Articoli di riviste sul tema "Billboard and Roadside Committee"

Development of digital media screen technologies cause urban area changes as communication medium by application of media façade which utilizes LED billboard mounting on buildings facade. But, several studies pointed out that LED billboards have several negative impact which come from flashy luminance and exaggerated contrast. It can distract people which can potentially leads into accidents. Accordingly, some researches have already addressed lighting assessment on LED billboard, but it more to focus on luminance evaluation and recommendation within predominant case study on roadside context with simple characteristic on surroundings lighting properties. Hence, this study aims to focus on parameters interconnection in brightly lit urban area context. The findings result the preliminary classification, relation, and role of parameters which essential on LED billboards assessment specifically on complex urban area.

Architects should learn to communicate more through their architecture. The commercial vernacular architecture of the American ‘strip’ – motels, gas stations, fast food outlets – communicates loud and clear. In comparison, high architecture, particularly the high architecture of Modernism, is sullen and silent. This, roughly, is the thesis of Learning from Las Vegas by Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown and Stephen Izenour (1972 and 1977), one of the key texts of the Post-Modernist movement in architectural theory of the early 1970s. Venturi et al thought architects could learn a lot about symbolism and communication from the sort of non-judgmental study of roadside architecture that their students had undertaken at Yale. In the second half of the book the idea was developed into a theory and encapsulated into a universal building concept, ‘the decorated shed’, which has since become a cliché of architectural criticism. The decorated shed was designed to overthrow the most cherished beliefs and rituals of Modernism. Expression through form was to be replaced by the ‘persuasive heraldry’ of the totem and the billboard; articulation of detail was to be replaced by old-fashioned applied ornament; and the ‘heroic and original’ was to be replaced by the ‘ugly and ordinary’. But the emphasis was on the decoration rather than the shed. Learning from Las Vegas did not have much to say about the way that the sheds of the commercial strip were constructed, other than describing them vaguely as ‘system built’, or about the implications that the technology of their construction might have for architectural practice.

For the past few years, police officers from the City of Saguenay have been installing a billboard combined with a damaged car along roadsides to make drivers aware of the road risks related to dangerous behaviors at the wheel. To assess the short-term effect of this device, evaluative research with a quasi-experimental design with pre-exposure, during, and post-exposure. The results show a significant decrease (p < 0.001) of 0.637 km/h for the first site (a 70 km/h zone) and 0.269 km/h for the second site (a 50 km/h zone) when the device is exposed. At the time of this last evaluation, a reduction of 1.255 km/h remained even after the advertising panel was removed. Although minimal, this speed reduction where the billboards are placed shows the police that this awareness-raising approach works since it reduces the speed of motorists at very low cost.

The number of traffic accidents because of distracted driving is increasing rapidly worldwide. Hence, the main objective of the present study is to review the effects of different distracting factors on driving performance indicators. Distracting factors considered in this study are roadside advertisements (billboards), mobile use, in-built vehicle systems, and sleepiness; and driving performance indicators are lane deviation, reaction time, and speed variation. Studies from existing literature reveal that all the distracting factors distract drivers from forwarding roadways in many ways. The location and content displayed on the billboard and the use of mobile phones increase reaction time. However, the former decreases the driver’s ability to control the vehicle, and the latter increases the speed variation and reduces lane-keeping capacity. Lateral vehicle control and reaction time are compromised when drivers engage in searching for songs or videos on music players. When sleepiness occurs, drivers exhibit a higher standard deviation of speed and a decreased headway distance. Nevertheless, most of the studies in this area are carried out in developed countries like the USA and European countries. Therefore, a detailed study and further research in developing countries like India, where activities like installing billboards and mobile phone use are increasing day by day due to the rapid urbanization of major cities in the country, are quite essential. Doi: 10.28991/CEJ-2022-08-02-014 Full Text: PDF

Abstract Scholars have paid a great deal of attention to the Sharecroppers’ Roadside Demonstration by evicted farmworkers, who camped out along rural highways in Missouri’s southeastern Bootheel in January 1939. This article differs from previous works by focusing on Fannie Cook and Marcus "Al" Murphy and their interactions with the sharecroppers. Cook, an affluent Jewish woman, and Murphy, an African-American member of the Communist Party, both participated in the St. Louis Committee for the Rehabilitation of the Sharecroppers. After state officials removed the demonstrators from the highways, Cook traveled to the Bootheel to observe conditions there and wrote a novel about what she saw. She also helped support the Sharecroppers’ Camp, or Cropperville, a privately funded refuge for displaced farmworkers. Murphy came to St. Louis in the mid-1930s to teach farmworkers how to organize. When the demonstrators went out onto the roadsides, he worked with labor organizations to collect and deliver supplies. Ultimately, the connections between these urban supporters and rural protesters were personal, not ideological, reminding us that history is not about abstractions, but people.

In 2017 the majority of internet users are 19-34 years old or 49.52% (APJI, 2017). Almost half of the internet users in Indonesia are digital natives who were born after 1980: Generation Y (1980-1995) and Generation Z (1996-2009). This research will be focused on Generation Z as the true generation of the internet. Generation Z was born when the internet is available, a contrast to Generation Y who is still experiencing the transition of the internet. The purpose of this research is to find an effective way of providing information about media literacy to Generation Z. Through descriptive qualitative, the study was conducted with in-depth interview and observation toward 12 university students in Jakarta. The results showed that there are four effective ways of providing information about media literacy which is i) videos distributed to social media such as Youtube and Instagram, ii) interesting memes in communicative style, iii) through selebgram or micro-celebrity in Instagram who is consider as a role model and have a positive image, and iv) roadside billboards. Another interesting finding is that male informants tend to like media literacy information through videos and memes, while female informants prefer campaigns conducted by positive image selebgram and billboard. AbstrakPada tahun 2017 pengguna internet di Indonesia mayoritas berusia 19-34 tahun yaitu sebanyak 49,52% (APJI, 2017). Dari data tersebut terlihat bahwa hampir sebagian pengguna internet di Indonesia adalah digital natives atau penutur asli teknologi digital yaitu orang-orang yang lahir setelah tahun 1980: Generasi Y (1980-1995) dan Generasi Z (1996-2009). Penelitian ini akan difokuskan kepada Generasi Z karena mereka dianggap sebagai sebenar-benarnya generasi internet. Generasi Z lahir saat teknologi tersebut sudah tersedia, berbeda dengan Generasi Y yang masih mengalami transisi teknologi hingga menuju internet. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mencari tahu cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi kepada generasi Z. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan observasi dan wawancara mendalam. Informan berjumlah 12 orang mahasiswa di Jakarta. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada empat cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi yaitu i) video yang disebarkan ke media sosial seperti Youtube dan Instagram, ii) meme menarik dengan bahasa yang mudah dimengerti, iii) melalui selebgram yang menjadi panutan dan berimage positif, dan iv) papan iklan di pinggir jalan. Temuan menarik lainnya adalah informan laki-laki cenderung menyukai informasi media literasi melalui video dan meme yang disebarkan ke media sosial, sementara perempuan lebih menyukai kampanye yang dilakukan oleh selebgram berimage positif dan papan iklan.

