9%) patients respectively.Conclusions: Zygomatic bone fractures were most commonly seen among male gender and young age groups. Road traffic accidents and inter-personal violence were the most commonly noted etiologies in the present study.

In a memorandum presented to the Hungarian-Czechoslovak Boundary Commission on 23 February 1922 by the inhabitants of the southern Slovak town of Viškovce (Hungarian: Ipolyvisk), the twenty-five signatories requested “humbly for consideration and well-meaning settlement of the following concern.” The municipality was bordered on three sides by the Ipeľ (Hungarian: Ipoly) River, but had been cut off from the only usable road by the border, making communication extremely difficult. In winter and at high water in the spring and autumn, the place was “completely cut off from the outside world.” For three years, they had observed how provisional boundaries were continuously redrawn, and bore the brunt of these changes. The inhabitants said that all alternative routes had become inaccessible during that time and the center of Šahy (Hungarian: Ipolyság), which was just ten kilometers away, had become extremely difficult to reach even in urgent cases. Thus, they requested that the only existing road “be opened to us as quickly as possible and our traffic given back to us.”

This article draws on various theories and studies about the color line, colorism, and racial passing in African American culture, history, and literature to examine the themes of colorism and passing for white in Brit Bennett’s 2020 novel The Vanishing Half. This article juxtaposes Bennett’s novel alongside earlier works written by twentieth-century African American women writers, underscoring Bennett’s intertextual influences, which include Nella Larsen’s Passing (1929), Zora Neale Hurston’s Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937), and Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye (1970), Sula (1973), and God Help the Child (2015). As Bennett revises and incorporates earlier novels into her own, she redeems tragic female characters such as Pecola Breedlove and Clare Kendry, highlights the persistence and damage of colorism, updates the passing narrative, and defies stereotypes about Black women. It concludes that in The Vanishing Half, Bennett proposes a fresh path for twenty-first-century African American fiction through the themes of colorism and passing for white in her rewriting of African American women’s literary tradition.

In addition to being a tragic output of civil war, large-scale displacement crises often become enmeshed in the politics, security, and economics of the conflict. Refugee and internally displaced populations thus exacerbate concerns about regional destabilization. The Syrian refugee crisis, for example, is deeply entwined with civil and international conflict. Neighboring host states of Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon bear the brunt of the crisis, while European states seek to prevent further encroachment by Middle Eastern asylum seekers. Policy-makers often mistakenly view host state security and refugee security as unrelated–or even opposing–factors. In reality, refugee protection and state stability are linked together; undermining one factor weakens the other. Policies to protect refugees, both physically and legally, reduce potential threats from the crisis and bolster state security. In general, risks of conflict are higher when refugees live in oppressive settings, lack legal income-generation options, and are denied education for their youth. The dangers related to the global refugee crisis interact with many other threats that emanate from civil wars and weak states, such as fragile governments, rebel and terrorist group activity, and religious or ethnic fragmentation.

Introduction:Compared to high-income countries, low and middle-income countries (LMICs) bear the heaviest brunt of road traffic incidents (RTIs), which is a serious public health and development burden. Like other LMICs, Uganda has been experiencing a worryingly high burden of RTIs and their associated impacts with the highest number of all the total registered RTIs in Uganda registered in the Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area (GKMA). This places a tremendous demand on the few existing emergency medical services (EMS) to adequately respond to those affected.Aim:To aid in better planning of EMS for the victims of RTIs by using risk mapping of RTIs in the GKMA.Methods:A mixed methodological approach involving a systematic review, Delphi panel technique, retrospective data analysis, and a cross-sectional method.Results:With Uganda progressing forward as envisaged in its “Vision 2040,” the GKMA, which is the country’s political and socioeconomic epicenter, is experiencing significant changes in terms of population growth. This has significantly increased RTIs, which puts pressure on the pre-hospital emergency care for those affected unless necessary actions are taken.Discussion:Therefore, the road safety vis-à-vis injury prevention measures, which are needed to reduce the burden of RTIs, should be multifaceted in nature so that they closely correlate with the ongoing dynamics that cause them, particularly in the GKMA which experiences the highest number of RTIs and Uganda as a whole. The WHO “Safe System Approach” is desirable for this purpose as it represents the most appropriate approach because it is broad enough to comprehensively manage any of the ongoing dynamics (political, socio-cultural or economical) that are known to contribute to RTIs.

The article is devoted to the study of the formation of culture and policy Memory of the Holocaust victims in modern Ukraine. On the example of the international scholar and educational project „Protecting Memory”, which has been going on in Ukraine for more than ten years, the author analyzes the current state, trends, challenges and prospects of creating places of Memory and culture honoring the memory of World War II victims. war, including Ukrainian Jews and Ukrainian Roma. The article also provides a thorough analysis of the fundamental differences in the policy of remembrance for the victims of the Holocaust during the communist regime in Ukrainian lands and in modern democratic Ukraine. In the period from 1945 to 1991, the Communist authorities of the Ukraine banned a special memory of Jewish people, which were the victims of the Holocaust, all victims of National Socialism (official title of the Nazi part − NSDAP in German) during World War II were marked by the euphemism of the Soviet regime as „peaceful Soviet citizens”. The anti-Semitic policy was particularly harsh between 1948 and 1953, when Ukrainian Jews affected by the Nazi occupation came under the brunt of Soviet postwar repression. Thus, the feature of the tragic fate of Jewish communities during the domination of the Nazi anti-Semitic ideology and practice was completely leveled. The USSR denied the identities of civilian victims of the Nazi occupation, especially Jewish people and Roma. Only in the days of sovereign and independent Ukraine, the identity and memory of the victims of the Holocaust and the Roma Genocide in Ukraine were revived. One of the most powerful examples of restoring the historical memory of these civilian victims of the Nazi regime in Ukraine was the „Protecting Memory” project. Thanks to this project, during 2010−2020 in five regions of Ukraine − Lviv, Rivne, Volyn, Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr regions, 20 Memorials to Ukrainian Jewish people and Roma who were killed by Nazi punitive forces and their helpers during the German occupation of Ukraine in 1941−1944 were established. Key words: Holocaust, Antisemitism, Nazism, Stalin repressions Memory politics, World War II, Ukrainian Jews, Ukrainian Roma.

