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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Bolshevik"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 20 febbraio 2023

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Bolshevik"

Lih, Lars. "The Ironic Triumph of Old Bolshevism: The Debates of April 1917 in Context". Russian History 38, n. 2 (2011): 199–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x566048.

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AbstractDuring the debates in Bolshevik party circles after Lenin's return to Russia in early April 1917, one central issue was the status of "Old Bolshevism." According to Lenin, Old Bolshevism was outmoded, whereas other Bolsheviks such as Lev Kamenev and Mikhail Kalinin defended its relevance. The central tenet of prewar Old Bolshevism was "democratic revolution to the end," a slogan that implied a vast social transformation of Russia under the aegis of a revolutionary government based directly on the narod. Far from being rendered irrelevant by the overthrow of the tsar, Old Bolshevism mandated a political course aimed at overthrow of the "bourgeois" Provisional Government. Lenin's innovative vision of "steps toward socialism" in Russia, prior to and independent of European socialist revolution was not a radical break with Old Bolshevism and it was not the central issue during the debates of April 1917. The actual Bolshevik message of 1917 (as documented by pamphlets issued by the Moscow Bolsheviks) was closer in most respects to the outlook of Lenin's opponents, as he came close to explicitly admitting. The usual characterization of the April debates as Lenin's successful attempt to imbue the Bolsheviks with a radically new vision of socialist revolution must therefore be rejected.

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Riga, Liliana. "Ethnonationalism, Assimilation, and the Social Worlds of the Jewish Bolsheviks in Fin de Siècle Tsarist Russia". Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, n. 4 (9 agosto 2006): 762–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000296.

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This article offers biographical sketches of the Jewish members of the Bolshevik revolutionary élite. It explores how their commitments to socialist universalism and eventual identification with Bolshevism were influenced by experiences and identities as Jews in fin de siècle Tsarist Russia. Situating them within a comparative historical sociology of ethnicity and identity across the Empire, I consider the ways in which ambiguities of assimilation, ethnic exclusion, and ethnocultural marginality influenced their attraction to Bolshevik socialism. In doing so, I revise the traditional argument that that the Bolsheviks of Jewish origin were highly assimilated “non-Jewish Jews” whose Jewishness played no role in their political radicalism. Instead, the claim is made that for the Jewish Bolshevik élite ascriptive Jewishness was a social fact mediated by ethnopolitical context, and therefore a dimension of varying significance to their radicalism, even for those for whom Jewishness was not a claimed identity.

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Kononenko, Valerii. "National Policy of Ukrainian Soviet State Formations at the Stage of Formation of the Bolshevik Regime (1917–1920)". Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, n. 36 (giugno 2021): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-36-42-49.

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The aim of the article is to analyze the state policy towards the national minorities of Ukraine of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations of the period of formation of the Soviet goverment in Ukraine. The author explores the peculiarities of the formation and change of the national policy of the Bolsheviks on the eve of the October coup of 1917 and during the functioning of the Ukrainian People’s Republic of Soviets (UPR Soviets) and the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (USSR). The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific and special-historical methods of scientific research. Using the method of content analysis, the main Bolshevik legal acts of the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime are analyzed, which reflect the basic principles and provisions of the national policy of the first Ukrainian Soviet state formations on the territory of Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author focused on the evolution and functioning of the national policy of the Bolsheviks in Ukraine depending on internal and external factors that were associated with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime of 1917 – 1920’s. Conclusions. We believe that the policy of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations during the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime towards the national minorities of Ukraine was an indispensable component of the national policy of the Bolsheviks of the RSFSR. The flirtation with the national liberation movements of the former peoples of the Russian Empire through the «right to self-determination» and the «right to national and cultural life» weakened with the stages of Bolshevism in Ukraine, and disappeared altogether with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime. Belief in the rapid and «triumphant» future victory of communism at the initial stage of Soviet rule in Ukraine deprived the Ukrainian Bolsheviks of the opportunity to determine the basic principles and provisions of national and cultural policy toward Ukraine’s ethnic minorities. Preserving the «independent» status of Soviet Ukraine during the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian SSR was nothing more than a tactical step in the process of «convergence» of national Soviet formations in the natural process of victory of communism.

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Konkin, A. A., e I. A. Tropov. "Press in System of Bolshevik Propaganda during the Civil War in the North-West of Russia in 1919". Nauchnyy Dialog, n. 4 (30 aprile 2020): 353–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-4-353-366.