In 2017 the majority of internet users are 19-34 years old or 49.52% (APJI, 2017). Almost half of the internet users in Indonesia are digital natives who were born after 1980: Generation Y (1980-1995) and Generation Z (1996-2009). This research will be focused on Generation Z as the true generation of the internet. Generation Z was born when the internet is available, a contrast to Generation Y who is still experiencing the transition of the internet. The purpose of this research is to find an effective way of providing information about media literacy to Generation Z. Through descriptive qualitative, the study was conducted with in-depth interview and observation toward 12 university students in Jakarta. The results showed that there are four effective ways of providing information about media literacy which is i) videos distributed to social media such as Youtube and Instagram, ii) interesting memes in communicative style, iii) through selebgram or micro-celebrity in Instagram who is consider as a role model and have a positive image, and iv) roadside billboards. Another interesting finding is that male informants tend to like media literacy information through videos and memes, while female informants prefer campaigns conducted by positive image selebgram and billboard. AbstrakPada tahun 2017 pengguna internet di Indonesia mayoritas berusia 19-34 tahun yaitu sebanyak 49,52% (APJI, 2017). Dari data tersebut terlihat bahwa hampir sebagian pengguna internet di Indonesia adalah digital natives atau penutur asli teknologi digital yaitu orang-orang yang lahir setelah tahun 1980: Generasi Y (1980-1995) dan Generasi Z (1996-2009). Penelitian ini akan difokuskan kepada Generasi Z karena mereka dianggap sebagai sebenar-benarnya generasi internet. Generasi Z lahir saat teknologi tersebut sudah tersedia, berbeda dengan Generasi Y yang masih mengalami transisi teknologi hingga menuju internet. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mencari tahu cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi kepada generasi Z. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan observasi dan wawancara mendalam. Informan berjumlah 12 orang mahasiswa di Jakarta. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada empat cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi yaitu i) video yang disebarkan ke media sosial seperti Youtube dan Instagram, ii) meme menarik dengan bahasa yang mudah dimengerti, iii) melalui selebgram yang menjadi panutan dan berimage positif, dan iv) papan iklan di pinggir jalan. Temuan menarik lainnya adalah informan laki-laki cenderung menyukai informasi media literasi melalui video dan meme yang disebarkan ke media sosial, sementara perempuan lebih menyukai kampanye yang dilakukan oleh selebgram berimage positif dan papan iklan.

In 2017 the majority of internet users are 19-34 years old or 49.52% (APJI, 2017). Almost half of the internet users in Indonesia are digital natives who were born after 1980: Generation Y (1980-1995) and Generation Z (1996-2009). This research will be focused on Generation Z as the true generation of the internet. Generation Z was born when the internet is available, a contrast to Generation Y who is still experiencing the transition of the internet. The purpose of this research is to find an effective way of providing information about media literacy to Generation Z. Through descriptive qualitative, the study was conducted with in-depth interview and observation toward 12 university students in Jakarta. The results showed that there are four effective ways of providing information about media literacy which is i) videos distributed to social media such as Youtube and Instagram, ii) interesting memes in communicative style, iii) through selebgram or micro-celebrity in Instagram who is consider as a role model and have a positive image, and iv) roadside billboards. Another interesting finding is that male informants tend to like media literacy information through videos and memes, while female informants prefer campaigns conducted by positive image selebgram and billboard. AbstrakPada tahun 2017 pengguna internet di Indonesia mayoritas berusia 19-34 tahun yaitu sebanyak 49,52% (APJI, 2017). Dari data tersebut terlihat bahwa hampir sebagian pengguna internet di Indonesia adalah digital natives atau penutur asli teknologi digital yaitu orang-orang yang lahir setelah tahun 1980: Generasi Y (1980-1995) dan Generasi Z (1996-2009). Penelitian ini akan difokuskan kepada Generasi Z karena mereka dianggap sebagai sebenar-benarnya generasi internet. Generasi Z lahir saat teknologi tersebut sudah tersedia, berbeda dengan Generasi Y yang masih mengalami transisi teknologi hingga menuju internet. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mencari tahu cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi kepada generasi Z. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan observasi dan wawancara mendalam. Informan berjumlah 12 orang mahasiswa di Jakarta. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada empat cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi yaitu i) video yang disebarkan ke media sosial seperti Youtube dan Instagram, ii) meme menarik dengan bahasa yang mudah dimengerti, iii) melalui selebgram yang menjadi panutan dan berimage positif, dan iv) papan iklan di pinggir jalan. Temuan menarik lainnya adalah informan laki-laki cenderung menyukai informasi media literasi melalui video dan meme yang disebarkan ke media sosial, sementara perempuan lebih menyukai kampanye yang dilakukan oleh selebgram berimage positif dan papan iklan.

In 2017 the majority of internet users are 19-34 years old or 49.52% (APJI, 2017). Almost half of the internet users in Indonesia are digital natives who were born after 1980: Generation Y (1980-1995) and Generation Z (1996-2009). This research will be focused on Generation Z as the true generation of the internet. Generation Z was born when the internet is available, a contrast to Generation Y who is still experiencing the transition of the internet. The purpose of this research is to find an effective way of providing information about media literacy to Generation Z. Through descriptive qualitative, the study was conducted with in-depth interview and observation toward 12 university students in Jakarta. The results showed that there are four effective ways of providing information about media literacy which is i) videos distributed to social media such as Youtube and Instagram, ii) interesting memes in communicative style, iii) through selebgram or micro-celebrity in Instagram who is consider as a role model and have a positive image, and iv) roadside billboards. Another interesting finding is that male informants tend to like media literacy information through videos and memes, while female informants prefer campaigns conducted by positive image selebgram and billboard. AbstrakPada tahun 2017 pengguna internet di Indonesia mayoritas berusia 19-34 tahun yaitu sebanyak 49,52% (APJI, 2017). Dari data tersebut terlihat bahwa hampir sebagian pengguna internet di Indonesia adalah digital natives atau penutur asli teknologi digital yaitu orang-orang yang lahir setelah tahun 1980: Generasi Y (1980-1995) dan Generasi Z (1996-2009). Penelitian ini akan difokuskan kepada Generasi Z karena mereka dianggap sebagai sebenar-benarnya generasi internet. Generasi Z lahir saat teknologi tersebut sudah tersedia, berbeda dengan Generasi Y yang masih mengalami transisi teknologi hingga menuju internet. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mencari tahu cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi kepada generasi Z. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan observasi dan wawancara mendalam. Informan berjumlah 12 orang mahasiswa di Jakarta. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada empat cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi yaitu i) video yang disebarkan ke media sosial seperti Youtube dan Instagram, ii) meme menarik dengan bahasa yang mudah dimengerti, iii) melalui selebgram yang menjadi panutan dan berimage positif, dan iv) papan iklan di pinggir jalan. Temuan menarik lainnya adalah informan laki-laki cenderung menyukai informasi media literasi melalui video dan meme yang disebarkan ke media sosial, sementara perempuan lebih menyukai kampanye yang dilakukan oleh selebgram berimage positif dan papan iklan.

Purpose: This research aims to examine the communication management strategies employed to promote tourism in Chachoengsao Province from 2567 to 2570 and to elucidate the future perspectives of communication management within the framework of the theory of global unity, encompassing the concept of "one species, one society, one culture, one language, and one religion". Theoretical Framework: This study employs communication theory, theory of management, particularly the POSDCoRB theory, providing a comprehensive framework for contemporary management. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research employs a mixed methods design, combining qualitative insights from focus group discussions with expert opinions gathered through the Delphi Technique. The study focuses on tourism communication management in Chachoengsao Province, utilizing a sample of 91 participants for focus group discussions and engaging 14 experienced professionals in tourism and communication management for the Delphi Technique. The research employs a variety of data collection tools, including interviews, open-ended questionnaires, and closed-ended questionnaires, and utilizes content analysis, median values, and interquartile range calculations for data analysis. Finding: The study findings reveal that 1) Chachoengsao Province boasts a variety of tourist attractions spread across its 11 districts 2) Tourism promotion through integrated advertising and public relations communication management involves various channels, including: (1) Online Channel which are communication initiated by tourists, influencers, and relevant organizations through platforms such as websites, Facebook, and Instagram. (2) Offline channels encompass a variety of traditional methods for promoting tourism, including vinyl banners, billboard advertising, mobile advertising, roadside banners, word-of-mouth, and cultural and traditional heritage events and activities. Research Practical and Social Implication: In the future, tourism communication management in Chachoengsao Province should strategically embrace modern and expansive approaches. This includes implementing contemporary and wide-reaching tourism communication methods, such as: Organizing Online Events, Metaverse Technology, Artificial Intelligence (AI), Virtual Reality (VR) and Augmented Reality (AR) Technologies, Web 3.0 Technology, Customer 360º Technology, Internet of Things (IoT), 3D Printing and Blockchain Technology 3) Experts have the following consensus opinions as in projecting the future vision of tourism communication management in Chachoengsao Province (2024-2027), it is envisioned to be carried out through the concept of oneness, encompassing physical oneness, biological oneness, psychological oneness, and sociological oneness. This will leverage the province's potential across various aspects, including infrastructure, transportation, cultural heritage related to tourism, economic positioning, livability, and the residents' love for their province Originality/Value: In this process, the planning stage is crucial, requiring clarity and precision. Additionally, effective tourism communication management in Chachoengsao Province will rely on an understanding of political strategies, laws, regulations, and alignment with the opinions of the local population. Two-way communication channels, especially online platforms such as websites, social media (Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, LINE OA, TikTok, Pantip, LinkedIn, YouTube), and advanced technologies including AI, touchless payment systems, and smart tourism concepts.

