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1
Price, David H. "Hans Holbein the Younger and Reformation Bible Production." Church History 86, no. 4 (December 2017): 998–1040. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717002086.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Hans Holbein the Younger produced a large corpus of illustrations that appeared in an astonishing variety of Bibles, including Latin Vulgate editions, Desiderius Erasmus's Greek New Testament, rival German translations by Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli, the English Coverdale Bible, as well as in Holbein's profoundly influential Icones veteris testamenti (Images of the Old Testament)—to name only his better-known contributions. This essay discusses strategies that the artist developed for accommodating the heterogeneity of the various humanist and Reformation Bibles. For Erasmus's innovative Bibles, Holbein connected the text to the expansive concept of Renaissance humanist art, simultaneously portraying the new Bible and humanist art as part of a broadly defined cultural-philosophical discourse. Similarly, Holbein's production of Protestant Bibles, most importantly the epochal Luther Bible, associated the new text with the humanist Bible and, in so doing, conceptualized the humanist biblical image as a validation of religious art in a new context. Ultimately, the reliance on humanist art as a cultural authority mitigated perception of the heterogeneity of the text to the point that the publishers of Holbein's Icones completely displaced the text with the daring creation of a new genre: the picture Bible. With the exception of the iconography of royal supremacy in England, Holbein's Bible image was exceedingly movable, an artistic efficiency designed to contribute to the stability of the Bible image across a wide humanist and multiconfessional spectrum.
2
Fan, Weixia. "A Study on Translation Expressions by Contrasting Chinese and Korean Bibles versions: Focused on 『Chinese Union Version with New Punctuation』 and 『New Korean Revised Version』." K Association of Education Research 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2024): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.48033/jss.9.1.7.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this study, looking back on the flow and main translations of the Chinese Bible and Korean Bible translators, especially Chinese Character Bible which had an impact on early Korean Bible translations and even the modern chinese and Korean Bibles. Based on this, we selected the contents of some texts from among the modern Bible translations 『Chinese Union version with New Punctuation』 and 『New Korean Revised Version』, which account for the largest proportion of use in denominations in China, overseas, and Korea respectively, as subjects of comparative studies. Various aspects of vocabulary and grammatical translation expressions related to two traditional translation methods and translation expressions were examined here. This aims to help understand and interpret the style and expression content related to the translation methods of the modern Chinese and Korean Bibles by presenting the linguistic difference between the two languages and also the commonalities and differences in the translation method and translation expression according to the nature of the Bible itself.
3
Carroll, Robert P. "He-Bibles and She-Bibles: Reflections On the Violence Done To Texts By Productions of English Translations of the Bible." Biblical Interpretation 4, no. 3 (1996): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851596x00013.
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AbstractThe political nature of English Bibles (Geneva Bible, Douai-Rhemes, KingJames Bible) in the long history of biblical translation is often neglected in the analysis of Bibles as ideological weapons ofwar in the theopolitical struggles of the time of their production. The eventual triumph of the KJB centuries later inscribed ideological traces of partisan versions of those struggles in "the English Bible." Violence is done to the biblical text and by readers of the text in the perpetuation of such Bibles as translations. Some examples of these kinds of violence are discussed, with observations on the hermeneutic constraints built into such translations.
4
Hoff, Renske. "A Dominican Sister from Antwerp." Early Modern Low Countries 9, no. 1 (April 25, 2025): 116–24. https://doi.org/10.51750/emlc23014.
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Maria Ludovica Mortgat, a seventeenth-century Dominican sister, owned a Dutch Bible printed in Antwerp in 1556. On the flyleaf of this Bible, Mortgat made extensive annotations recalling how she entered the convent. She also collected some short prayers and meditations. This case study not only provides insight into textual practice in early modern female convents, but also shows how Bibles were used as paper spaces within which one might develop a sense of religious self. Like the annotations in medieval rapiaria or early modern family Bibles, Mortgat used the blank leaves in her Bible to create a personalised object. In addition, this Bible confirms the relevance of reading Scripture in early modern Catholic contexts.
5
Chao, Hsing-Hao. "The Battle of Two Bibles: When and How Did the King James Bible Gain Its Popularity over the Geneva Bible?" Renaissance and Reformation 46, no. 2 (January 10, 2024): 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v46i2.42289.