IntroductionDiseases addressed by surgical, obstetric, trauma and anaesthesia (SOTA) care are rising globally due to an anticipated rise in the burden of non-communicable diseases and road traffic accidents. Low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) disproportionately bear the brunt. Evidence-based policies and political commitment are required to reverse this trend. The Lancet Commission of Global Surgery proposed National Surgical and Obstetric and Anaesthesia Plans (NSOAPs) to alleviate the respective SOTA burdens in LMICs. NSOAPs success leverages comprehensive stakeholder engagement and appropriate health policy analyses and recommendations. As Uganda embarks on its NSOAP development, policy prioritisation in Uganda remains unexplored. We, therefore, seek to determine the priority given to SOTA care in Uganda’s healthcare policy and systems-relevant documents.Methods and analysisWe will conduct a scoping review of SOTA health policy and system-relevant documents produced between 2000 and 2022 using the Arksey and O’Malley methodological framework and additional guidance from the Joanna Briggs Institute Reviewer’s manual. These documents will be sought from the websites of SOTA stakeholders by hand searching. We shall also search from Google Scholar and PubMed using well-defined search strategies. The Knowledge Management Portal for the Ugandan Ministry of Health, which was created to provide evidence-based decision-making data, is the primary source. The rest of the sources will include the following: other repositories like websites of relevant government institutions, international and national non-governmental organisations, professional associations and councils, and religious and medical bureaus. Data retrieved from the eligible policy and decision-making documents will include the year of publication, the global surgery specialty mentioned, the NSOAP surgical system domain, the national priority area involved and funding. The data will be collected in a preformed extraction sheet. Two independent reviewers will screen the collected data, and results will be presented as counts and their respective proportions. The findings will be reported narratively using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses guidelines for scoping reviews.Ethics and disseminationThis study will generate evidence-based information on the state of SOTA care in Uganda’s health policy, which will inform NSOAP development in this nation. The review’s findings will be presented to the Ministry of Health planning task force. The study will also be disseminated through a peer-reviewed publication; oral and poster presentations at local, regional, national and international conferences and over social media.

RésuméLa présente recherche vise à contribuer à la mise en œuvre des trois Plans de Gestion Environnementale et Sociale (PGES) de l’aménagement des rues dans la partie ouest de CotonouL’approche méthodologique adoptée s’articule autour de la collecte de données, leur traitement et analyse des résultats. Au total, 252 ménages ont été enquêtées et 169 personnes ressources ont été interviewés sur le terrain.A l’issue des travaux de terrain quatre lots du projet Asphaltage dans la commune de Cotonou ont été pris en compte pour l’appréciation de la mise en œuvre des trois PGES. La première entreprise Société de Gestion des Eaux et Assainissement – Société Anonyme des Travaux d’Outre-Mer (SOGEA-SATOM) capitalise 66,67 % des notes et la dernière Hunan Road and Bridge Construction Group Company Limited (HNRB) 45,80 %. Trois lots sur quatre obtiennent une note supérieure à 15,22 % des mesures moyennement respectées. Pour les mesures non respectées, le premier lot obtient une note 18,32 % et le dernier totalise 11,59 %. Le point culminant des mesures non prévues atteint 14,50 % contre 6,52 % pour le dernier lot. Deux types d’impacts significatifs ont été identifiés par les riverains : les impacts négatifs se résument aux accidents de circulation, à l’inondation pendant la saison pluvieuse, à la vibration des gros engins en activité, la poussière, aux bruits et conflits de circulation. Ces impacts exposent la population riveraine à des maladies telles que la toux, le paludisme, la bronchite et le rhume. Les impacts positifs sont la réalisation des infrastructures socio-communautaires, l’ouverture des voies, l’installation des activités génératrices de revenus. Une meilleure mise en œuvre des mesures du PGES dans le contexte de développement durable exige que les différents acteurs travaillent en synergie et jouent entièrement leur rôle.Mots clés : Cotonou, plan de gestion environnementale et sociale, asphaltage, évaluation des impacts.AbstractThis research aims to contribute to the implementation of the three Environmental and Social Management Plans (ESMP) for the development of streets in the western part of CotonouThe methodological approach adopted revolves around the collection of data, their processing and analysis of the results. A total of 252 households were surveyed and 169 resource persons were interviewed in the field.At the end of the field work, four batches of the Asphalting project in the commune of Cotonou were taken into account for the assessment of the implementation of the three ESMPs. The first company Water and Sanitation Management Company – Overseas Works Limited Company (SOGEA-SATOM) capitalizes 66.67% of the notes and the last Hunan Road and Bridge Construction Group Company Limited (HNRB) 45.80% . Three batches out of four obtain a score higher than 15.22% of the measures moderately respected. For the measures not respected, the first batch obtains a score of 18.32% and the last totals 11.59%. The peak of the unforeseen measures reached 14.50% against 6.52% for the last lot. Two types of significant impacts have been identified by local residents: the negative impacts can be summed up as traffic accidents, flooding during the rainy season, vibration of large machinery in operation, dust, noise and traffic conflicts . These impacts expose the local population to diseases such as coughs, malaria, bronchitis and colds. The positive impacts are the construction of socio-community infrastructure, the opening of roads, the installation of income-generating activities. A better implementation of the ESMP measures in the context of sustainable development requires that the various actors work in synergy and fully play their role.Keywords: Cotonou, environmental and social management plan, paving, impact assessment.