Abstract Acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL) is the most prevalent childhood cancer and despite improved survival rates, relapsed ALL is still among the most common causes of cancer death in children. Although changes in the expression of specific genes have been linked to chemotherapeutic resistance, relatively little is understood of the pharmacogenomic impact of the noncoding, cis-regulatory landscape governing gene regulation. Glucocorticoids (GCs; i.e. steroids) are a mainstay of contemporary, multi-drug chemotherapy in ALL, and GC resistance is predictive of both relapse and poor clinical outcome in ALL. Because GCs function through activation of glucocorticoid receptor (GR), a nuclear receptor transcription factor that interacts directly with cis-regulatory elements, unveiling the glucocorticoid gene regulatory network (GC-GRN) in leukemia cells is crucial to understanding not only the biological mechanism of apoptosis, but also illuminating gene regulatory mechanisms contributing to GC resistance. To test the hypothesis that alterations to the GC-GRN are important contributors to steroid resistance in ALL, we comprehensively mapped cellular responses to GCs in human ALL cell lines using &gt;100 independent functional genomic datasets. This comprehensive approach uncovered thousands of genes and cis-regulatory elements that were responsive to GCs, and further identified &gt;38,000 high-confidence glucocorticoid response elements (GREs) in the ALL genome. A closer examination of these data revealed GR binding profiles that were consistent with the long-range flexible billboard model of gene regulation. By further integrating our results with genetic and epigenetic data in primary ALL cells from patients enrolled on St. Jude clinical trials, we identified 45 DNA sequence variants associated with ex vivo GC resistance that map to GREs and functionally validated an associated variant within the TLE1 gene locus. We also uncovered 1929 accessible chromatin sites (FDR&lt;0.1) in primary ALL cells that were associated with ex vivo GC resistance, and these GC-resistance accessible chromatin sites were highly enriched at GREs determined from ALL cell lines (p&lt;2.2x10 -16). High-throughput pharmacogenomic CRISPRi screening in human ALL cell lines with a library of &gt;10,000 sgRNAs targeting &gt;1000 GR binding events at putative GC-resistance accessible chromatin sites identified a subset of GR binding sites implicated in GC resistance. Overall, these data indicate that GCs initiate pervasive, genome-wide effects on the leukemia epigenome and transcriptome, and that genetic and epigenetic alterations to GREs are mechanisms contributing to GC resistance in childhood ALL. Disclosures Pui: Adaptive Biotechnologies: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Novartis: Other: Data Monitoring Committee. Evans: Princess Máxima Center for Pediatric Oncology, Scientific Advisory Board, Chair: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BioSkryb, Inc.: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; St. Jude Children's Research Hospital, Emeritus Member (began Jan 2021): Ended employment in the past 24 months.

Waste management is one of the major problems around the world. Governments and global organizations are starting to pay attention to the amount of waste left behind. Thai government drafted the National policies of waste management to manage waste in sustainable ways. Keudchang Sub-district confronts waste management problems due to the increase in the amount of waste, insufficient area for disposal, roadside and riverside litters, an illegal dump of rubbish in forests, and air pollution from waste incineration. The purposes of this research were to study the amount of waste and waste composition in 8 villages of Keudchang Community (KC), and develop appropriate guidelines of waste management. This participatory research collects data from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data sources include interviews and set up a public hearing stage with stakeholders in KC. Secondary data include a documentary of community context, meeting minutes, and other related documents. Qualitative data were analyzed with the content analysis method. The results showed that the KC produce an average of waste to 4,062.02 kg/day. These wastes could be classified into 4 types including organic waste (45.83%), recycle waste (28.01%), general waste (15.55%), and hazardous waste (10.60%) respectively. An individual person at KC produces an average of waste at 0.98 kg/day. Additionally, the results from conducting a public hearing stage of 8 villages revealed community awareness and solutions for waste management. All people in KC need to sort their wastes properly before disposal in 4 ways. First, organic waste. Each household needs to dig a hole and dump the organic wastes into it. The organic wastes should be managed and separated from other wastes. Second, recycle waste. Various approaches to recycle waste include waste credit bank (WCB), waste volunteer, monthly fee, and self-management. The WCB would be a hub for the communities to make profits and reduce landfill wastes. A waste volunteer would be a volunteer person who buys community wastes and sell them to outsiders. The monthly fee would be an approach where each household pays 70 baht/month to a garbage collector. Self-management would be another approach where households sort out, eliminate, sell, and manage wastes by themselves. Third, general waste. General waste could be divided into 2 groups as profitable waste and community dumping ground. Profitable waste could be sold to WCB or waste stores by each household. Community dumping ground would be an area allocated to all households for waste disposal. All households would not allow to throw garbage or wastes into other areas, but community dumping ground. Finally, hazardous waste. Hazardous waste would need to dispose of carefully in the trash can located at the office of the village headman. The findings from this study suggested setting up a waste management committee (WMC), as well as defining their roles and responsibilities. Local administrative organizations and community leaders also need to support, supervise, and control community waste management for resource-efficient and sustainable societies

Background: Postmortem interval estimation is an important tool in forensic medicine. Estimating time since death is extremely important in cases where there is doubt about the period of death. After death, many changes occur in a regular sequence and can be used to arrive at an approximate time since death. When a post-mortem is conducted, doctor conducting the post-mortem examination has to give his opinion about post-mortem interval i.e. the probable time that elapsed between death and post-mortem examination even in cases of decomposed dead bodies. While giving this opinion, we always think we should have some other dependable methods to be more accurate in answering this question. Algor mortis, Rigor mortis, and Livor mortis have been the basis for ascertaining the post-mortem interval collectively. Among them, Rigor Mortis is an important indicator of post-mortem interval. Although it is a dependable tool for estimating post-mortem interval, it is influenced by many endogenous and exogenous factors like nature of death, nature of the body, temperature, humidity etc. Time of death is almost always asked by investigating authorities to connect the crime with criminals. Determining the death time has always been a topic of keen interest amongst forensic pathologists from its inception to date. Many workers in forensic medicine have tried to investigate to determine the time of death based on post mortem findings. To date, it is still an important and fascinating criterion to ascertain the time since death. With this study, we aimed to demonstrate the intricacies of Rigor Mortis with fluctuating temperature and humidity of the local region. We planned to estimate and compare the post-mortem interval based on Rigor Mortis in different body muscles. Materials and Methods: This study was conducted in the Department of Forensic Medicine and Toxicology at G.G.S. Medical College, Faridkot after taking clearance from the institutional ethics committee. Thirty medico-legal autopsy cases were included in the study where the exact time of death was known and included only hospital deaths. The relatives of the deceased were explained the purpose and nature of the study and provided with the patient information sheet and informed consent was taken. The details of the cases were noted from the hospital bed head ticket, relative interview and the police inquest papers. The exact temperature and humidity were noted at the start of autopsy using a digital hygrometer. Results: A total of 30 cases were observed out of which males outnumbered the females by approximately 3:1. Maximum cases consisted of Roadside Accidents (43.3%) followed by poisoning, assault and hanging, in that order. The average temperatures during the study months varied from a maximum of 41.3°C (June) to a minimum of 33.7°C (July). The average humidity varied from a maximum of 62.6% (July) to a minimum of 29.3% (May). The average temperatures during the study months varied from a maximum of 41.3°C (June) and a minimum of 33.7°C (July). The average humidity during the study months varied from a maximum of 62.6 % (July) and a minimum of 29.3% (May). Fully established Rigor Mortis was observed at a minimum of 10 hours and a maximum of 29 hours in May and June.