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This article addresses two questions: “When did the King James Bible gain a foothold of popularity among the English people?” and “How did the Geneva Bible lose its popularity to the King James Bible?” By reviewing the post-1611 printing of these two versions of the Bible and examining the texts of the Paul’s Cross sermons and the parliamentary sermons between 1612 and 1643, I find that the King James Bible was already more popular than the Geneva Bible by 1620, and that the rising trend of the popularity of the King James Bible had become irreversible by 1630. By 1640, the battle of the two Bibles was long over. I also refute the assumption that the political authorities’ suppression of the Geneva Bible caused its defeat. Rather, I argue that the decrease in consumer demand for exegetical notes led to the demise of the Geneva Bible.
6
Trigano, Shmuel. "Les bibles de la Bible." Pardès 50, no. 2 (2011): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.050.0113.
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7
Wong, Simon. "Digitization of Bibles in Greater China (1661–1960)." Bible Translator 72, no. 2 (August 2021): 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20516770211013079.
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Bible translations in (or for) Greater China may be classified into three categories: Chinese, Han dialects, and indigenous languages. All these language groups witness translation activities by Protestant missionaries. However, in its earliest history, Bible translation was pioneered by missionaries of Eastern Christianity in the seventh century or even earlier, whereas from the Catholic side, clear historical narrative has recorded Bible translation work in the thirteenth century by John of Montecorvino (1247–1328) into a Tatar language. Sadly, this work was not preserved. The earliest extant Bible translation in this vast area was published in 1661 in the Siriya language of Taiwan. This article reports on two major digitization projects: digitization of old Chinese Bibles (1707–1960), including 51 translations in total, and digitization of Bibles in Han dialects/fangyan and indigenous languages (1661–1960)—about 50 languages (including dialects) and 60 translations. These two projects represent the largest and most systematic full-text digitization of the Bible heritage of the area ever undertaken.
8
Tops, Bert. "The Quest for the Early Modern Bible Reader: The Dutch Vorsterman Bible (1533–1534), its Readers and Users." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 6, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 185–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2010.
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Abstract This article investigates a book-archeological approach to early modern Bible reading that maps the complex interactions between the substantive elements of a book (text, paratext, illustrations) on the one hand, and its historical readers and the traces they left on the other. That method is applied to all 43 extant copies of the Dutch Vorsterman Bible of 1533–1534. The editions printed by Willem Vorsterman were for a long time regarded as Protestant. However, the Bibles had the approval of the secular and ecclesiastic authorities and were intended for a Catholic public. The edition of 1533–1534 is a glossed Bible with many historicizing, chronological, linguistic and typological paratextual elements. The former owners of the 43 Bibles and their confessional background are examined. Intended and unintended traces of use give clues to the actual use of the Bible. The article turns at the end to a heavily annotated copy, examining the religious ideas of the annotator and the way in which he used the Bible.
9
Burke, Linda. "Jeanette L. Patterson, Making the Bible French: The Bible historiale and the Medieval Lay Reader. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2022, 249 pp., 8 b/w ill." Mediaevistik 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 531–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2022.01.136.
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Abstract: Were medieval lay Christians forbidden by the Catholic Church to read the Bible in their mother tongue? Were vernacular Bibles a rarity? If vernacular Bibles flourished, as they did, who were the translators, and how were the ancient books of the Bible reworked to engage the lay man or woman of a time and culture far removed from the ancient world? Where the Church authorities approved of these Bibles, what were the agendas served?
10
Kazakov, G. A. "Lexical Aspects of Russian Bible Translations." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 24, 2021): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-6-59-77.