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The issues related to determining the place of the regional Bolshevik press in the system of propaganda activities of the Bolsheviks during the Civil War in the North-West of Russia in 1919 are discussed in the article. The relevance of the study is due to the significant role of the media in the regulation of socio-political processes both in modern Russia and in its historical past. The novelty of the study is in the consideration of the Bolshevik periodicals as a purposefully used by the "red" tool in achieving victory in the military-political confrontation with the White Guards. A comparative analysis of the materials of Bolshevik publications published in 1919 in the North-West of Russia was carried out. It is concluded that the press occupied an important place in the Bolshevik propaganda system in the northwestern region. It was established that its keynote was the formation of a negative image of the enemy in contrast with the Bolsheviks and the Red Army. It is proved that in the local Bolshevik press the image of "Soviet power" as the only fair and the Red Army as a powerful and invincible force was consistently created. It is shown that the positions and slogans put forward in the Bolshevik press were called upon to provide massive support for the revolutionary forces in the region and the mobilization of forces to repulse the enemy.

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Brovkin, Vladimir. "Workers‘ Unrest and the Bolsheviks‘ Response in 1919". Slavic Review 49, n. 3 (1990): 350–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499983.

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At the end of 1917, the Bolsheviks appeared to enjoy considerable social support. They were perceived as the proponents of soviet power; support for the Bolshevik party meant support for soviet power. The majority of workers (especially those in large industrial centers) identified with the Bolsheviks because they promoted greater workers’ control at the workplace. The Bolsheviks were perceived as uncompromising defenders of workers’ interests. For the peasants, the Bolsheviks represented a party of black repartition, that is a party that encouraged peasant land seizures. For the soldiers, the Bolsheviks were a party that promised to stop the war. For the Kronstadt sailors, the Bolsheviks exemplified direct rule from below, the rule of Soviets. All of these diverse constituencies converged in their support for the Bolshevik party at the end of 1917, each for a different reason.

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Gregory, Paul R. "The Ultimate Bolshevik". Russian History 47, n. 4 (8 settembre 2021): 399–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340013.

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Abstract Ron Suny’s Stalin: Passage to Revolution traces Stalin from a young revolutionary in the Caucasus to his ascent to the top of the Bolshevik hierarchy. Discovered and promoted by Lenin, the young Stalin agitated among the workers of the giant factories in Baku, Tiflis, and Batumi as Russian socialists split between Menshevism’s social democracy and Bolshevism’s Marxist revolution. Between 1902 and 1917, Stalin was arrested or exiled six times, escaping five times. Rushing to Petrograd in the wake of the abdication and formation of the coalition government, Stalin managed the Bolshevik press and served as the main Bolshevik figure in Lenin’s absence. Although not among the most popular political parties, the Bolshevik’s “ground game” among workers and soldiers proved decisive once Lenin concluded to begin the Bolshevik coup.

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Наталія Василівна Рудницька. "PROPAGANDA AND AGITATION INFLUENCE ON THE SOVIETIZING PROCESS OF THE LIFE OF POLES AND JEWS IN THE VOLYN PROVINCE IN THE 20'S OF THE XXTH CENTURY". Intermarum history policy culture, n. 5 (1 gennaio 2018): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111820.

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The article examines the role of the Bolshevik propaganda and agitation in the period of the Soviet power formation, methods and forms of work with the population of polyethnic Ukraine and technologies of mass consciousness manipulation. It is emphasized that the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 activated the national and socio-political life of the Poles and Jews in Ukraine, in particular in the Volyn province. But the civil war and the Bolshevik aggression led to the destruction of Ukraine's independence, the Sovietization of all spheres of life, in particular Polish and Jewish communities, began. Communist ideology equated national movements with nationalism, fought against them with all possible means. It is noted that the confrontation between the communist party leadership and the Polish and Jewish population was inevitable because the Bolsheviks tried to monopolize and control the ideological, political, spiritual and economic life of national communities. Some Poles and Jews supported the Bolshevik slogans and the policy of the Soviet power, but many of them were not able to compromise and adapt to the needs of a rigid communist ideology.It is highlighted that propaganda was supposed to interpret the Bolshevik ideological slogans and ideas, and campaigning to adjust the masses to decisive action. The complexity of the Bolshevik propaganda and agitation among the Poles and Jews was in the diversity of the social structure. The Soviet atheistic ideology as one of the Bolshevik activities among the Polish and Jewish population of Volhynia considered anti-religious propaganda and agitation, since Judaism and the Catholic Church had authority and great influence on everyday and social life.In an effort to favor the Polish and Jewish masses, the Bolsheviks supported national cultures, created a new system of education, stopped Jewish pogroms, made Poles and Jews legally equal to all Ukrainian citizens. But gradually Bolshevik propaganda and agitation, using various forms and methods of influence on Poles and Jews, reached the goal set by the authorities, turned citizens of the polyethnic region into the Soviet people.