In 2017 the majority of internet users are 19-34 years old or 49.52% (APJI, 2017). Almost half of the internet users in Indonesia are digital natives who were born after 1980: Generation Y (1980-1995) and Generation Z (1996-2009). This research will be focused on Generation Z as the true generation of the internet. Generation Z was born when the internet is available, a contrast to Generation Y who is still experiencing the transition of the internet. The purpose of this research is to find an effective way of providing information about media literacy to Generation Z. Through descriptive qualitative, the study was conducted with in-depth interview and observation toward 12 university students in Jakarta. The results showed that there are four effective ways of providing information about media literacy which is i) videos distributed to social media such as Youtube and Instagram, ii) interesting memes in communicative style, iii) through selebgram or micro-celebrity in Instagram who is consider as a role model and have a positive image, and iv) roadside billboards. Another interesting finding is that male informants tend to like media literacy information through videos and memes, while female informants prefer campaigns conducted by positive image selebgram and billboard. AbstrakPada tahun 2017 pengguna internet di Indonesia mayoritas berusia 19-34 tahun yaitu sebanyak 49,52% (APJI, 2017). Dari data tersebut terlihat bahwa hampir sebagian pengguna internet di Indonesia adalah digital natives atau penutur asli teknologi digital yaitu orang-orang yang lahir setelah tahun 1980: Generasi Y (1980-1995) dan Generasi Z (1996-2009). Penelitian ini akan difokuskan kepada Generasi Z karena mereka dianggap sebagai sebenar-benarnya generasi internet. Generasi Z lahir saat teknologi tersebut sudah tersedia, berbeda dengan Generasi Y yang masih mengalami transisi teknologi hingga menuju internet. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mencari tahu cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi kepada generasi Z. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan observasi dan wawancara mendalam. Informan berjumlah 12 orang mahasiswa di Jakarta. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada empat cara yang efektif dalam memberikan informasi mengenai media literasi yaitu i) video yang disebarkan ke media sosial seperti Youtube dan Instagram, ii) meme menarik dengan bahasa yang mudah dimengerti, iii) melalui selebgram yang menjadi panutan dan berimage positif, dan iv) papan iklan di pinggir jalan. Temuan menarik lainnya adalah informan laki-laki cenderung menyukai informasi media literasi melalui video dan meme yang disebarkan ke media sosial, sementara perempuan lebih menyukai kampanye yang dilakukan oleh selebgram berimage positif dan papan iklan.

Locating the Street The street functions as a transitory location. A space more often than not that isn’t invested with the level of meaning and interaction that those places connected by the street – places like the home, school, shopping mall or school – find themselves coming to assume. We find ourselves moving through and along spaces like the street, rarely stopping to acknowledge its significance, and perhaps more importantly, its effects on us. This is in many regards the essence of the street. By its very nature it is an intermediary point – a space between places that functions as the connection apparatus of the social network. It is the street that forms a proximal ‘outside’ zone that we know, but don’t often connect with – at least to same level of interaction to those destinations we find at the ends of the street. But it is precisely this proximal nature of the street that makes it simultaneously an implicit pedagogical and an explicit but assumed marker of the urban landscape. Whilst we might rarely stop to acknowledge the formative influence of the street (and for that matter, that entire zone of the street – the streetscape), it is the production of culture that occurs in it that is significant and requires interrogation. For Grange the street functions primarily as a temporal location that incorporates fluid combinations of time: Time in the street is the continual collision of the past and the future with the present. There is no time to stop and recollect the past. It simply “comes by”. The future streams into the present with such immediacy that it could be said to implode into the present. (109) In Grange’s view, the street provides a timeless location of movement and renewal. It represents a simultaneous desire for a future (a destination) but also a shedding of the past (a desire for a continual destination point – a point that may also have been a past location for the return journey). Here we have in the street a total involvement, but immediate disconnection; a zone where time and connectedness are removed in search of the end point – that immediately physical, but also very much conceptual end of the street – the destination point. Informed Streets It is in precisely this way that the street operates as an implicit pedagogue. As a zone of our unconscious assumption – we move through but not often stop to reflect on the street – the street shapes us and enters our identity as a formative site of the urban milieu. We find located in the street very specific and deliberate information markers – right up to the point where the street is the information marker – as with the information superhighway. The street comes to be a site of knowledges and discourses, in constant interplay and renewal, presented to us as we pass through. For the flaneur, that street walker and social critic of fin de siecle Paris, the street offered a key location for the play of the social: The Flaneur lives his life as a succession of absolute beginnings. From the past, there is an easy exit; the present is just a gateway; the future is not yet, and what is not yet cannot bind. (Bauman 139) It is the flaneur that: is like a detective seeking clues who reads people’s characters not only from the physiognomy of their faces but via a social physiognomy of the street. (Shields 63) From his (as the traditional flaneur was only ever a man) reading of the street – from this detective like gathering of information on the street – the flaneur operates as a fixed point on the temporal continuum of the street. It is he who stops to exert his reading, his observation of the streetscape in order to fix it in a point in time and space. The Street as Public Pedagogue But to say that the flaneur is dead, gone with the arcades of modern Paris, denies that we are all, as street-users, implicated in a flanerie of necessity in this period of late capital. We find ourselves exposed to a range of message systems in the streetscape – information networks that represent the global village in our very own local thoroughfares. It is the street that exposes us, in our corner of the world to the multiple discourses of the urban environment. The street is an open location away from our comfort points in the home, shopping mall or school. A space that is inhabited, yet common, invested with multiple meanings and ownerships simultaneously. We might see the street functioning in terms of what Giroux has labelled ‘public pedagogies’; those informal pedagogical practices that are not restricted to schools, blackboards, and test taking. … Such sites operate within a wide variety of social institutions and format including sports and entertainment media, cable television networks, churches and channels of elite and popular culture, such as advertising. Profound transformations have taken place in the public space. (Giroux 498) The street functions in this way, as both active host of public pedagogies (such as the roadside billboard, or traffic sign) and as a pedagogical force of its own contextualisation. As urban flaneurs we negotiate our streetscapes whilst being bombarded with information flows as public pedagogies, each drawing their own discursive formations and identity forming practices. In itself, the street also locates us within the larger milieu according to what it says about the destination it leads to – those suburbs and areas linked to racial and class grouping as one example. We find the street not as a neutral zone of transport, but as a vibrant location of information flows, discursive practice – public pedagogies. And it is this that incorporates us as unwitting flaneurs. We absorb the flows and constructions of the street and its streetscape and interact as individuals contextualised by the urban environment. We read our way through our urban habitats with the street guiding our path to those key points of destination. We perform meaning construction acts as we pass through the streetscape and as it responds to us, sending us images and representations of our global, urban space. The street as both a physical entity and imagined space is implicit in the construction of meaning via this public pedagogical capacity. As such, the street warrants more serious attention as a location of the construction of the social and location in which discursive formations find meaning and information flows present representations of our world. References Bauman, Z. “Desert Spectacular.” In The Flaneur, ed. Keith Tester. London: Routledge, 1994. Giroux, H. “Public Pedagogy and the Politics of Neo-Liberalism: Making the Political More Pedagogical.” Policy Futures in Education 2.3-4 (2004): 494-503. Grange, J. The City: An Urban Cosmology. New York: State University of New York Press, 1999. Shields, R. “Fancy Footwork: Walter Benjamin’s Notes on Flanerie.” In The Flaneur, ed. Keith Tester. London: Routledge, 1994. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Hickey, Andrew. "Street Smarts/Smart Streets: Public Pedagogies and the Streetscape." M/C Journal 9.3 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0607/08-hickey.php>. APA Style Hickey, A. (Jul. 2006) "Street Smarts/Smart Streets: Public Pedagogies and the Streetscape," M/C Journal, 9(3). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0607/08-hickey.php>.