The issue of war crimes and suffering of the population during the Second World War is very complex since it still in many cases serves as a subject of manipulation, in addition, a large number of crimes and suffering is very difficult to investigate and reliably determine the exact number of victims. After the end of the war, it was necessary to show as many victims as possible in order to get as many war reparations as possible, but over time the numbers began to serve the purpose of manipulation to strengthen nationalism, especially Serbian, which can be seen in the number of Jasenovac victims, which without any arguments reached as many as 800,000. If we take the official data on war losses during the Second World War, we will see that Yugoslavia had 1,706,000. casualties while the UK had around 450,900 deaths in total and the US had 418,500 casualties. So it is interesting that Yugoslavia's losses are greater than the total losses that Britain and the United States had together, which ultimately carried the brunt of World War II. In addition, it is important to emphasize that Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged from World War II with enormous human and material losses. 541,717 inhabitants were killed and about 417,000 residential buildings were destroyed. Of that number, more than 103,000 related to the suffering of Bosniaks. Taking the losses in Yugoslavia, it is evident that the losses of Bosnia and Herzegovina are greater than the losses of Serbia, Vojvodina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro combined. The following reasons can be used as an answer to the question „why?“, and that is primarily bad doctrine and strategy of war, desire for power and conflict of ideologies, as well as violent implementation of national state projects, the Greater Serbian project and the Greater Croatian project, with the aim of creating a homogeneous space. ¸ It is very important not to observe the events from the Second World War, especially the sensitive ones, globally, but separately, because only in this way will research not mislead us. Crimes should be viewed in the context of events and the responsibilities of commanders and perpetrators. As for the suffering of the population, it is evident that the most tragic fate is mostly borne by Bosniaks since they were under attack by all ideologies and their formations, but their greatness stems from the fact that their pain and position did not lead them to evil. Thus, Bosniaks are the only people who did not have their own fascist movement, nor did their formations organize targeted attacks on places where residents of other denominations lived. It is obvious that they never accepted Ustasha crimes and racial politics, they distanced themselves even more from evil at the very beginning, and there were energetic actions to protect their neighbors, while on the other hand there is no indication that Serb or Croat neighbors stopped to protect their Bosniak neighbors. Instead of being rewarded for their anti-fascism and nobility by the new government, Bosniaks are again under open attack, and for some areas it is evident that this repression resulted in more suffering during the „liberation“ than during the entire war. What is especially unfortunate is the fact that even today there are attempts to manipulate the numbers of victims by mostly Greater Serbia protagonists, who seek to relativize history and continue to spread hatred, telling untruths or distorting historical facts.

The recent terror attacks on Army Public School and Imam Bargah in Hayatabad, Peshawar once again highlighted the continuing fragile law and order situation that the country is facing in general and the province of KPK in particular. The civilian emergency response mounted to these events and those of a similar nature in the past can at best be described as grossly insufficient and well below the desired standards. Having been at the heart of ‘war on terror”, and faced with numerous bomb blasts and other forms of militant activities over successive years in the recent past, one would expect a mature and systematic approach inculcated in the country’s response to emergency. Sadly this has not been the case and the same chaos and indifference by the concerned authorities is seen at the site of occurrence, during transportation and in the hospitals as was the case before these events were a regular feature. To add to the spectrum of these woes is the lack of any coordinated efforts to rehabilitate the victims either psychologically, physically or financially. As I searched for an effective system globally adopted for disaster management of various scales, I came across the existence of various national and international organizations tasked to ensure preparedness and swift response in event of any such eventualities. International organizations such as Red Cross, The International Emergency Management Society (TIEMS), The International Recovery Platform (IRP) and United nations organization help reduce vulnerability and assist cope with natural disasters such as floods and earthquakes, industrial sabotage and other incidences of significant humanitarian crisis. While some of these organizations may help creating awareness and offer technical guidance in managing manmade disasters, they have a very limited role in practically addressing incidents related to localize events of terrorism. This responsibility is borne by respective governments in light of the prevailing law and order situation and resource availability. Different countries then have other umbrella organizations overlooking management of emergency situations arising from terror related disasters in addition to natural calamities eg the Civil Contingencies secretariat in UK, the Federal emergency management authority in US and the National disaster response force in India. In Pakistan unfortunately there is no concept of an organized response to events resulting in multiple or mass casualties, be it a result of any major accident or an act of terrorism. Organizations such as APDMA and PDMA have limited roles dealing mainly with natural disasters. Need of the hour is for an organization or team to cater for manmade disasters given the recent frequency of these events. In the absence of any responsible organization taking the lead and developing protocols as well as providing guidelines, the workforce available for pre hospital and hospital-based critical care varies enormously. Every major city of the country and specially Peshawar should have a disaster control management plan involving security agencies, paramedic and ambulance services and all major hospitals who should develop an effective strategy to facilitate