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The article is devoted to the study of the lexical aspects of Russian Bible translations of the 19th—21st centuries in comparative coverage and is a continuation of a study pre-viously conducted by reference to English Bibles. A historical overview of the existing Russian translations is given (the Synodal translation and the texts preceding it, the New Testament of Bishop Cassian, the Bible of the World Bible Translation Center, the “Central Asian translation”, the translation of Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Bible of the Inter-national Bible Society, the modern translation of the Russian Bible Society, the “Zaoksky Bible”). Special attention is paid to modern editions. Samples of texts are compared according to the lexical parameters of adaptiveness, terminologicalness, style and literalness. On the basis of this comparison, a classification of the considered translations is proposed, and their typological features and interconnections are established. The lexical nature of translations is interpreted in terms of their sociolinguistic effect (public perception). The data obtained confirms the pattern previously found in the English-language Bibles — the inverse relationship between adaptiveness on the one hand and terminologicalness, high style and literalness of the translation on the other. In terms of lexical characteristics, the Synodal and the “Central Asian” translations differ most from each other, which is probably due to their focus on church tradition and missionary goals, respectively.
11
Parmenter, Dorina Miller. "How the Bible Feels." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 8, no. 1-2 (August 19, 2017): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.32589.
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Despite Christian leaders’ insistence that what is important about the Bible are the messages of the text, throughout Christian history the Bible as a material object, engaged by the senses, frequently has been perceived to be an effective object able to protect its users from bodily harm. This paper explores several examples where Christians view their Bibles as protective shields, and will situate those interpretations within the history of the material uses of the Bible. It will also explore how recent studies in affect theory might add to the understanding of what is communicated through sensory engagement with the Bible.
12
Perry, Seth. "Scripture, Time, and Authority among Early Disciples of Christ." Church History 85, no. 4 (December 2016): 762–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640716000780.
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This article explores the relationship between the idealization of the Bible and the material characteristics of printed bibles among the Disciples of Christ in the early nineteenth century. The Disciples were founded on the principles of biblical primitivism: they revered the “pure” Bible as the sole source for proper faith and practice. The tenacity with which Disciples emphasized their allegiance to an idealized, timeless Bible has obscured their attention to its physical manifestations and use as printed scripture. The timeless authority of the Bible was entangled with the historical contingencies of mere bibles, and the ways in which they dealt with these tensions offer important perspective on nineteenth-century bible culture. Scholars have treated primitivism as an ahistorical impulse—the idealization of the New Testament church as a mythical sacred era outside of time that could be perpetually inhabited. By contrast, through an examination of the New Testaments edited and published by Disciples leader Alexander Campbell and the heavily-annotated preaching bible of Thomas Allen, an early Disciples preacher, I argue that in seeking to recover the New Testament era through historicized understandings of scripture, primitivists like Campbell and Allen situated the early church itself firmly within historical, not primordial, time.
13
Van Peursen, Wido. "Is the Bible losing its covers? Conceptualization and use of the Bible on the threshold of the Digital Order." HIPHIL Novum 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hn.v1i1.142928.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Does the Digital Revolution change our use of the Bible? Can our conceptualization of the Bible as a book that can be read ‘from cover to cover’ stand the transition from the printed to the digital medium? When the Bible is read online, does the lack of a physical object affect the appropriation of the Bible? These questions are addressed from a broad historical perspective. It is argued, among other things, that our conceptualization of text is still strongly rooted in ‘the Order of the Book’ in spite of rapid changes that are taking place. Even if we do eventually arrive at the Digital Order, we still have a long way to go. We are only on the threshold. The question of whether the Bible is losing its covers can be countered with the observation that it did not have covers when it originated. It acquired them only later on, after the invention of the codex (when the production of complete bibles became technically possible) and the printing press (when it became more usual to produce complete bibles). Even after the invention of the printing press it took quite a while before the covers were “discovered” and made effective in reflections about the Bible and in reading practices.
14
Westbrook, Vivienne. "The Victorian Reformation Bible: Acts and Monuments." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 179–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.9.
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In 1611 the King James Bible was printed with minimal annotations, as requested by King James. It was another of his attempts at political and religious reconciliation. Smaller, more affordable, versions quickly followed that competed with the highly popular and copiously annotated Bibles based on the 1560 Geneva version by the Marian exiles. By the nineteenth century the King James Bible had become very popular and innumerable editions were published, often with emendations, long prefaces, illustrations and, most importantly, copious annotations. Annotated King James Bibles appeared to offer the best of both the Reformation Geneva and King James Bible in a Victorian context, but they also reignited old controversies about the use and abuse of paratext. Amid the numerous competing versions stood a group of Victorian scholars, theologians and translators, who understood the need to reclaim the King James Bible through its Reformation heritage; they monumentalized it.