Introduction In any list of dictators and antagonists of the West the name of Libya’s Colonel Muammar Qaddafi will always rank highly as one of the most memorable, colourful and mercurial. The roles he played to his fellow Libyans, to regional groupings, to revolutionaries and to the West were complex and nuanced. These various roles developed over time but were all grounded in his self-belief as a messianic revolutionary figure. More importantly, these roles and behaviours that stemmed from them were instrumental in preserving Qaddafi’s rule and thwarting challenges to it. These facets of Qaddafi’s public self accord with the model of “persona” described by Marshall. Whilst the nature of political persona and celebrity in the Western world has been explored by several scholars (for example Street; Wilson), little work has been conducted on the use of persona by non-democratic leaders. This paper examines the aspects of persona exhibited by Colonel Qaddafi and applied during his tenure. In constructing his role as a revolutionary leader, Qaddafi was engaging in a form of public performance aimed at delivering himself to a wider audience. Whether at home or abroad, this persona served the purpose of helping the Libyan leader consolidate his power, stymie political opposition and export his revolutionary ideals. The trajectory of his persona begins in the early days of his coming to power as a charismatic leader during a “time of distress” (Weber) and culminates in his bloody end next to a roadside drainage culvert. In between these points Qaddafi’s persona underwent refinement and reinvention. Coupled with the legacy he left on the Libyan political system, the journey of Muammar Qaddafi’s personas demonstrate how political personality can be the salvation or damnation of an entire state.Qaddafi: The Brotherly RevolutionaryCaptain Muammar Qaddafi came to power in Libya in 1969 at the age of just 27. He was the leader of a group of military officers who overthrew King Idris in a popular and relatively bloodless coup founded on an ideology of post-colonial Arab nationalism and a doing away with the endemic corruption and nepotism that were the hallmarks of the monarchy. With this revolutionary cause in mind and in an early indication that he recognised the power of political image, Qaddafi showed restraint in adopting the trappings of office. His modest promotion to the rank of Colonel was an obvious example of this, and despite the fact that in practical terms he was the supreme commander of Libya’s armed forces, he resisted the temptation to formally aggrandize himself with military titles for the ensuing 42 years of his rule.High military rank was in a way irrelevant to a man moving to change his persona from army officer to messianic national leader. Switching away from a reliance on military hierarchy as a basis for his authority allowed Qaddafi to re-cast himself as a leader with a broader mission. He began to utilise titles such as “Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council” (RCC) and “Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution.” The persona on display here was one of detached impartiality and almost reluctant leadership. There was the suggestion that Qaddafi was not really acting as a head of state, but merely an ordinary Libyan who, through popular acclaim, was being begged to lead his people. The attraction of this persona remained until the bitter end for Qaddafi, with his professed inability to step aside from a leadership role he insisted he did not formally occupy. This accords with the contention of Weber, who describes how an individual favoured with charisma can step forward at a time of crisis to complete a “mission.” Once in a position of authority, perpetuating that role of leadership and acclamation can become the mission itself:The holder, of charisma seizes the task that is adequate for him and demands obedience and a following by virtue of his mission. His success determines whether he finds them. His charismatic claim breaks down if his mission is not recognized by those to whom he feels he has been sent. If they recognize him, he is their master—so long as he knows how to maintain recognition through ‘proving’ himself. But he does not derive his ‘right’ from their will, in the manner of an election. Rather, the reverse holds: it is the duty of those to whom he addresses his mission to recognize him as their charismatically qualified leader. (Weber 266-7)As his rule extended across the decades, Qaddafi fostered his revolutionary credentials via a typical cult of personality approach. His image appeared on everything from postage stamps to watches, bags, posters and billboards. Quotations from the Brother Leader were set to music and broadcast as pop songs. “Spontaneous” rallies of support would occur when crowds of loyalists would congregate to hear the Brotherly Leader speak. Although Qaddafi publicly claimed he did not like this level of public adoration he accepted it because the people wanted to adore him. It was widely known however that many of these crowds were paid to attend these rallies (Blundy and Lycett 16).Qaddafi: The Philosopher In developing his persona as a guide and a man who was sharing his natural gifts with the people, Qaddafi developed a post-colonial philosophy he called “Third Universal Theory.” This was published in volumes collectively known as The Green Book. This was mandatory reading for every Libyan and contained a distillation of Qaddafi’s thoughts and opinions on everything from sports to politics to religion to the differences between men and women. Whilst it may be tempting for outsiders to dismiss these writings as the scribbling of a dictator, the legacy of Qaddafi’s persona as political philosopher is worthy of some examination. For in offering his revelations to the Libyan people, Qaddafi extended his mandate beyond leader of a revolution and into the territory of “messianic reformer of a nation.”The Green Book was a three-part series. The first instalment was written in 1975 and focuses on the “problem of democracy” where Qaddafi proposes direct democracy as the best option for a progressive nation. The second instalment, published in 1977, focuses on economics and expounds socialism as the solution to all fiscal woes. (Direct popular action here was evidenced in the RCC making rental of real estate illegal, meaning that all tenants in the country suddenly found themselves granted ownership of the property they were occupying!) The final chapter, published in 1981, proposes the Third Universal Theory where Qaddafi outlines his unique solution for implementing direct democracy and socialism. Qaddafi coined a new term for his Islamically-inspired socialist utopia: Jamahiriya. This was defined as being a “state of the masses” and formed the blueprint for Libyan society which Qaddafi subsequently imposed.This model of direct democracy was part of the charismatic conceit Qaddafi cultivated: that the Libyan people were their own leaders and his role was merely as a benevolent agent acceding to their wishes. However the implementation of the Jamahiriya was anything but benevolent and its legacy has crippled post-Qaddafi Libya. Under this system, Libyans did have some control over their affairs at a very local level. Beyond this, an increasingly complex series of committees and regional groupings, over which the RCC had the right of veto, diluted the participation of ordinary citizens and their ability to coalesce around any individual leader. The banning of standard avenues of political organisation, such as parties and unions, coupled with a ruthless police state that detained and executed anyone offering even a hint of political dissent served to snuff out any opposition before it had a chance to gather pace. The result was that there were no Libyans with enough leadership experience or public profile to take over when Qaddafi was ousted in 2011.Qaddafi: The Liberator In a further plank of his revolutionary persona Qaddafi turned to the world beyond Libya to offer his brotherly guidance. This saw him champion any cause that claimed to be a liberation or resistance movement struggling against the shackles of colonialism. He tended to favour groups that had ideologies aligned with his own, namely Arab unity and the elimination of Israel, but ultimately was not consistent in this regard. Aside from Palestinian nationalists, financial support was offered to groups such as the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the Moro National Liberation Front (Philippines), Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa), ETA (Spain), the Polisario Front (Western Sahara), and even separatist indigenous Australians. This policy of backing revolutionary groups was certainly a projection of his persona as a charismatic enabler of the revolutionary mission. However, the reception of this mission in the wider world formed the basis for the image that Qaddafi most commonly occupied in Western eyes.In 1979 the ongoing Libyan support for groups pursuing violent action against Israel and the West saw the country designated a State-Sponsor of Terror by the US Department of State. Diplomatic relations between the two nations were severed and did not resume until 2004. At this point Qaddafi seemed to adopt a persona of “opponent of the West,” ostensibly on behalf of the world’s downtrodden colonial peoples. The support for revolutionary groups was changing to a more active use of them to strike at Western interests. At the same time Qaddafi stepped up his rhetoric against America and Britain, positioning himself as a champion of the Arab world, as the one leader who had the courage of his convictions and the only one who was squarely on the side of the ordinary citizenry (in contrast to other, more compliant Arab rulers). Here again there is evidence of the charismatic revolutionary persona, reluctantly taking up the burden of leadership on behalf of his brothers.Whatever his ideals, the result was that Qaddafi and his state became the focus of increasing Western ire. A series of incidents between the US and Libya in international waters added to the friction, as did Libyan orchestrated terror attacks in Berlin, Rome and Vienna. At the height of this tension in 1986, American aircraft bombed targets in Libya, narrowly missing Qaddafi himself. This role