management of injured patients. An effective approach would depend on the ability of the concerned team to anticipate, assess, prevent, prepare, respond and recover from an incident. Security agencies must cordon off the site of incident allowing only emergency vehicles and personnel to approach the site once secured. The hospital nominated to receive the brunt of casualties should be informed well in time for emergency preparedness. If possible all unnecessary traffic flow in the vicinity of the hospital should be diverted according to a predetermined plan. The Accident and Emergency departments should have a viable communication system of summoning their trauma team and any additional staff needed according to the nature and magnitude of the calamity on a very short notice. Within the hospital all visitors and well wishers as well as media personnel and politicians should be restricted to nominated zones with facilities of a public address system and an information centre updating the list of injured and dead at regular intervals. A spacious TRIAGE hall with designated triage officers (doctors or nurses) should be at hand to sort out the patients and prioritize their treatment according to the nature of their injuries and resources available. The major hospitals must build up their capacity in terms of skilled manpower and equipment/medicine and be ready for any major incident in its catchment area besides being able to receive a spill over in case of any major disaster in adjoining vicinities. Doctors and other support staff in ER should be familiar with the basic principles of Emergency life saving measures. It should be mandatory for the aforementioned to have attended trauma management courses such as Advanced Trauma Life Support, Primary Trauma Care or Emergency Room Trauma Care. There is considerable evidence to show that properly trained staff can make a marked difference when it comes to saving precious lives. There should also be appropriate arrangement for dealing with bodies of dead victims and counseling their near and dear ones. No doubt, considerable effort and commitment is needed if the above goals have to be achieved. To ensure a well organized and coherent response to any major incident there has to be a lead body running the show. All those involved in emergency management from the scene of the incident to the hospital receiving and managing the injured patients should be part of a team and should be allowed to interact on a regular basis through seminars and conferences framing and developing their own standard operating procedures and guidelines. Effective emergency management has been and will always be the crunch requirement of any civilized society and it is imperative that the government should take practical steps in addressing this issue in the best interest of the public.

As urban populations and automobile numbers continue to swell, traffic congestion emerges as a pressing concern, inflicting delays, stress, heightened fuel consumption, and increased air pollution. Megacities, in particular, bear the brunt of this escalating issue. Real-time assessment of road traffic density becomes imperative for efficient signal control and traffic management. Among the pivotal factors influencing traffic flow, the traffic controller stands paramount, necessitating optimization to meet the surging demand. Our proposed system capitalizes on live camera feeds from traffic junctions to conduct traffic density calculations through image processing techniques and artificial intelligence (AI). By harnessing these technologies, the system aims to offer a dynamic solution to the persistent challenge of congestion. The core focus lies in devising an algorithm that dynamically adjusts traffic light signals based on the detected vehicle density, thereby mitigating congestion and fostering smoother transit experiences for commuters. This innovative approach not only promises expedited travel times but also holds the potential to curtail pollution levels, contributing to a more sustainable urban environment. By seamlessly integrating image processing and AI-driven traffic control mechanisms, our system endeavors to pave the way towards a more efficient and eco-friendly transportation infrastructure

A carotid cavernous fistula is an abnormal connection between the carotid artery and cavernous sinus which is a rare and sight threatening complication of craniofacial trauma. We report a case of a 36-year-old man with history of road traffic accident, flail chest, on mechanical ventilation who developed redness and progressive swelling of right eye. On evaluation, he was found to have right-sided conjunctival chemosis, pulsatile proptosis, and loud bruit on auscultation over right eyeball. Non-contrast computed tomography revealed multiple skull bone fractures with prominence of right-sided cavernous sinus and superior ophthalmic vein. Contrast enhanced magnetic resonance imaging with angiography revealed bulky cavernous sinus with tortuous right superior ophthalmic vein suggestive of right carotid cavernous fistula. Carotid cavernous fistula should be considered as a differential diagnosis for a critically ill patient with history of trauma developing swollen red eyes as the typical signs and symptoms cannot be assessed in patients on mechanical ventilation. The timely diagnosis and prompt treatment can save vision and can improve the outcome.

Greenhouse gas emissions from human activities have become the leading cause of climate problems. Reducing greenhouse gas emissions from human economic activities and realizing carbon neutralization are the main means of sustainable economic development. Among them, carbon emission reduction of large-scale activities including auctions bears the brunt. Through the emission factor method, this paper estimates the carbon footprint of a typical artwork auction and divides the auction market into different sizes, according to the average round-trip distance of the number of participants. The results show that a typical 3-day medium-sized artwork auction with 500 people’s carbon footprint is about 270 tons of carbon dioxide. The traffic carbon emission of participants accounts for a large proportion of the total carbon footprint, particularly composed of the traffic carbon emissions of a small proportion of long-distance participants. Therefore, the transition from offline to virtual artwork auctions can significantly reduce the carbon footprint by 90%–95%. We put forward suggestions on improving the auction carbon footprint accounting process and industry carbon neutralization system, and promoting the development of relevant technologies for the virtual artwork auction market.