15
Tarlam, Alam. "Hermeneutik dan Kritik Bible." AL-KAINAH: Journal of Islamic Studies 1, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.69698/jis.v1i2.16.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Bible merupakan salah satu kitab suci tertua di dunia digunakan oleh Yahudi dan Kristen. Bibel sebagai awal mula kajian hermeneutik untuk memahami sebuah teks. Tuntutan realitas pembacaan teks era sekarang meniscayakan pengayaan metodologis, terutama pada teks-teks sakral semisal kitab suci keagamaan. Dalam konteks ini, para pemikir Islam di bidang Tafsir al-Qur’an mencoba mengkaji hermeneutika. Suatu cabang ilmu menafsirkan teks yang tidak lagi memungkinkan dikonfirmasi kepada pencipta/penulisnya. Sebagaimana kebenaran relatif yang dikandung oleh ta’wil (alegoric) yang dikenal dalam tafsir al-Qur’an klasik, Hermeneutika juga menyuguhkan produk analisis yang mengandung kebenaran relatif. Itulah sebabnya, Hermeneutika membutuhkan “rukun” atau persyaratan agar produk analisisnya sedekat mungkin kepada maksud pencipta teks. Melalui analisis filsafat bahasa, makalah ini mencoba memberikan gambaran umum bagaimana hermeneutika bekerja sebagai suatu pendekatan dalam pengkajian Bible. Berdasarkan analisis tersebut ditemukan bahwa Hermeneutik dan Bibel adalah satu kesatuan bahasan yang sangat berhubungan, karena giron atau kajian hermeneutika yaitu mengkaji pemahaman teks temasuk Bible.
16
Caldwell, Elizabeth. "Reading the Bible with Children: Review Essay, Bibles and Bible Story Books." Religious Education 110, no. 4 (August 8, 2015): 452–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344087.2015.1063967.
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Bottigheimer, Ruth B. "BIBLE READING, “BIBLES” AND THE BIBLE FOR CHILDREN IN EARLY MODERN GERMANY." Past and Present 139, no. 1 (1993): 66–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/139.1.66.
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18
Stein, Stephen J. "America's Bibles: Canon, Commentary, and Community." Church History 64, no. 2 (June 1995): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167903.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In America the category ‘bible’ enjoys a privileged cultural position. That fact was brought home to me anecdotally several years ago when I received a telephone call forwarded through a departmental secretary. The woman on the other end of the line expressed frustration because she did not know what to do with a worn-out Bible. She asked if there was a proper way to handle the situation: should she bury it, or burn it? She was genuinely perplexed. Of one thing alone was she certain: she could not throw the Bible into a garbage can. As it turned out, I was of little help. I knew no liturgy for disposing of old Bibles, nor any special protocol for handling them. But I also do not remember ever throwing one away. I am accustomed to seeing old Bibles in attics or on shelves of used-book stores. The telephone call underscored in a practical way the special aura that surrounds the ‘bible’ in America.
19
Vecsey, Christopher. "American Indians Encounter the Bible." English Language Notes 58, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-8237476.
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Abstract This article explores how Native Americans have received the Bible. Over the centuries some Indians have been inspired by the Bible, and some have been repelled by its long-standing place in colonization. The Christian invaders in the New World carried the Bible in their minds. It served as their inspiration, their justification, and their frame of reference as they encountered Indigenous peoples. In effect, the Bible was the template for exploration, conquest, identification of selves and others. The Christian invaders brought along or produced physical Bibles, which served their catechetical purposes, and in time they began to translate the Bible—in whole and in part—into American Indian languages. Therefore this article illustrates that to the present day Native Americans continue to receive the Bible actively and variously, attempting to fit it to their unfolding cultural stories. Ultimately, it has not lost its potency, nor have they lost their power to consider it on their own terms.
20
Mak, George Kam Wah. "The Emergence of Hong Kong as a World Centre for Chinese Protestant Bible Publishing and Distribution, 1948–51." Studies in Church History 61 (May 20, 2025): 541–62. https://doi.org/10.1017/stc.2024.52.