as public enemy of America led to Qaddafi being characterised by President Ronald Reagan (no stranger to the use of persona himself) as the “mad dog of the Middle East” and a “squalid criminal.” The enmity of the West made life difficult for ordinary Libyans dealing with crippling sanctions, but for Qaddafi, it helped bolster his persona as a committed revolutionary.Qaddafi: Leader of the Arab and African Worlds Related to his early revolutionary ideologies were Qaddafi’s aspirations as a pan-national leader. Inspired by Egypt’s Gamel Abdul Nasser from a young age, the ideals of pan-Arab unity were always a cornerstone of Qaddafi’s beliefs. It is not therefore surprising that he developed ambitions of being the person to bring about and “guide” that unity. Once again the Weberian description of the charismatic leader is relevant, particularly the notion that such leadership does not respect conventional boundaries of functional jurisdictions or local bailiwicks; in this case, state boundaries.During the 1970s Qaddafi was involved in numerous attempts to broker Arab unions between Libya and states such as Egypt, Syria and Tunisia. All of these failed to materialise once the exact details of the mergers began to be discussed, in particular who would assume the mantle of leadership in these super-states. In line with his persona as the rightly-guided revolutionary, Qaddafi consistently blamed the failure of these unions on the other parties, souring his relationship with his fellow Arab leaders. His hardline stance on Israel also put him at odds with those peers more determined to find a compromise. Following the assassination of Egypt’s Anwar Sadat in 1981 Qaddafi praised the act as justified because of Sadat’s signing of the Camp David Accords with Israel.Having given up on the hope of achieving pan-Arab Unity, Qaddafi sought to position himself as a leader of the African bloc. In 2009 he became Chairperson of the African Union and took to having himself introduced as “The King of Kings of Africa.” The level of dysfunction of the African Union was no less than that of the Arab League and Qaddafi’s grandiose plans for becoming the President of the United States of Africa failed to materialise.In both his pan-Arab and pan-Africa ambitions, we see a persona of Qaddafi that aims at leadership beyond his own state. Whilst there may be delusions of grandeur apparent in the practicalities of these goals, this image was nevertheless something that Qaddafi used to leverage the next phase of his political transformation.Qaddafi: The Post-9/11 Statesman However much he might be seen as erratic, Qaddafi’s innate intelligence could result in a political astuteness lacking in many of his Arab peers. Following the events of 11 September 2001, Qaddafi was the first international leader to condemn the attacks on America and pledge support in the War on Terror and the extermination of al-Qaeda. Despite his history as a supporter of terrorism overseas, Qaddafi had a long history of repressing it at home, just as with any other form of political opposition. The pan-Islamism of al-Qaeda was anathema to his key ideologies of direct democracy (guided by himself). This meant the United States and Libya were now finally on the same team. As part of this post-9/11 sniffing of the wind, Qaddafi abandoned his fledgling Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) program and finally agreed to pay reparations to the families of the victims of the Pan Am 107 flight downed over Lockerbie in 1987.This shift in Qaddafi’s policy did not altogether dispel his persona of brotherly leadership amongst African nations. As a bloc leader and an example of the possibility of ‘coming in from the cold’, Qaddafi and Libya were reintegrated into the world community. This included giving a speech at the United Nations in 2009. This event did little to add to his reputation as a statesman in the West. Given a 15-minute slot, the Libyan leader delivered a rambling address over 90 minutes long, which included him tearing up a copy of the UN Charter and turning his back to the audience whilst continuing to speak.Qaddafi: The Clown From the Western point of view, performances like this painted Qaddafi’s behaviour as increasingly bizarre. Particularly after Libya’s rapprochement with the West, the label of threatening terrorist supporter faded and was replaced with something along the lines of a harmless clown prince. Tales of the Libyan leader’s coterie of virgin female bodyguards were the subject of ridicule, as was his ardour for US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Perhaps this behaviour was indicative of a leader increasingly divorced from reality. Surrounded by sycophants dependent on his regard for their tenure or physical survival, as well as Western leaders eager to contrast his amiability with that of Saddam Hussein, nobody was prepared to draw attention to the emperor’s new clothes.Indeed, elaborate and outlandish clothing played an increasing role in Qaddafi’s persona as the decades went on. His simple revolutionary fatigues of the early years were superseded by a vast array of military uniforms heavily decorated with medals and emblems; traditional African, Arab or Bedouin robes depending on the occasion; and in later years a penchant for outfits that included images of the African continent or pictures of dead martyrs. (In 2009 Vanity Fair did a tongue-in-cheek article on the fashion of Colonel Qaddafi entitled Dictator Chic: Colonel Qaddafi—A Life in Fashion. This spawned a number of similar features including one in TIME Magazine entitled Gaddafi Fashion: The Emperor Had Some Crazy Clothes.)The Bedouin theme was an aspect of persona that Qaddafi cultivated as an ascetic “man of the people” throughout his leadership. Despite having many palaces available he habitually slept in an elaborate tent, according once again with Weber’s description of the charismatic leader as one who eschews methodical material gain. This predisposition served him well in the 1986 United States bombing, when his residence in a military barracks was demolished, but Qaddafi escaped unscathed as he was in his tent at the time. He regularly entertained foreign dignitaries in tents when they visited Libya and he took one when travelling abroad, including pitching it in the gardens of a Parisian hotel during a state visit in 2007. (A request to camp in New York’s Central Park for his UN visit in 2009 was denied; “Inside the Tents of Muammar Gaddafi”).The role of such a clown was unlikely to have been an aim for Qaddafi, but was instead the product of his own increasing isolation. It will likely be his most enduring character in the Western memory of his rule. It should be noted though that clowns and fools do not maintain an iron grip on power for over 40 years.The Legacy of Qaddafi’s Many Personas Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was a clever and complex leader who exhibited many variations of persona during his four decades of rule. These personas were generally facets of the same core self-belief of a charismatic leader, but could be conflicting, and often confusing, to observers. His eccentricities often hid a layer of deeper cunning and ambition, but ultimately led to his marginalisation and an impression by world leaders that he was untrustworthy.His erratic performance at the UN in 2009 perhaps typifies the end stages of Qaddafi’s leadership: a man increasingly disconnected from his people and the realities of what was going on around him. His insistence that the 2011 Libyan revolution was variously a colonial or terrorist inspired piece of theatre belied the deep resentment of his rule. His role as opponent of the Western and Arab worlds alike meant that he was unsupported in his attempts to deal with the uprising. Indeed, the West’s rapid willingness to use their airpower was instrumental in speeding on the rebel forces.What cannot be disputed is the chaotic legacy this charismatic figure left for his country. Since the uprising climaxed in his on-camera lynching in October 2011, Libya has been plunged in to turmoil and shows no signs of this abating. One of the central reasons for this chaos is that Qaddafi’s supremacy, his political philosophies, and his use of messianic persona left Libya completely unprepared for rule by any other party.This ensuing chaos has been a cruel, if ironic, proof of Qaddafi’s own conceit: Libya could not survive without him.References Al-Gathafi, Muammar. The Green Book: The Solution to the Problem of Democracy; The Solution to the Economic Problem; The Social Basis of the Third Universal Theory. UK: Ithaca Press, 2005.Blundy, David, and Andrew Lycett. Qaddafi and the Libyan Revolution. Boston and Toronto: Little Brown & Co, 1987.Marshall, P. David. “Persona Studies: Mapping the Proliferation of the Public Self”. Journalism 15.2 (2014): 153-170.Qaddafi, Muammar. Speech at the United Nations 2009. ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BKMyY2V0J0Y›. Street, John. “Celebrity Politicians: Popular Culture and Political Representation.” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 6 (2004): 435-52.Street, John. “Do Celebrity Politics and Celebrity Politicians Matter?” The British Journal of Politics & International Relations 14.3 (2012): 346-356.TIME Magazine. “Gaddafi Fashion: The Emperor Had Some Crazy Clothes.” ‹http://content.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,2055860,00.html›.TIME Magazine. “Inside the Tents of Muammar Gaddafi.” ‹http://content.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,2058074,00.html›.Totman, Sally, and Mat Hardy. “In the Green Zone: 40 years with Colonel Qaddafi.” Ed. Geoffrey Hawker. APSA 2009: Proceedings of the APSA Annual Conference 2009. Sydney: Macquarie University, 2009. 1-19.Totman, Sally, and Mat Hardy. “The Rise and Decline of Libya as a Rogue State.” OCIS 2008: Oceanic Conference on International Studies. Brisbane: University of Queensland, 2008. 1-25.Vanity Fair. “Dictator Chic: Colonel Qaddafi—A Life in Fashion.” ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2009/08/qaddafi-slideshow200908›.Weber, Max, Hans Heinrich Gerth, and C. Wright Mills. From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. London: Routledge, 2009.Wilson, J. “Kevin Rudd, Celebrity and Audience Democracy in Australia.” Journalism 15.2 (2013): 202-217.