Reading Plutarch's Parallel Lives is a fascinating encounter with the history of the ancient world. It includes witnessing the foundation of Athens (Thes. 24.1–3) and Rome (Rom. 11.1–12.1); participating in the battles of Salamis (Arist. 9.1–4; Them. 13.1–15.4), Pharsalus (Pomp. 69.1–72.6; Caes. 42.1–45.8), Philippi (Brut. 49.1–10), and Actium (Ant. 65.1–66.8); marvelling at Alexander sitting on Darius’ throne (Alex. 37.7); being dazzled by the wonderful buildings on the Acropolis (Per. 12.1–13.14); watching in dismay as Caesar is killed with twenty-three dagger blows (Caes. 66.1–14); sharing Pyrrhus’ desperation with one more victory (Pyrrh. 21.14); and standing aghast at the rape of the Sabines (Rom. 14.1–15.7), the tragic fate of Spartacus (Crass. 8.1–11.10), and Hannibal's triumph at Cannae (Fab. 16.1–9). It is a rendezvous with so many distinguished figures of Greek and Roman history: the protagonists and antagonists of the Lives, of course, but also the many less-known figures behind the scene, like Mnesiphilus, the teacher of Themistocles (Them. 2.6–7) or Damon, the brains behind the young Pericles (Per. 4.1–4). The decisive moments of history, such as Caesar's famous alea iacta est before his crossing of the Rubicon (Caes. 32.8; Pomp. 60.4), or his veni vidi vici at Zela (Caes. 50.3), are juxtaposed with ‘petite histoire’ with all its juicy anecdotes: Demetrius’ liaison with Lamia (Demetr. 27.1–14), Pericles’ relationship with Aspasia (Per. 24.2–12), Pompey's fondness for Flora (Pomp. 2.5–8), and, of course, Antony's notorious affair with Cleopatra (Ant. 36.1–7; 53.5–12; 71.4–86.9).

Introduction: Brutal?The word “brutal” has associations with cruelty, inhumanity, and aggression. Within the field of architecture, however, the term “Brutalism” refers to a post-World War II Modernist style, deriving from the French phrase betón brut, which means raw concrete (Clement 18). Core traits of Brutalism include functionalist design, daring geometry, overbearing scale, and the blatant exposure of structural materials, chiefly concrete and steel (Meades 1).The emergence of Brutalism coincided with chronic housing shortages in European countries ravaged by World War II (Power 5) and government-sponsored slum clearance in the UK (Power 190; Baker). Brutalism’s promise to accommodate an astonishing number of civilians within a minimal area through high-rise configurations and elevated walkways was alluring to architects and city planners (High Rise Dreams). Concrete was the material of choice due to its affordability, durability, and versatility; it also allowed buildings to be erected quickly (Allen and Iano 622).The Brutalist style was used for cultural centres, such as the Perth Concert Hall in Western Australia, educational institutions such as the Yale School of Architecture, and government buildings such as the Secretariat Building in Chandigarh, India. However, as pioneering Brutalist architect Alison Smithson explained, the style achieved full expression by “thinking on a much bigger scale somehow than if you only got [sic] one house to do” (Smithson and Smithson, Conversation 40). Brutalism, therefore, lent itself to the design of large residential complexes. It was consequently used worldwide for public housing developments, that is, residences built by a government authority with the aim of providing affordable housing. Notable examples include the Western City Gate in Belgrade, Serbia, and Habitat 67 in Montreal, Canada.Brutalist architecture polarised opinion and continues to do so to this day. On the one hand, protected cultural heritage status has been awarded to some Brutalist buildings (Carter; Glancey) and the style remains extremely influential, for example in the recent award-winning work of architect Zaha Hadid (Niesewand). On the other hand, the public housing projects associated with Brutalism are widely perceived as failures (The Great British Housing Disaster). Many Brutalist objects currently at risk of demolition are social housing estates, such as the Smithsons’ Robin Hood Gardens in London, UK. Whether the blame for the demise of such housing developments lies with architects, inhabitants, or local government has been widely debated. In the UK and USA, local authorities had relocated families of predominantly lower socio-economic status into the newly completed developments, but were unable or unwilling to finance subsequent maintenance and security costs (Hanley 115; R. Carroll; The Pruitt-Igoe Myth). Consequently, the residents became fearful of criminal activity in staircases and corridors that lacked “defensible space” (Newman 9), which undermined a vision of “streets in the sky” (Moran 615).In spite of its later problems, Brutalism’s architects had intended to develop a style that expressed 1950s contemporary living in an authentic manner. To them, this meant exposing building materials in their “raw” state and creating an aesthetic for an age of science, machine mass production, and consumerism (Stadler 264; 267; Smithson and Smithson, But Today 44). Corporeal sensations did not feature in this “machine” aesthetic (Dalrymple). Exceptionally, acclaimed Brutalist architect Ernö Goldfinger discussed how “visual sensation,” “sound and touch with smell,” and “the physical touch of the walls of a narrow passage” contributed to “sensations of space” within architecture (Goldfinger 48). However, the effects of residing within Brutalist objects may not have quite conformed to predictions, since Goldfinger moved out of his Brutalist construction, Balfron Tower, after two months, to live in a terraced house (Hanley 112).An abstract perspective that favours theorisation over subjective experiences characterises discourse on Brutalist social housing developments to this day (Singh). There are limited data on the everyday lived experience of residents of Brutalist social housing estates, both then and now (for exceptions, see Hanley; The Pruitt-Igoe Myth; Cooper et al.).Yet, our bodily interaction with the objects around us shapes our lived experience. On a broader physical scale, this includes the structures within which we live and work. The importance of the interaction between architecture and embodied being is increasingly recognised. Today, architecture is described in corporeal terms—for example, as a “skin” that surrounds and protects its human inhabitants (Manan and Smith 