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The Chinese Civil War (1946–9) and the Korean War (1950–3) contributed to the beginning of Hong Kong’s evolution from a British colony occupying a geographically peripheral position in South China, to a world centre for Chinese Protestant Bible publishing and distribution in the Cold War era. In 1948, the China Bible House (CBH), the de facto national Bible society of China, decided to establish an emergency office in Hong Kong, responding to the prospect of the Communist takeover of China. Subsequently, as the Korean War unfolded, the CBH, owing to political pressure, desired to sever its connection with the emergency office in 1951. This resulted in the transition of the emergency office into the Hong Kong Bible House (HKBH), the British and American Bible societies’ agency for Chinese Bible publishing and distribution. Thanks to the work of the HKBH, Hong Kong came to be the major source of Bibles for Chinese Protestants outside mainland China.
21
de Vries, Lourens. "The Book of True Civilization: The Origins of the Bible Society Movement in the Age of Enlightenment." Bible Translator 67, no. 3 (December 2016): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2051677016670231.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Bible Society movement has its roots in the ideologies and social practices of the Enlightenment that led to a radical reconceptualization of the Christian religion and to the construction of a non-confessional and non-denominational Christian domain, with non-denominational Bibles and strong emphasis on a common non-confessional core of fundamental “simple” Christian truths and on the virtues of tolerance, civilization, knowledge, and learning. It is in these Enlightenment contexts that a new type of evangelistic Bible translation emerges with a missionary goal of spreading Christian civilization, in dozens of non-Western languages. At the same time we see another new type of Bible translation in Western languages: enlightened Bibles, not meant for the pulpit but for the home, to educate, instruct, civilize, and enlighten their readers. These enlightened Bibles incorporated results of modern, enlightened biblical scholarship, and strongly deviated from the authorized versions.
22
Michener, Ronald T. "The Bible in a Disenchanted Age: The Enduring Possibility of Christian Faith." European Journal of Theology 28, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ejt2019.1.009.mich.
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SummaryThis book steers away from modern entrapments of rationalism and empiricism that led to a disenchanted view of the Bible. Instead, Moberly innovatively proposes three lenses by which to view the Bible: history, classic and Scripture. Throughout the book he contrasts Virgil’s Aeneid book 1 and the Old Testament book of Daniel, chapter 7. Moberly defends giving the Bible a ‘privileged’ position for Christian faith with ‘plausibility structures’, arguing that the act of privileging one text over another for a particular worldview is common to all human beings.ZusammenfassungDieses Buch steuert weg von den Fallen der Moderne des Rationalismus und Empirizismus, die zu einer entmystifizierten Sicht der Bibel führen. Stattdessen stellt Moberly das innovative Modell von drei Linsen vor, durch welche die Bibel betrachtet werden kann: als Geschichte, als Klassiker und als Schrift. Dieses Modell behält er durch das gesamte Buch bei und kontrastiert dabei Virgils Aeneis Buch Nr. 1 mit dem alttestamentlichen Buch Daniel, Kapitel 7. Moberly verteidigt eine “privilegierte” Position der Bibel für den christlichen Glauben mit dem Hinweis auf “plausible Strukturen”. Dieses Argument besagt, dass die Praxis, einem bestimmten Text gegenüber einem anderen zugunsten einer bestimmten Weltsicht den Vorzug einzuräumen, allen Menschen eigen ist.RésuméCet ouvrage évite les pièges modernes du rationalisme et de l’empirisme qui ont conduit à un regard désenchanté sur la Bible. Moberly innove en proposant d’aborder la Bible sous trois perspectives : l’histoire, l’approche classique et l’Écriture. Il applique cela tout au long du livre et met en contraste le livre I de l’Énéide de Virgile et le livre vétérotestamentaire de Daniel, chapitre 7. Il plaide qu’il faut donner à la Bible une place « privilégiée » pour la foi chrétienne avec des « structures de plausibilité », en arguant que le fait de privilégier un texte par rapport à un autre dans le cadre d’une vision du monde particulière est commun à tous les êtres humains.