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Kotyukova, Tatiana. "The Russian Revolution in Turkestan Through the Eyes of an Eyewitness: “Red”-“White” Memoirs of Alexander Gzovsky". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n. 1 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018259-2.

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The memoirs of the publicist and writer Alexander Gzovsky, a participant in the revolutionary events in Turkestan, are centred around several dramatic events that took place in Central Asia in late 1917 and early 1918: the fall of tsarism and the coming to power of the Turkestan Committee of the Provisional Government, the defeat of the Turkestan Committee of the Provisional Government and the coming to power of the Bolsheviks, the proclamation of Turkestan (Kokand) autonomy and its liquidation by the Bolsheviks and, finally, the Bolshevik, the so-called Kolesov campaign in Bukhara in March 1918. The “Social Revolution in Turkestan (memoirs)”, written from Bolshevik positions and published on the territory of Soviet Belarus in 1919 and “Crescent and Red Star (Turkestan memoirs)”, written by A. Gzovsky from anti-Bolshevik positions after emigrating to Poland in 1922 in Polish. The source-research value of Gzovsky's writings lies in the fact that they contain diametrically opposite assessments of events, which provides a comprehensive view of the political situation in Turkestan and broadens the existing understanding in historical science of what happened there in 1917–1918, in particular: what were the political discourses of the Muslim organizations of Turkestan; what place Turkestan occupied in the discourses of all-Russian political parties; what was the “Turkestan agenda” in the All-Russian Muslim movement; can the “circuits of Kokand autonomy” be discovered before the creation of the Bolshevik government in Tashkent; what guided the Bolsheviks in Turkestan: class or national consciousness?

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Kovalova, Natalіja. "Seljanske pitannja v polіticі RKP(b) – KP(b)U 1918 – 1923 rr.: vitoki totalіtarizmu". Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe 2, n. 1 (2016): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pomi201603.

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The Peasant Question in Policy of RCP(b) – CP(b)U in 1918 – 1923: Sources of Totalitarianism. The article analyses attitude of Bolshevik congresses of RCP(b) and CP(b)U to agricultural question in 1918 – 1923. It marks out the main features of Bolshevik policy as for peasantry that caused forming of totalitarian regime: ignoring of the entire social class interests, absence of scientific explanation and party discussion of the ways as for solving agricultural question, declarative character of Bolshevik policy especially in Ukraine. RCP(b) did not develop their own program of solving peasant question when rising to power in 1917. RCP(b) could determine its position only at the beginning of 1919 and in 1923. Ukrainian Bolsheviks stayed between the necessity to implement principles of proletarian internationalism and the reaction of merely Ukrainian environment to it. The peculiarity of CP(b)U activity was in earlier appeal to peasant question in 1918, but Ukrainian Bolsheviks underestimated the potential of peasants movement. Alexander Shumskyi, Yakov Yakovlev, Volodymir Zatonskyi and Andrey Bubnov supported Ukrainian peculiarities in agricultural question.

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Krylova, Anna. "Beyond the Spontaneity-Consciousness Paradigm: “Class Instinct” as a Promising Category of Historical Analysis". Slavic Review 62, n. 1 (2003): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090463.

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Anna Krylova questions whether the spontaneity-consciousness paradigm, the standard interpretive approach toward Bolshevik thought in the field of Soviet studies, offers an exhaustive account of Bolshevik discourse. To do that she examines the centrality of V I. Lenin's What Is to Be Done? (1902) in Bolshevik thought and points to the 1905 revolution as the formative event in the Bolshevik conception of the worker. Krylova introduces an overlooked Bolshevik notion of “class instinct” (klassovyiinstinkt, klassovoe chut'ie) and argues that the notion of “class instinct” centrally informed the Bolshevik vision of the worker, structuring her article as a dialogue between scholars of Soviet history and their historical subjects. In the conclusion, she suggests the consequences that such a broadened notion of the Bolshevik conception of proletarian identity—beyond the spontaneity-consciousness paradigm—has for interpretations of Bolshevik and Stalinist culture. In “A Paradigm Lost?” his response to Krylova's essay, Reginald E. Zelnik welcomes Krylova's “class instinct” thesis as a fresh enrichment of and supplement to the spontaneity-consciousness paradigm, but, he argues, if we place this language in its early historical context, we cannot avoid the conclusion that with or without the introduction of “instinct,” Lenin and the Bolsheviks still had to face the same kind of contradictions in their conceptualization of the role of workers in the revolutionary movement. The revolutionary value of particular consciousness or particular instinct still had to be judged in accordance with an external point of reference, the nature of which remained and remains elusive. Igal Halfin, in his response, “Between Instinct and Mind: The Bolshevik View of the Proletarian Self,” argues that the Bolshevik notion of the self indeed deserves careful scrutiny. Focusing on how the official Soviet language characterized the interaction between workers’ bodies and workers’ souls, Halfin argues that the synthesis of the affective and the cerebral was key to this construction of the New Man in the 1920s and 1930s.