37; Armstrong 77). Biological processes are also inspiring new architectural approaches, such as synthetic building materials with life-like biochemical properties (Armstrong 79), and structures that exhibit emergent behaviour in response to human presence, like a living system (Biloria 76).In this article, we employ an autoethnographic perspective to explore the corporeal effects of Brutalist buildings, thereby revealing a new dimension to the anthropological significance of these controversial structures. We trace how they shape the physicality of the bodies interacting within them. Our approach is one step towards considering the historically under-appreciated subjective, corporeal experience elicited in interaction with Brutalist objects.Method: An Autoethnographic ApproachAutoethnography is a form of self-narrative research that connects the researcher’s personal experience to wider cultural understandings (Ellis 31; Johnson). It can be analytical (Anderson 374) or emotionally evocative (Denzin 426).We investigated two Brutalist residential estates in London, UK:(i) The Barbican Estate: This was devised to redevelop London’s severely bombed post-WWII Cripplegate area, combining private residences for middle class professionals with an assortment of amenities including a concert hall, library, conservatory, and school. It was designed by architects Chamberlin, Powell, and Bon. Opened in 1982, the Estate polarised opinion on its aesthetic qualities but has enjoyed success with residents and visitors. The development now comprises extremely expensive housing (Brophy). It was Grade II-listed in 2001 (Glancey), indicating a status of architectural preservation that restricts alterations to significant buildings.(ii) Trellick Tower: This was built to replace dilapidated 19th-century housing in the North Kensington area. It was designed by Hungarian-born architect Ernő Goldfinger to be a social housing development and was completed in 1972. During the 1980s and 1990s, it became known as the “Tower of Terror” due to its high level of crime (Hanley 113). Nevertheless, Trellick Tower was granted Grade II listed status in 1998 (Carter), and subsequent improvements have increased its desirability as a residence (R. Carroll).We explored the grounds, communal spaces, and one dwelling within each structure, independently recording our corporeal impressions and sensations in detailed notes, which formed the basis of longhand journals written afterwards. Our analysis was developed through co-constructed autoethnographic reflection (emerald and Carpenter 748).For reasons of space, one full journal entry is presented for each Brutalist structure, with an excerpt from each remaining journal presented in the subsequent analysis. To identify quotations from our journals, we use the codes R- and N- to refer to RB’s and NC’s journals, respectively; we use -B and -T to refer to the Barbican Estate and Trellick Tower, respectively.The Barbican Estate: Autoethnographic JournalAn intricate concrete world emerges almost without warning from the throng of glass office blocks and commercial buildings that make up the City of London's Square Mile. The Barbican Estate comprises a multitude of low-rise buildings, a glass conservatory, and three enormous high-rise towers. Each modular building component is finished in the same coarse concrete with burnished brick underfoot, whilst the entire structure is elevated above ground level by enormous concrete stilts. Plants hang from residential balconies over glimmering pools in a manner evocative of concrete Hanging Gardens of Babylon.Figure 1. Barbican Estate Figure 2. Cromwell Tower from below, Barbican Estate. Figure 3: The stairwell, Cromwell Tower, Barbican Estate. Figure 4. Lift button pods, Cromwell Tower, Barbican Estate.R’s journalMy first footsteps upon the Barbican Estate are elevated two storeys above the street below, and already an eerie calm settles on me. The noise of traffic and the bustle of pedestrians have seemingly been left far behind, and a path of polished brown brick has replaced the paving slabs of the city's pavement. I am made more aware of the sound of my shoes upon the ground as I take each step through the serenity.Running my hands along the walkway's concrete sides as we proceed further into the estate I feel its coarseness, and look up to imagine the same sensation touching the uppermost balcony of the towers. As we travel, the cold nature and relentless employ of concrete takes over and quickly becomes the norm.Our route takes us through the Barbican's central Arts building and into the Conservatory, a space full of plant-life and water features. The noise of rushing water comes as a shock, and I'm reminded just how hauntingly peaceful the atmosphere of the outside estate has been. As we leave the conservatory, the hush returns and we follow another walkway, this time allowing a balcony-like view over the edge of the estate. I'm quickly absorbed by a sensation I can liken only to peering down at the ground from a concrete cloud as we observe the pedestrians and traffic below.Turning back, we follow the walkways and begin our approach to Cromwell Tower, a jagged structure scraping the sky ahead of us and growing menacingly larger with every step. The estate has up till now seemed devoid of wind, but even so a cold begins to prickle my neck and I increase my speed toward the door.A high-ceilinged foyer greets us as we enter and continue to the lifts. As we push the button and wait, I am suddenly aware that carpet has replaced bricks beneath my feet. A homely sensation spreads, my breathing slows, and for a brief moment I begin to relax.We travel at heart-racing speed upwards to the 32nd floor to observe the view from the Tower's fire escape stairwell. A brief glance over the stair's railing as we enter reveals over 30 storeys of stair casing in a hard-edged, triangular configuration. My mind reels, I take a second glance and fail once again to achieve focus on the speck of ground at the bottom far below. After appreciating the eastward view from the adjacent window that encompasses almost the entirety of Central London, we make our way to a 23rd floor apartment.Entering the dwelling, we explore from room to room before reaching the balcony of the apartment's main living space. Looking sheepishly from the ledge, nothing short of a genuine concrete fortress stretches