23
Casanellas, Pere. "Bible Translation by Jews and Christians in Medieval Catalan-Speaking Territories." Medieval Encounters 26, no. 4-5 (December 29, 2020): 386–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340080.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Despite bans on the reading or possession of Bibles in the vernacular, numerous medieval Catalan translations of the Bible survive, in particular a complete Bible from the fourteenth century, some ten psalters, and a fifteenth-century version of the four Gospels. Moreover, Catalan was the second Romance language in which a full Bible was printed (1478), following the Tuscan Bible of 1471. Most of these translations were commissioned by Christians for the use of Christians. In some cases, however, it is clear that the translators were converted Jews. In some others, the translations appear to have been written by Jews for Jewish readers. We also find one case in which Catalan was the source rather than the target language: the first extant translation of the four Gospels into Hebrew (late fifteenth century) was undertaken, probably by a Jew, using the aforementioned fourteenth-century Catalan Bible.
24
den Hollander, August. "Biblical Geography." Church History and Religious Culture 99, no. 2 (August 12, 2019): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09902005.
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Abstract Maps in Dutch printed Bibles made their debut when the Bible was first printed in large folio format in the Low Countries. The first complete Dutch Bible in the folio format that appeared on the market, by Jacob van Liesvelt in 1526, already included a map. This was a map of the Exodus, the Israelites’ journey through the desert from the land of Egypt to the promised land of Canaan. In the course of the second half of the sixteenth century, additional maps appeared in Bibles published in the Low Countries. In the sixteenth century, maps are found in both Catholic and Protestant Bibles.
25
Conners, David. "A "Mind-Boggling" Implication: The Hebrew Bible, the Old Testament, and the Definition of a Work." Judaica Librarianship 15, no. 1 (April 15, 2014): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1049.
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The uniform title Bible. O.T. has long caused difficulty in Judaica libraries. The well documented problems caused by this heading are reviewed. Alternative models developed by the Hebraica Team of the Library of Congress (LC) are discussed, as is an LC proposed rule change to Resource Description and Access (RDA) that was partially approved by the Joint Steering Committee. The idea by members of the Association of Jewish Libraries to use the Virtual International Authority File as a technical solution is reviewed briefly. The author endorses a model from LC that uses different uniform titles for the Hebrew Bible and Christian Bible. Separate uniform titles are necessary because the two Bibles represent unique works; the ideational and textual differences of the Hebrew Bible and Christian Old Testament are seen in both canonical and translation differences.
26
Majer, Kamil. "NORMATYWNY CHARAKTER BIBLII NA PODSTAWIE POLSKIEJ TEOLOGII POSOBOROWEJ." Teologiczne Studia Siedleckie XVI, no. 2019 (March 9, 2020): 8–22. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3701356.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Pismo Święte jest Słowem Bożym pisanym. Od wieków jest przedmiotem zainteresowania milionów ludzi. Jest podstawą Objawienia Bożego i Księgą Kościoła. Biblia jak i sam Kościół została zrodzona z tchnienia Ducha Świętego i jest w sposób nierozdzielny związana ze zbawczym posłannictwem Kościoła. Obok Tradycji, jest podstawową drogą przekazywania Objawienia ponieważ zawiera prawdę zbawczą. Jest zawsze aktualna dla wszystkich, którzy przyjmują ją w wierze i prawdzie. Zawarte jest słowo Boga, mocą którego dokonuje się pojednanie Boga z człowiekiem. Jest również miejscem dialogu Stwórcy ze stworzeniem. W Piśmie Świętym nie ma błędu ani fałszu, ponieważ pochodzi z Natchnienia Bożego. Mocą obecnego w słowie Ducha Świętego, słowo to jest słowem żywym i skutecznym. Nieprzerwanie płynie z Niej prawda i świętość, co sprawia, że jest podstawą życia moralnego. Nazywając Biblie Pismem Świętym nie zawsze zdaje się sprawę z tego, że tym samym wyznaje się wiarę w świętość czyli moralną szlachetność Biblii jako Księgi, która nie ma sobie równej także pod względem świętości. Posiada ona szczególny cel. Ma przekazać człowiekowi plan zbawienia, i drogę do jego osiągnięcia. Summary The normative character of the Bible based on postconciliar polish