The brand began, quite literally, as a method for ranchers to identify their cattle. By burning a distinct symbol into the hide of a baby calf, the owner could insure that if it one day wandered off his property or was stolen by a competitor, he’d be able to point to that logo and claim the animal as his rightful property. When the manufacturers of products adopted the brand as a way of guaranteeing the quality of their goods, its function remained pretty much the same. Buying a package of oats with the Quaker label meant the customer could trace back these otherwise generic oats to their source. If there was a problem, he knew where he could turn. More important, if the oats were of satisfactory or superior quality, he knew where he could get them again. Trademarking a brand meant that no one else could call his oats Quaker. Advertising in this innocent age simply meant publicizing the existence of one’s brand. The sole objective was to increase consumers awareness of the product or company that made it. Those who even thought to employ specialists for the exclusive purpose of writing ad copy hired newspaper reporters and travelling salesmen, who knew how to explain the attributes of an item in words that people tended to remember. It wasn’t until 1922 that a preacher and travelling “medicine show” salesman-turned-copywriter named Claude Hopkins decided that advertising should be systematized into a science. His short but groundbreaking book Scientific Advertising proposed that the advertisement is merely a printed extension of the salesman¹s pitch and should follow the same rules. Hopkins believed in using hard descriptions over hype, and text over image: “The more you tell, the more you sell” and “White space is wasted space” were his mantras. Hopkins believed that any illustrations used in an ad should be directly relevant to the product itself, not just a loose or emotional association. He insisted on avoiding “frivolity” at all costs, arguing that “no one ever bought from a clown.” Although some images did appear in advertisements and on packaging as early as the 1800s - the Quaker Oats man showed up in 1877 - these weren¹t consciously crafted to induce psychological states in customers. They were meant just to help people remember one brand over another. How better to recall the brand Quaker than to see a picture of one? It wasn’t until the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, as Americans turned toward movies and television and away from newspapers and radio, that advertisers’ focus shifted away from describing their brands and to creating images for them. During these decades, Midwestern adman Leo Burnett concocted what is often called the Chicago school of advertising, in which lovable characters are used to represent products. Green Giant, which was originally just the Minnesota Valley Canning Company’s code name for an experimental pea, became the Jolly Green Giant in young Burnett’s world of animated characters. He understood that the figure would make a perfect and enticing brand image for an otherwise boring product and could also serve as a mnemonic device for consumers. As he watched his character grow in popularity, Burnett discovered that the mythical figure of a green giant had resonance in many different cultures around the world. It became a kind of archetype and managed to penetrate the psyche in more ways than one. Burnett was responsible for dozens of character-based brand images, including Tony the Tiger, Charlie the Tuna, Morris the Cat, and the Marlboro Man. In each case, the character creates a sense of drama, which engages the audience in the pitch. This was Burnett’s great insight. He still wanted to sell a product based on its attributes, but he knew he had to draw in his audience using characters. Brand images were also based on places, like Hidden Valley Ranch salad dressing, or on recognizable situations, such as the significant childhood memories labelled “Kodak moments” or a mother nurturing her son on a cold day, a defining image for Campbell’s soup. In all these cases, however, the moment, location, or character went only so far as to draw the audience into the ad, after which they would be subjected to a standard pitch: ‘Soup is good food’, or ‘Sorry, Charlie, only the best tuna get to be Starkist’. Burnett saw himself as a homespun Midwesterner who was contributing to American folklore while speaking in the plain language of the people. He took pride in the fact that his ads used words like “ain’t”; not because they had some calculated psychological effect on the audience, but because they communicated in a natural, plainspoken style. As these methods found their way to Madison Avenue and came to be practiced much more self-consciously, Burnett¹s love for American values and his focus on brand attributes were left behind. Branding became much more ethereal and image-based, and ads only occasionally nodded to a product’s attributes. In the 1960s, advertising gurus like David Ogilvy came up with rules about television advertising that would have made Claude Hopkins shudder. “Food in motion” dictated that food should always be shot by a moving camera. “Open with fire” meant that ads should start in a very exciting and captivating way. Ogilvy told his creatives to use supers - text superimposed on the screen to emphasize important phrases and taglines. All these techniques were devised to promote brand image, not the product. Ogilvy didn’t believe consumers could distinguish between products were it not for their images. In Ogilvy on Advertising, he explains that most people cannot tell the difference between their own “favourite” whiskey and the closest two competitors’: ‘Have they tried all three and compared the taste? Don¹t make me laugh. The reality is that these three brands have different images which appeal to different kinds of people. It isn¹t the whiskey they choose, it’s the image. The brand image is ninety percent of what the distiller has to sell.’ (Ogilvy, 1993). Thus, we learned to “trust our car to the man who wears the star” not because Texaco had better gasoline than Shell, but because the company’s advertisers had created a better brand image. While Burnett and his disciples were building brand myths, another school of advertisers was busy learning about its audience. Back in the 1920s, Raymond Rubicam, who eventually founded the agency Young and Rubicam, thought it might be interesting to hire a pollster named Dr. Gallup from Northwestern University to see what could be gleaned about consumers from a little market research. The advertising industry’s version of cultural anthropology, or demographics, was born. Like the public-relations experts who study their target populations in order to manipulate them later, marketers began conducting polls, market surveys, and focus groups on the segments of the population they hoped to influence. And to draw clear, clean lines between demographic groups, researchers must almost always base distinctions on four factors: race, age, sex, and wages. Demographic research is reductionist by design. I once consulted to an FM radio station whose station manager wanted to know, “Who is our listener?” Asking such a question reduces an entire listenership down to one fictional person. It’s possible that no single individual will ever match the “customer profile” meant to apply to all customers, which is why so much targeted marketing often borders on classist, racist, and sexist pandering. Billboards for most menthol cigarettes, for example, picture African-Americans because, according to demographic research, black people prefer them to regular cigarettes. Microsoft chose Rolling Stones songs to launch Windows 95, a product targeted at wealthy baby boomers. “The Women’s Global Challenge” was an advertising-industry-created Olympics for women, with no purpose other than to market to active females. By the 1970s, the two strands of advertising theory - demographic research and brand image - were combined to develop campaigns that work on both levels. To this day, we know to associate Volvos with safety, Dr. Pepper with individuality, and Harley-Davidson with American heritage. Each of these brand images is crafted to appeal to the target consumer’s underlying psychological needs: Volvo ads are aimed at upper-middle-class white parents who fear for their children’s health and security, Dr. Pepper is directed to young nonconformists, and the Harley-Davidson image supports its riders’ self-perception as renegades. Today’s modern (or perhaps postmodern) brands don’t invent a corporate image on their own; they appropriate one from the media itself, such as MetLife did with Snoopy, Butterfinger did with Bart Simpson, or Kmart did by hiring Penny Marshall and Rosie O’Donnell. These mascots were selected because their perceived characteristics match the values of their target consumers - not the products themselves. In the language of today’s marketers, brand images do not reflect on products but on advertisers’ perceptions of their audiences’ psychology. This focus on audience composition and values has become the standard operating procedure in all of broadcasting. When Fox TV executives learned that their animated series “King of the Hill”, about a Texan propane distributor, was not faring well with certain demographics, for example, they took a targeted approach to their character’s rehabilitation. The Brandweek piece on Fox’s ethnic campaign uncomfortably dances around the issue. Hank Hill is the proverbial everyman, and Fox wants viewers to get comfortable with him; especially viewers in New York, where “King of the Hill”’s homespun humor hasn’t quite caught on with the young urbanites. So far this season, the show has pulled in a 10.1 rating/15 share in households nationally, while garnering a 7.9 rating/12 share in New York (Brandweek, 1997) As far as Fox was concerned, while regular people could identify with the network’s new “everyman” character, New Yorkers weren’t buying his middle-American patter. The television show’s ratings proved what TV executives had known all along: that New York City’s Jewish demographic doesn’t see itself as part of the rest of America. Fox’s strategy for “humanizing” the character to those irascible urbanites was to target the group’s ethnographic self-image. Fox put ads for the show on the panels of sidewalk coffee wagons throughout Manhattan, with the tagline “Have a bagel with