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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "Bolshevik"

Coombs, Nicholas W. "Lev Kamenev : a case study in 'Bolshevik Centrism'". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7154/.

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This dissertation challenges the view that Lev Kamenev lacked a clear socialist vision and had no discernible objectives. It contends that Kamenev had an ideological line and political goals shaped by Ferdinand Lassalle. Kamenev adopted Lassalle’s desire for a democratic socialist republic and his method to achieve end aims. Through dialogical discourse Kamenev aimed to gain allies by overcoming differences by focusing on points of agreement. This was his ‘Bolshevik Centrism’. Ideologically, Kamenev absorbed Lassalle’s concept of the ‘Fourth Estate’, which mandated proletarian culture first predominate in society before revolution could occur. This helps explain his opposition to revolution in 1905 and 1917, and sheds light on his assessment in the early 1920s that the Bolsheviks had not founded the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’, but the ‘dictatorship of the party’. In trying to overcome this reality he adapted Lassalle’s vision for an all-encompassing selfless state and endeavoured to merge the party, the state, and the masses into one. His aspiration to win over peasants and workers placed him in a centrist position, whereby he used his authority to challenge Trotsky and Bukharin’s leftist and rightist policies. However, under the one-party dictatorship his actions directly contributed to the rise of Stalin.

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Nilina, Nadya. "Bolshevik era, the extreme case of urban planning". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/37268.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture; and, (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2006.
Leaf 102 blank.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-101).
The key premise of the Russian revolutionary movement was the overthrow of the old government and establishment of the new political order under the one party leadership of the Bolsheviks. The political platform of the new government extended well beyond the promise of simple reforms. Its foundation was a vision of an entirely new society governed by a set of new economic mechanisms and social relations. The foundation of the new system rested on the complete socialization of all economic resources and means of production and the creation of the centralized planning system independent of the volatile dynamics of the free market. In this thesis I argue that in their role as the new government of Russia, Bolsheviks simultaneously acted as town planners and as social planners, envisioning the new society and its institutions in every detail and creating a new urban form-the socialist city, and the new citizen-the socialist man. To create this city the Bolsheviks designed a unique tool-they merged their legal right to make policy with their ability to use rhetoric in the form of widespread persuasion, propaganda, indoctrination and force. I define the socialist city as an urban settlement in which the primary from of human existence is the collective life.
(cont.) This city is designed in such a way as to make every space accessible to government control, by making it transparent to the collective which has assumed the censoring and policing functions of the government The space of the city is permeated by a network of institutions and agents making it an environment in which a person is constantly exposed to the mechanisms of control. During the first decade after the revolution the Bolsheviks created the forms of housing and the auxiliary institutions, such as the social club, the communal canteen etc, that became the building blocks of the socialist city. In this thesis I examine the social institutions created by the Bolsheviks between 1917 and 1932 with the goal of understanding of how their design defined the future development of the socialist city.
by Nadya Nilina.
M.C.P.
S.M.

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Young, James. "Bolshevik wives: a study of soviet elite society". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2694.

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This thesis explores the lives of key female members of the Bolshevik elite from the revolutionary movement’s beginnings to the time of Stalin’s death. Through analysing the attitudes and contributions of Bolshevik elite women – most particularly the wives of Lenin, Molotov, Voroshilov and Bukharin – it not only provides for a descriptive account of these individual lives, their changing attitudes and activities, but also a more broad-ranging, social handle on the evolution of elite society in the Soviet Union and the changing nature of the Bolshevik elite both physically and ideationally. Chapters one and two focus on the physical and ideological foundations of the Bolshevik marriage. Chapter one traces the ideological approach of the Bolsheviks towards marriage and the family, examining pre-revolutionary socialist positions in relation to women and the family and establishing a benchmark for how the Bolsheviks wished to approach the ‘woman question’. Chapter two examines the nature of the Bolshevik elite marriage from its inception to the coming of the revolution, dwelling particularly on the different pre-revolutionary experiences of Yekaterina Voroshilova and Nadezhda Krupskaya. Chapters three and four then analyse two key areas of wives’ everyday lives during the interwar years. Chapter three looks at the work that Bolshevik wives undertook and how the nature of their employment changed from the 1920s to the 1930s. Chapter four, through examining the writings of wives such as Voroshilova, Larina and Ordzhonikidze, focuses upon how wives viewed themselves, their responsibilities as members of the Bolshevik elite and the position of women in Soviet society. The final two chapters of this thesis explore the changing nature of elite society in this period and its relationship to Soviet society at large. Chapter five investigates the changing composition of the elite and the specific and general effects of the purges upon its nature. Directly, the chapter examines the lives of Zhemchuzhina, Larina and Pyatnitskaya as wives that were repressed during this period, while more broadly it considers the occupation of the House on the Embankment in the 1930s and the changing structure of Bolshevik elite society. Chapter six focuses on the evolution of Soviet society in the interwar period and how the experiences of Bolshevik elite wives differed from those of ‘mainstream’ Russian women. While previous studies of the Bolshevik elite have focussed upon men’s political lives and investigations of Soviet women’s policy and its shifts under Stalin have mainly concentrated upon describing changes in realist terms, this thesis demonstrates that not only is an evaluation of wives’ lives crucial to a fuller understanding of the Bolshevik elite, but that by comprehending the personal attitudes and values of members of the Bolshevik elite society, particularly with regards to women and the family, a more informed perspective on the reasons for changes in Soviet women’s policy during the interwar period may be arrived at.