theology Holy Scripture is a written Word of God. For ages it has been the subject of interest by millions of people. It is the basis of God’s Revelation and Church Book. Both the Bible and Church itself were born from the breath of the Holy Spirit, and they are in inseperable way connected with saving mission of the Church. Next to Tradition, the Bible is the basic way of transmitting God’s Revelation because it contains the truth of salvation. It is always current for everyone who accepts it in faith and truth. It contains the word of God, the power of which is the reconciliation between God and man. It is also a place of dialogue between the Creators and everything what God has created. In the Holy Scripture there is no mistake or false, because it comes from God’s Inspiration. With the power of the Holy Spirit, who is presented in the word, this word is a living and effective word. From the Bible constantly flows truth and holiness, what makes it the basis of moral life. When we call the Bible a Holy Scripture, we do not always realize that same we confess our faith in holiness, which is a moral nobility of the Bible that is also unmatched in terms of holiness. The Bible has a special purpose. It gives man a plan of Salvation and a wa of its achievement. Zusammenfassung Der normative Charakter der Bibel anhand der polnischen nachkonziliaren Theologie Die Heilige Schrift ist das geschriebene Wort des Gottes. Seit Jahrhunderten ist es ein Objekt von Interesse fur Millionen von Menschen. Es ist die Grundlage fur Gottes Offen- barung und das Buch der Kirche. Sowohl die Bibel als auch die Kirche sind aus dem Atem des Heiligen Geistes entstanden. Bibel ist untrennbar mit der heilbringenden Mission der Kirche verbunden. Neben der Tradition ist sie der grundlegende Weg, die Offenbarung zu vermitteln, weil sie die Wahrheit der Erlosung enthalt. Bibel ist immer gultig fur Alle, die sie im Glauben und in der Wahrheit empfangen. Sie enthalt das Wort des Gottes, dessen Kraft es ist, Gott mit dem Mensch zu yersóhnen. Es gibt auch ein Ort des Dialogs zwischen Schópfer und Geschópf. In der Heiligen Schrift gibt es keinen Fehler oder keine Falschheit, weil sie von Gottes Eingebung kommt. Durch die Kraft des Heiligen Geistes im Wort ist es lebendig und wirksam. Aus der Bibel fliefien standig Wahrheit und Heiligkeit, was sie zur Grundlage des moralischen Lebens macht. Wenn man die Bibel den Heiligen Schriften nennt, ist man dessen nicht immer bewusst, dass man auf diese Weise den Glauben an die Heiligkeit bekennt, also den moralischen Adel der Bibel als meint, die auch in Bezug auf die Heiligkeit konkurrenzlos ist. Sie hat einen bestimmten Zweck. Sie soll dem Menschen einen Erlósungsplan geben, einen Weg, um ihn zu erreichen.
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Perry, Samuel L., and Joshua B. Grubbs. "Formal or Functional? Traditional or Inclusive? Bible Translations as Markers of Religious Subcultures." Sociology of Religion 81, no. 3 (2020): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socrel/sraa003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract English Bible translations are often classified along two axes: (1) whether their translation approach pursues “formal correspondence” (prioritizing literalness) or “functional equivalence” (prioritizing meaning); and (2) whether their translation approach emphasizes “gender-traditionalism” (translating gendered language literally) or “gender-inclusivism” (minimizing unnecessarily gendered language). Leveraging insights from research on how religious subcultural capital shapes consumption patterns, we examine how indicators of conservative Protestant subcultural attachment potentially shape Christians’ choices of Bible translation along these axes. Compared with Catholics and “other Christians,” Conservative Protestants are more likely to read functional equivalence translations. Biblical literalists are more likely to read gender-traditionalist translations, but curiously no more likely than others to read formal correspondence translations. The link between conservative Protestant affiliation and reading a gender-traditionalist or inclusive Bible is heavily influenced by how we classify the New International Version. Importantly, we also find Bible reading and overall religiosity are positively associated with reading functional equivalence and gender-inclusive Bibles. Thus while conservative Bible beliefs seem to incline Christians toward translations that reflect conservative subcultural priorities (gender-traditionalism), consistent Bible practice is more prevalent among Christians who read more dynamic and inclusive translations.