Hank”. In an appeal to the target market’s well-developed (and well-researched) cynicism, Hank himself is shown saying, “May I suggest you have that with a schmear”. The disarmingly ethnic humor here is meant to underscore the absurdity of a Texas propane salesman using a Jewish insider’s word like “schmear.” In another Upper West Side billboard, Hank’s son appeals to the passing traffic: “Hey yo! Somebody toss me up a knish!” As far as the New York demographic is concerned, these jokes transform the characters from potentially threatening Southern rednecks into loveable hicks bending over backward to appeal to Jewish sensibilities, and doing so with a comic and, most important, nonthreatening inadequacy. Today, the most intensely targeted demographic is the baby - the future consumer. Before an average American child is twenty months old, he can recognize the McDonald’s logo and many other branded icons. Nearly everything a toddler encounters - from Band-Aids to underpants - features the trademarked characters of Disney or other marketing empires. Although this target market may not be in a position to exercise its preferences for many years, it pays for marketers to imprint their brands early. General Motors bought a two-page ad in Sports Illustrated for Kids for its Chevy Venture minivan. Their brand manager rationalized that the eight-to-fourteen-year-old demographic consists of “back-seat consumers” (Leonhardt, 1997). The real intention of target marketing to children and babies, however, goes deeper. The fresh neurons of young brains are valuable mental real estate to admen. By seeding their products and images early, the marketers can do more than just develop brand recognition; they can literally cultivate a demographic’s sensibilities as they are formed. A nine-year-old child who can recognize the Budweiser frogs and recite their slogan (Bud-weis-er) is more likely to start drinking beer than one who can remember only Tony the Tiger yelling, “They¹re great!” (Currently, more children recognize the frogs than Tony.) This indicates a long-term coercive strategy. The abstraction of brand images from the products they represent, combined with an increasing assault on our demographically targeted psychological profiles, led to some justifiable consumer paranoia by the 1970s. Advertising was working on us in ways we couldn’t fully understand, and people began to look for an explanation. In 1973, Wilson Bryan Key, a communications researcher, wrote the first of four books about “subliminal advertising,” in which he accused advertisers of hiding sexual imagery in ice cubes, and psychoactive words like “sex” onto the airbrushed surfaces of fashion photographs. Having worked on many advertising campaigns from start to finish, in close proximity to everyone from copywriters and art directors to printers, I can comfortably put to rest any rumours that major advertising agencies are engaging in subliminal campaigns. How do images that could be interpreted as “sexual” show up in ice cubes or elbows? The final photographs chosen for ads are selected by committee out of hundreds that are actually shot. After hours or days of consideration, the group eventually feels drawn to one or two photos out of the batch. Not surprising, these photos tend to have more evocative compositions and details, but no penises, breasts, or skulls are ever superimposed onto the images. In fact, the man who claims to have developed subliminal persuasion, James Vicary, admitted to Advertising Age in 1984 that he had fabricated his evidence that the technique worked in order to drum up business for his failing research company. But this confession has not assuaged Key and others who relentlessly, perhaps obsessively, continue to pursue those they feel are planting secret visual messages in advertisements. To be fair to Key, advertisers have left themselves open to suspicion by relegating their work to the abstract world of the image and then targeting consumer psychology so deliberately. According to research by the Roper Organization in 1992, fifty-seven percent of American consumers still believe that subliminal advertising is practiced on a regular basis, and only one in twelve think it “almost never” happens. To protect themselves from the techniques they believe are being used against them, the advertising audience has adopted a stance of cynical suspicion. To combat our increasing awareness and suspicion of demographic targeting, marketers have developed a more camouflaged form of categorization based on psychological profiles instead of race and age. Jim Schroer, the executive director of new marketing strategy at Ford explains his abandonment of broad-demographic targeting: ‘It’s smarter to think about emotions and attitudes, which all go under the term: psychographics - those things that can transcend demographic groups.’ (Schroer, 1997) Instead, he now appeals to what he calls “consumers’ images of themselves.” Unlike broad demographics, the psychographic is developed using more narrowly structured qualitative-analysis techniques, like focus groups, in-depth interviews, and even home surveillance. Marketing analysts observe the behaviors of volunteer subjects, ask questions, and try to draw causal links between feelings, self-image, and purchases. A company called Strategic Directions Group provides just such analysis of the human psyche. In their study of the car-buying habits of the forty-plus baby boomers and their elders, they sought to define the main psychological predilections that human beings in this age group have regarding car purchases. Although they began with a demographic subset of the overall population, their analysis led them to segment the group into psychographic types. For example, members of one psychographic segment, called the ³Reliables,² think of driving as a way to get from point A to point B. The “Everyday People” campaign for Toyota is aimed at this group and features people depending on their reliable and efficient little Toyotas. A convertible Saab, on the other hand, appeals to the ³Stylish Fun² category, who like trendy and fun-to-drive imports. One of the company’s commercials shows a woman at a boring party fantasizing herself into an oil painting, where she drives along the canvas in a sporty yellow Saab. Psychographic targeting is more effective than demographic targeting because it reaches for an individual customer more directly - like a fly fisherman who sets bait and jiggles his rod in a prescribed pattern for a particular kind of fish. It’s as if a marketing campaign has singled you out and recognizes your core values and aspirations, without having lumped you into a racial or economic stereotype. It amounts to a game of cat-and-mouse between advertisers and their target psychographic groups. The more effort we expend to escape categorization, the more ruthlessly the marketers pursue us. In some cases, in fact, our psychographic profiles are based more on the extent to which we try to avoid marketers than on our fundamental goals or values. The so-called “Generation X” adopted the anti-chic aesthetic of thrift-store grunge in an effort to find a style that could not be so easily identified and exploited. Grunge was so self-consciously lowbrow and nonaspirational that it seemed, at first, impervious to the hype and glamour normally applied swiftly to any emerging trend. But sure enough, grunge anthems found their way onto the soundtracks of television commercials, and Dodge Neons were hawked by kids in flannel shirts saying “Whatever.” The members of Generation X are putting up a good fight. Having already developed an awareness of how marketers attempt to target their hearts and wallets, they use their insight into programming to resist these attacks. Unlike the adult marketers pursuing them, young people have grown up immersed in the language of advertising and public relations. They speak it like natives. As a result, they are more than aware when a commercial or billboard is targeting them. In conscious defiance of demographic-based pandering, they adopt a stance of self-protective irony‹distancing themselves from the emotional ploys of the advertisers. Lorraine Ketch, the director of planning in charge of Levi¹s trendy Silvertab line, explained, “This audience hates marketing that’s in your face. It eyeballs it a mile away, chews it up and spits it out” (On Advertising, 1998). Chiat/Day, one of the world’s best-known and experimental advertising agencies, found the answer to the crisis was simply to break up the Gen-X demographic into separate “tribes” or subdemographics - and include subtle visual references to each one of them in the ads they produce for the brand. According to Levi’s director of consumer marketing, the campaign meant to communicate, “We really understand them, but we are not trying too hard” (On Advertising, 1998). Probably unintentionally, Ms. Ketch has revealed the new, even more highly abstract plane on which advertising is now being communicated. Instead of creating and marketing a brand image, advertisers are creating marketing campaigns about the advertising itself. Silvertab’s target market is supposed to feel good about being understood, but even better about understanding the way they are being marketed to. The “drama” invented by Leo Burnett and refined by David Ogilvy and others has become a play within a play. The scene itself has shifted. The dramatic action no longer occurs between the audience and the product, the brand, or the brand image, but between the audience and the brand marketers. As audiences gain even more control over the media in which these interactive stories unfold, advertising evolves ever closer to a theatre of the absurd. excerpted from Coercion: Why We Listen to What "They" Say)? Works Cited Ogilvy, David. Ogilvy on Advertising. New York: Vintage, 1983. Brandweek Staff, "Number Crunching, Hollywood Style," Brandweek. October 6, 1997. Leonhardt, David, and Kathleen Kerwin, "Hey Kid, Buy This!" Business Week. June 30, 1997 Schroer, Jim. Quoted in "Why We Kick Tires," by Carol Morgan and Doron Levy. Brandweek. Sept 29, 1997. "On Advertising," The New York Times. August 14, 1998 Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Rushkoff, Douglas. "Coercion " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/06-coercion.php>. APA Style Rushkoff, D. (2003, Jun 19). Coercion . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/06-coercion.php>