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Young, James. "Bolshevik wives: a study of soviet elite society". University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2694.

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PhD
This thesis explores the lives of key female members of the Bolshevik elite from the revolutionary movement’s beginnings to the time of Stalin’s death. Through analysing the attitudes and contributions of Bolshevik elite women – most particularly the wives of Lenin, Molotov, Voroshilov and Bukharin – it not only provides for a descriptive account of these individual lives, their changing attitudes and activities, but also a more broad-ranging, social handle on the evolution of elite society in the Soviet Union and the changing nature of the Bolshevik elite both physically and ideationally. Chapters one and two focus on the physical and ideological foundations of the Bolshevik marriage. Chapter one traces the ideological approach of the Bolsheviks towards marriage and the family, examining pre-revolutionary socialist positions in relation to women and the family and establishing a benchmark for how the Bolsheviks wished to approach the ‘woman question’. Chapter two examines the nature of the Bolshevik elite marriage from its inception to the coming of the revolution, dwelling particularly on the different pre-revolutionary experiences of Yekaterina Voroshilova and Nadezhda Krupskaya. Chapters three and four then analyse two key areas of wives’ everyday lives during the interwar years. Chapter three looks at the work that Bolshevik wives undertook and how the nature of their employment changed from the 1920s to the 1930s. Chapter four, through examining the writings of wives such as Voroshilova, Larina and Ordzhonikidze, focuses upon how wives viewed themselves, their responsibilities as members of the Bolshevik elite and the position of women in Soviet society. The final two chapters of this thesis explore the changing nature of elite society in this period and its relationship to Soviet society at large. Chapter five investigates the changing composition of the elite and the specific and general effects of the purges upon its nature. Directly, the chapter examines the lives of Zhemchuzhina, Larina and Pyatnitskaya as wives that were repressed during this period, while more broadly it considers the occupation of the House on the Embankment in the 1930s and the changing structure of Bolshevik elite society. Chapter six focuses on the evolution of Soviet society in the interwar period and how the experiences of Bolshevik elite wives differed from those of ‘mainstream’ Russian women. While previous studies of the Bolshevik elite have focussed upon men’s political lives and investigations of Soviet women’s policy and its shifts under Stalin have mainly concentrated upon describing changes in realist terms, this thesis demonstrates that not only is an evaluation of wives’ lives crucial to a fuller understanding of the Bolshevik elite, but that by comprehending the personal attitudes and values of members of the Bolshevik elite society, particularly with regards to women and the family, a more informed perspective on the reasons for changes in Soviet women’s policy during the interwar period may be arrived at.

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Jebsen, Peter. "Bolshevik for Capitalism: Ayn Rand & Soviet Socialist Realism". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/134.

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Since the late 1950s, Russian-American novelist and philosopher Ayn Rand has been “the ultimate gateway drug to life on the right.” Her philosophy – “Objectivism” – combined militant atheism, libertarian natural rights, and a philosophical commitment to what she called “the virtue of selfishness,” and earned her the admiration of such luminaries as Alan Greenspan: a remarkable achievement for an immigrant woman who learned to speak English in her late 20s. What is less-often observed is that Rand’s work, especially her mature novels The Fountainhead (1943) and Atlas Shrugged (1957), bear a close stylistic resemblance to the Soviet Socialist Realist novel. This thesis identifies these similarities and attempts to answer the question of why a heavily Soviet-inflected writer was able to reach such cultural and political prominence in, of all places, America.

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Shepler, Ryan. "The Bolshevik campaign against religion in Soviet Russia 1917-1932 /". Connect to resource, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/32192.