out beneath us in all directions. The spirit and commotion of London as I know it seems yet more distant as we gaze at the now miniaturized buildings. An impression of self-satisfied confidence dawns on me. The fortress where we stand offers security, elevation, sanctuary and I'm furnished with the power to view London's chaos at such a distance that it's almost silent.As we leave the apartment, I am shadowed by the same inherent air of tranquillity, pressing yet another futuristic lift access button, plummeting silently back towards the ground, and padding across the foyer's soft carpet to pursue our exit route through the estate's sky-suspended walkways, back to the bustle of regular London civilization.Trellick Tower: Autoethnographic JournalThe concrete majesty of Trellick Tower is visible from Westbourne Park, the nearest Tube station. The Tower dominates the skyline, soaring above its neighbouring estate, cafes, and shops. As one nears the Tower, the south face becomes visible, revealing the suspended corridors that join the service tower to the main body of flats. Light of all shades and colours pours from its tightly stacked dwellings, which stretch up into the sky. Figure 5. Trellick Tower, South face. Figure 6. Balcony in a 27th-floor flat, Trellick Tower.N’s journalOutside the tower, I sense danger and experience a heightened sense of awareness. A thorny frame of metal poles holds up the tower’s facade, each pole poised as if to slip down and impale me as I enter the building.At first, the tower is too big for comprehension; the scale is unnatural, gigantic. I feel small and quite squashable in comparison. Swathes of unmarked concrete surround the tower, walls that are just too high to see over. Who or what are they hiding? I feel uncertain about what is around me.It takes some time to reach the 27th floor, even though the lift only stops on every 3rd floor. I feel the forces of acceleration exert their pressure on me as we rise. The lift is very quiet.Looking through the windows on the 27th-floor walkway that connects the lift tower to the main building, I realise how high up I am. I can see fog. The city moves and modulates beneath me. It is so far away, and I can’t reach it. I’m suspended, isolated, cut off in the air, as if floating in space.The buildings underneath appear tiny in comparison to me, but I know I’m tiny compared to this building. It’s a dichotomy, an internal tension, and feels quite unreal.The sound of the wind in the corridors is a constant whine.In the flat, the large kitchen window above the sink opens directly onto the narrow, low-ceilinged corridor, on the other side of which, through a second window, I again see London far beneath. People pass by here to reach their front doors, moving so close to the kitchen window that you could touch them while you’re washing up, if it weren’t for the glass. Eye contact is possible with a neighbour, or a stranger. I am close to that which I’m normally separated from, but at the same time I’m far from what I could normally access.On the balcony, I have a strong sensation of vertigo. We are so high up that we cannot be seen by the city and we cannot see others. I feel physically cut off from the world and realise that I’m dependent on the lift or endlessly spiralling stairs to reach it again.Materials: sharp edges, rough concrete, is abrasive to my skin, not warm or welcoming. Sharp little stones are embedded in some places. I mind not to brush close against them.Behind the tower is a mysterious dark maze of sharp turns that I can’t see around, and dark, narrow walkways that confine me to straight movements on sloping ramps.“Relentless Employ of Concrete:” Body versus Stone and HeightThe “relentless employ of concrete” (R-B) in the Barbican Estate and Trellick Tower determined our physical interactions with these Brutalist objects. Our attention was first directed towards texture: rough, abrasive, sharp, frictive. Raw concrete’s potential to damage skin, should one fall or brush too hard against it, made our bodies vulnerable. Simultaneously, the ubiquitous grey colour and the constant cold anaesthetised our senses.As we continued to explore, the constant presence of concrete, metal gratings, wire, and reinforced glass affected our real and imagined corporeal potentialities. Bodies are powerless against these materials, such that, in these buildings, you can only go where you are allowed to go by design, and there are no other options.Conversely, the strength of concrete also has a corporeal manifestation through a sense of increased physical security. To R, standing within the “concrete fortress” of the Barbican Estate, the object offered “security, elevation, sanctuary,” and even “power” (R-B).The heights of the Barbican’s towers (123 metres) and Trellick Tower (93 metres) were physically overwhelming when first encountered. We both felt that these menacing, jagged towers dominated our bodies.Excerpt from R’s journal (Trellick Tower)Gaining access to the apartment, we begin to explore from room to room. As we proceed through to the main living area we spot the balcony and I am suddenly aware that, in a short space of time, I had abandoned the knowledge that some 26 floors lay below me. My balance is again shaken and I dig my heels into the laminate flooring, as if to achieve some imaginary extra purchase.What are the consequences of extreme height on the body? Certainly, there is the possibility of a lethal fall and those with vertigo or who fear heights would feel uncomfortable. We discovered that height also affects physical instantiation in many other ways, both empowering and destabilising.Distance from ground-level bustle contributed to a profound silence and sense of calm. Areas of intermediate height, such as elevated communal walkways, enhanced our sensory abilities by granting the advantage of observation from above.Extreme heights, however, limited our ability to sense the outside world, placing objects beyond our range of visual focus, and setting up a “bizarre segregation” (R-T) between our physical presence and that of the rest of the world. Height also limited potentialities of movement: no longer self-sufficient, we depended on a working lift to regain access to the ground and the rest of the city. In the lift itself, our bodies passively endured a cycle of opposing forces as we plummeted up or down numerous