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Takiguchi, Junya. "The Bolshevik Party Congress, 1903-1927 : orchestration, debate and experiences". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492835.

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The present thesis focuses on the Bolshevik Party congress, covering the period from its inception in 1903 to the beginning of the "Stalinist" Party congress in 1927. Within a quarter of a century, the Party congress which had started as an illegal and secret gathering with a small number of activists had evolved into a major "political spectacle".

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Somakian, Manoug Joseph. "Tsarist and Bolshevik policy towards the Armenian question, 1912-20". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508108.

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Using extensive primary sources, the thesis examines the direction, changes and ramifications of Tsarist-Bolshevik policy towards the Armenian question in the Ottoman Empire from 1912-20. As background to the main theme of the thesis, the 19th century emergence of the Armenian question is discussed in the introduction. It also examines the conflicting political aims of Britain and Russia towards Turkish Armenia in the course of the widespread Armenian massacres of 1894-96. Chapter two (1908-14) analyses the Young Turk ideology of 'Ottomanism' and the slogan of 'equality and brotherhood' within the faltering Ottoman Empire. It is argued that by using such methods, the Young Turk government tried to disguise its actual chauvinistic ideology in an attempt to fend off ethnic nationalist tendencies. The Armenian Reform question and the reasons for Russia's instigation of a Kurdish revolt are also discussed in detail. In chapter three (1914-16) there is a discussion about Russian strategic and military interests in eastern Turkey and the question of the acquisition of Constantinople and the Straits. The wholesale deportation and massacres of Ottoman Armenians by the Young Turk government is examined in depth. Russian political aims towards Turkish Armenia after the latter had been conquered by Russia during the course of the war are discussed. Chapter four examines pre-war Pan-Turanian ideology, its origins and impact on Turkish policy. The intense literary and political propaganda for the unification of all the Turkic people in a single Turanian Empire guided by the Young Turk government receives special attention. The favourable response of the Ottoman War Council towards this union; the military operations to fulfil the objective following the Bolshevik revolution of 1917; and the attempts of the Western powers to use Armenia as a means to forestall this union, are fully discussed. The last chapter (1917-20) analyses Russian Provisional Government and then Soviet Government policy towards the Ottoman Empire and the Armenian question. The leading political events in Transcaucasia from the Russian revolution to the sovietisation of the Republic of Armenia, in November 1920, are analysed in some depth. The collaboration between Soviet Russia and Kemalist Turkey against the Republic of Armenia sheds considerable light on Armenian history.

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Multanen, Elina Hannele. "British policy towards Russian refugees in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10033931/.

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This thesis examines British government policy towards Russian refugees in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Civil War in Russia. As a consequence of these two events, approximately one million Russians opposing the Bolshevik rule escaped from Russia. The Russian refugee problem was one of the major political and humanitarian problems of inter-war Europe, affecting both individual countries of refuge, as well as the international community as a whole. The League of Nations had been formed in 1919 in order to promote international peace and security. The huge numbers of refugees from the former Russian Empire, on the other hand, were seen as a threat to the international stability. Consequently, the member states of the League for the first time recognised the need for international co-operative efforts to assist refugees, and the post of High Commissioner for Russian Refugees was established under the auspices of the League. Significantly, this action marked the beginning of the international refugee regime; the active co-operation of states in the field of refugee assistance. European countries, in addition to international co-operative efforts on behalf of Russian refugees, also took individual actions for their assistance by offering them asylum in their countries. However, there were big differences in the policies of various European countries. Britain had long enjoyed a reputation of being a country of liberal refuge, where political refugees and immigrants could find asylum. This liberalism, however, started to be undermined at the beginning of the 20th century, particularly since the First World War. Although a principle that political refugees should be considered separately remained, my thesis will argue that this rule was not followed in the case of Russian refugees. From the very beginning the British government took a rigid attitude against the admission of Russian refugees to Britain, and strict provisions were set for the entry of individual refugees. Because of this, the number of Russian refugees in Britain was much smaller than in many other European countries, for example France or Germany. The policy of the British government towards Russian refugees thus offers a good example of the general decline of liberalism in Britain.

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Curran, Matthew David. "Lenin, Trotsky and the evolution of the Bolshevik State, 1917-1924 /". Title page, table of contents and introduction only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc9761.pdf.

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Libri sul tema "Bolshevik"

Clements, Barbara Evans. Bolshevik women. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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The Bolshevik Revolution. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 2009.

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Stephen, White. The Bolshevik poster. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.

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The Bolshevik revolution. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning, 2014.

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The Bolshevik Revolution. Edina, Minn: ABDO Pub., 2009.

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Simkin, John. The Bolshevik government. Brighton: Spartacus, 1986.

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Bolshevik festivals, 1917-1920. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.

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Shaw, Bernard. Annajanska, the Bolshevik empress. Studio City, CA: Players Press, 2002.

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The Bolshevik Revolution, 1917-1923. New York: W.W. Norton, 1985.

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Carleton, Gregory. Sexual revolution in Bolshevik Russia. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2004.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Bolshevik"

Yasnitsky, Anton. "Bolshevik". In Vygotsky, 17–30. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315751504-2.

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Read, Christopher. "Bolshevik Dreams". In The Making and Breaking of the Soviet System, 3–20. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-62918-9_1.

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Tompson, William J. "The Donbass Bolshevik". In Khrushchev: A Political Life, 1–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23789-0_1.

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Bennett, G. H. "The Bolshevik Empire". In British Foreign Policy during the Curzon Period, 1919–24, 60–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377356_4.

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Randall, Amy E. "“Revolutionary Bolshevik Work”". In The Soviet Dream World of Retail Trade and Consumption in the 1930s, 89–111. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230584327_5.

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Tompson, William J. "The Donbass Bolshevik". In Khrushchev, 1–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25608-2_1.

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Abazov, Rafis. "The Bolshevik Revolution". In The Palgrave Concise Historical Atlas of Central Asia, 76–77. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610903_34.

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Studer, Brigitte. "The Bolshevik Model". In The Transnational World of the Cominternians, 22–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137510297_2.

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Fakih, Farabi. "The Bolshevik infection". In The Russian Revolution in Asia, 91–107. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429352195-8.

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Jowitt, Ken. "Gorbachev: Bolshevik or Menshevik?" In Developments in Soviet Politics, 270–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20819-7_15.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Bolshevik"

Nadtoka, O. M. "WOJNA UKRAIŃSKO-POLSKO-ROSYJSKA 1920 ROKU W INTERPRETACJI JEJ UCZESTNIKÓW ORAZ POLSKI KIERUNEK PROPAGANDY BOLSZEWICKIEJ (NA PRZYKŁADZIE BOLSZEWICKICH ULOTEK KWIETNIA – WRZEŚNIA 1920)". In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7248.

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In this publication the author analyzes the interpretations of the events of the Ukrainian- Polish-Russian war in 1920 by its participants. The Polish direction of Russian-Bolshevik propaganda in this war is also being explored. Sources of the study – a collection of Ukrainian agitation editions and Russian-Bolshevik leaflets published in Polish. These editions are stored in the Vernadsky National Libraryʼs Department of Old Books (Viddil starodrukiv Nacionalnoji biblioteky imeni V. Vernadsʼkoho). The Bolshevik propaganda involved the creation of a new social consciousness in which the world of good and evil changed places, and the policy of Russian-Bolshevik expansion was presented as the liberation of peoples. The propaganda methods used by Soviet Russia involved the manipulation of consciousness not only through the traditional means of misinformation, inciting controversy, destroying the enemy's reputation, but also special techniques, which are defined as the methods of the overturned pyramid, absolute clarity, and the formation of controlled cognitive choice. Keywords: Ukrainian-Polish-Russian war, UNR Army, Polish Commonwealth Army, Red Army, Russian-Bolshevik propaganda, propaganda methods, manipulation of consciousness.

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Konev, Kirill. "Constructing the Image of the Entente and the United States in the Bolshevik and Anti-Bolshevik Periodicals (1918–1920): A Comparative Analysis". In Communication and Cultural Studies: History and Modernity. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1280-2-82-88.

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Gurskiy, M. M. "Changing social and political life in USSR during 1945–1956 and local newspaper (based on local newspaper «Bolshevik», Rezh town)". In VIII Information school of a young scientist. Central Scientific Library of the Urals Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32460/ishmu-2020-8-0030.

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The paper presents the results of study how changing the social and political life in the USSR (taking place duringseptember 1945 until the 20th Congress of the CPSU) were reflected in the local newspaper “Bolshevik”, Rezh town, Sverdlovsk region.

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Turpalov, Lema Abdollayevich. "Journalism In Context Of Bolshevik Policy Of Autonomization Of The North Caucasus". In International Scientific Congress «KNOWLEDGE, MAN AND CIVILIZATION». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.05.347.

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Shalak, Alexander. "Kolchak and «The Allies» in Siberia: the Evaluation by Anti-Bolshevik Politicians". In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.07.