storeys in mere seconds.At both locations, N noticed how extreme height altered her relative body size: for example, “London looks really small. I have become huge compared to the tiny city” (N-B). As such, the building’s lift could be likened to a cake or potion from Lewis Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland. This illustrates how the heuristics that we use to discern visual perspective and object size, which are determined by the environment in which we live (Segall et al.), can be undermined by the unusual scales and distances found in Brutalist structures.Excerpt from N’s journal (Barbican Estate)Warning: These buildings give you AFTER-EFFECTS. On the way home, the size of other buildings seems tiny, perspectives feel strange; all the scales seem to have been re-scaled. I had to become re-used to the sensation of travelling on public trains, after travelling in the tower lifts.We both experienced perceptual after-effects from the disproportional perspectives of Brutalist spaces. Brutalist structures thus have the power to affect physical sensations even when the body is no longer in direct interaction with them!“Challenge to Privacy:” Intersubjective Ideals in Brutalist DesignAs embodied beings, our corporeal manifestations are the primary transducers of our interactions with other people, who in turn contribute to our own body schema construction (Joas). Architects of Brutalist habitats aimed to create residential utopias, but we found that the impact of their designs on intersubjective corporeality were often incoherent and contradictory. Brutalist structures positioned us at two extremes in relation to the bodies of others, forcing either an uncomfortable intersection of personal space or, conversely, excessive separation.The confined spaces of the lifts, and ubiquitous narrow, low-ceilinged corridors produced uncomfortable overlaps in the personal space of the individuals present. We were fascinated by the design of the flat in Trellick Tower, where the large kitchen window opened out directly onto the narrow 27th-floor corridor, as described in N’s journal. This enforced a physical “challenge to privacy” (R-T), although the original aim may have been to promote a sense of community in the “streets in the sky” (Moran 615). The inter-slotting of hundreds of flats in Trellick Tower led to “a multitude of different cooking aromas from neighbouring flats” (R-T) and hence a direct sensing of the closeness of other people’s corporeal activities, such as eating.By contrast, enormous heights and scales constantly placed other people out of sight, out of hearing, and out of reach. Sharp-angled walkways and blind alleys rendered other bodies invisible even when they were near. In the Barbican Estate, huge concrete columns, behind which one could hide, instilled a sense of unease.We also considered the intersubjective interaction between the Brutalist architect-designer and the inhabitant. The elements of futuristic design—such as the “spaceship”-like pods for lift buttons in Cromwell Tower (N-B)—reconstruct the inhabitant’s physicality as alien relative to the Brutalist building, and by extension, to the city that commissioned it.ReflectionsThe strength of the autoethnographic approach is also its limitation (Chang 54); it is an individual’s subjective perspective, and as such we cannot experience or represent the full range of corporeal effects of Brutalist designs. Corporeal experience is informed by myriad factors, including age, body size, and ability or disability. Since we only visited these structures, rather than lived in them, we could have experienced heightened sensations that would become normalised through familiarity over time. Class dynamics, including previous residences and, importantly, the amount of choice that one has over where one lives, would also affect this experience. For a full perspective, further data on the everyday lived experiences of residents from a range of different backgrounds are necessary.R’s reflectionDespite researching Brutalist architecture for years, I was unprepared for the true corporeal experience of exploring these buildings. Reading back through my journals, I'm struck by an evident conflict between stylistic admiration and physical uneasiness. I feel I have gained a sympathetic perspective on the notion of residing in the structures day-to-day.Nevertheless, analysing Brutalist objects through a corporeal perspective helped to further our understanding of the experience of living within them in a way that abstract thought could never have done. Our reflections also emphasise the tension between the physical and the psychological, whereby corporeal struggle intertwines with an abstract, aesthetic admiration of the Brutalist objects.N’s reflectionIt was a wonderful experience to explore these extraordinary buildings with an inward focus on my own physical sensations and an outward focus on my body’s interaction with others. On re-reading my journals, I was surprised by the negativity that pervaded my descriptions. How does physical discomfort and alienation translate into cognitive pleasure, or delight?ConclusionBrutalist objects shape corporeality in fundamental and sometimes contradictory ways. The range of visual and somatosensory experiences is narrowed by the ubiquitous use of raw concrete and metal. Materials that damage skin combine with lethal heights to emphasise corporeal vulnerability. The body’s movements and sensations of the external world are alternately limited or extended by extreme heights and scales, which also dominate the human frame and undermine normal heuristics of perception. Simultaneously, the structures endow a sense of physical stability, security, and even power. By positioning multiple corporealities in extremes of overlap or segregation, Brutalist objects constitute a unique challenge to both physical privacy and intersubjective potentiality.Recognising these effects on embodied being enhances our current understanding of the impact of Brutalist residences on corporeal sensation. This can inform the future design of residential estates. Our autoethnographic findings are also in line with the suggestion that Brutalist structures can be “appreciated as challenging, enlivening environments” exactly because they demand “physical and perceptual exertion” (Sroat). 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