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In his article, the author considers the works by the famous political opponents of Bolsheviks: N.D. Avksentiev, V.P. Zenzinov, K. Goppers, A. Budberg, K.V. Sakharov, G.K. Guins and D.F. Rakov, in which the activities of A. Kolchak and his government are evaluated. Their evaluation concerns such aspects as the interrelations between Kolchak and the representatives of the «Allies» army, the reaction to the coup and proclaiming him Supreme Governor of Russia, evaluation of his real possibilities and abilities and also of the internal political situation in Siberia and Far East. According to the author, this evaluation does not contradict the conclusions of Soviet historiography. Taking into account the attempts made to re-examine the image of A. Kolchak consolidated in historiography, the author suggests one should evaluate his activities from the perspective of the historicalgeopolitical approach rather than from the perspective of the class theory. Taking into consideration the role of foreign states in his political biography, his choice during the years of the Civil War was not between the Red and the White but between Russia and foreign intervention. The proposed approach allows us to consider the political activities of A. Kolchak in a broader context and to make judgment about him from the geopolitical perspective rather than from the perspective of the class theory. In this case, the criterion for evaluation of the activities of the politician are his actions aimed at the defense of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the state.

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Posadskov, A. L. "Anti-Bolshevik satirical press in the eastern regions of Russia (November 1917 - November 1918)". In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-344-355.

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Filev, M. "Rural everyday life on the pages of the newspaper «Kolkhoznaya Pravda» (1950–1961): the experience of content analysis". In Historical research in the context of data science: Information resources, analytical methods and digital technologies. LLC MAKS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m1802.978-5-317-06529-4/146-153.

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The article examines the publications of the local newspaper "Kolkhoznaya Pravda" as part of a microhistorical study of the kolkhoz "Bolshevik" in the Kaliningrad region. The aim of the content analysis was to identify the content of newspaper articles, the main priorities and the degree of adequacy of the reflection of rural reality in comparison with other sources. The author concludes that the life of collective farmers presented on the pages of the newspaper had little in common with reality.

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Kuras, Leonid, Norovsambuu Khishigt e Bazar Tsybenov. "From «Revolution in Kolchakia» to the Mongolian Revolution, 1921". In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.42.

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In the frame of transnational history the article examines the connection between the Russian revolution, 1917 with Civil war in Siberia and the Mongolian revolution, 1921. Along with it, the article reveals cooperation of Bolshevik party, Comintern and leaders of Buryat national movement with Mongolian leaders of national liberation movement for introduction of revolutionary ideas in Mongolia. The special attention is given to the ideologists and leaders of the Mongolian revolution, and Mongolian-Tibetan department in the section of Asian peoples.

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Sheremeteva, Daria L. "Anti-Bolshevik Periodicals in the East of Russia as a Scientific Problem: History and Research Perspectives". In The Civil War in Russia: Exit Problems, Historical Consequences, Lessons for Modernity. Novosibirsk: Parallel, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-98901-255-8-85-102.

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Bolshevik"

Walker, Lisa. Anti-Bolshevism and the Advent of Mussolini and Hitler: Anglo-American Diplomatic Perceptions, 1922-1933. Portland State University Library, gennaio 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6513.

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Zhytaryuk, Marian. Ukraine in the international press in 1930 (on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, febbraio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11413.

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In the article of Professor Maryan Zhytaryuk, it is implemented the systematization of publications in the international press of 1930 about Ukraine on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo». Important political issues, in particular: Bolshevism in Soviet Ukraine, the massacre of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine), the interpretation of the «Ukrainian political problem» in European countries were singled out and generalized. The topicality of the article subject follows from the need to supplement the materials on the study of the «Ukrainian question», from the understanding that the interwar period, mainly in the 30s of the twentieth century, is a concentrated historical and political period, that is represented on newspaper and magazine columns. During the decade (30s of the twentieth century) – there were thousands of them. For example, in the newspaper «Dilo» only in the first three months of 1930 we can find more than 100 publications on international subjects. Therefore, the author narrowed the research materials to translated materials in the genres of press round-up, review, digest of publications in the foreign press. The purpose of the article is to focus on Ukrainian issues in the international press based on translations and comments on foreign publications in the newspaper «Dilo» in 1930. The task of the publication is to comprehend the identified texts in the context of geopolitical construction on the eve of World War II; to supplement the history of Ukrainian and foreign journalism and its source base. In the article the author uses the method of scientific study of primary sources found in the special funds of the Scientific Library of LNU. I. Franko, in particular, the bundles of the newspaper «Dilo» for 1930. 252 publications were processed, some of which - in several submissions. Based on scientific summarizing, 15 publications on political issues with the keyword «Ukraine» were selected on the basis of translated sources from foreign media (scientific research method). Actually with the purpose of understanding the raised issues (conceptual analysis) and of preparing some certain conclusions and generalizations (methods of synthesis, induction and deduction) the problem-thematic analysis was used.

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