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Laats, Adam. "The Quiet Crusade: Moody Bible Institute's Outreach to Public Schools and the Mainstrearning of Appalachia, 1921–66." Church History 75, no. 3 (September 2006): 565–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098632.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 1921, William Norton of the Moody Bible Institute of Chicago pushed, pulled, and dragged his Model T along the back roads of the southern Appalachians. He visited churches, schools, and private homes, talking with anyone and everyone he could find. His question was always the same: “Do you have enough Bibles?” The answers he received shocked him. As far as Norton could tell, many of the “mountaineers” were nominally Christian, but they had often never seen a Bible, much less read one of their own. As the head of the Moody Bible Institute's Bible Institute Colportage Association, he immediately put together a plan. “To reach these people quickly,” he wrote in his report, “I am convinced that it can be done most efficiently … through the public schools.… A great majority of the teachers are ready to cooperate.”
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MIHĂILĂ, ALEXANDRU. "CHAPTER AND VERSE DIVISION IN THE ROMANIAN BIBLES: INFLUENCES, CHANGES, QUESTIONS." Receptarea Sfintei Scripturi: între filologie, hermeneutică şi traductologie 12 (2024): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/rss.2023.12-4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The present paper will discuss the problem of chapter and verse division of the Old Testament in some of the Romanian Bible translations, especially the Synodal Bibles starting with the second Synodal Bible of 1936 and up till 2015, the most recent edition. This group of Synodal Bibles innovated the Romanian translation by combining the Hebrew Text and the Septuagint, and thus leaving aside the tradition of following the Septuagint which was still represented by the first Synodal edition of 1914. Thus, the Orthodox Church of Romania is reading now a hybrid text for the Old Testament.
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Billingsley, Naomi. "‘The Great Bowyer Bible’: Robert Bowyer and the Macklin Bible1." Journal of Illustration 8, no. 1 (August 1, 2021): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jill_00038_1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article examines an iconic example of grangerizing: the Macklin Bible extra-illustrated in 45 volumes by London artist and bookseller Robert Bowyer (1758‐1834) in the first quarter of the nineteenth century (Bolton Libraries and Museums, Bolton, United Kingdom). The principal focus is on the Bowyer Bible as an example of an extra-illustrator’s close engagement with its source publication. The author argues that Bowyer’s practice responds not only to the Bible or the King James Bible, in general, but also to the Macklin Bible, in particular. The article discusses how the Bowyer Bible engages with the Macklin Bible specifically and how it reflects a broader range of concerns in its visual engagement with the Bible. It demonstrates that Bowyer’s curation of biblical visual material evidences both his professional interests as a connoisseur of prints and his personal interests in the visual culture of the Bible that reflect his own piety as well as contemporaneous developments in the study of the scriptures. Other matters discussed in the article are the original function of this Bible, as well as the extent to which it reflects and is distinctive from contemporaneous extra-illustrated books.
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François, Wim, and Sabrina Corbellini. "Shaping Religious Reading Cultures in the Early Modern Netherlands: The “Glossed Bibles” of Jacob van Liesvelt and Willem Vorsterman (1532–1534ff.)." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 6, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 147–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The historiography of Dutch Bible translations has largely focused on Jacob van Liesvelt’s 1526 “protestantizing” version, and Willem Vorsterman’s subsequent efforts to transform that version into a “Catholic” Bible (1528–1529). Less attention has been given to the following stage in the Antwerp printers’ competition to attract Bible readers: In 1532 Van Liesvelt published a Bible, containing a large number of annotations in the margins of the Old Testament, which chronologically situate the biblical events in the history of the world and the economy of salvation, next to other paratextual elements. Vorsterman responded by bringing a “catholicizing” glossed Bible to the market (1533–1534), in which typological annotations were also included in the margins. While giving an analysis of the text, paratext and imagery of the abovementioned Bibles, this article will investigate how the interplay of these elements on the page contributed to the creation of specific reading habits and strategies and stimulated the readers to perform specific reading and devotional activities. Also the inclusion of topical registers and liturgical reading schedules as navigational tools will be taken into consideration.
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Malley, Brian. "The Bible in British Folklore." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 2, no. 2-3 (March 14, 2008): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v2i2.241.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article surveys magical and mantic uses of the Bible as attested in British folklore reports, with an eye to developing a model of the Biblicist tradition as that tradition was received by the British laity. The evidence shows that (1) in contrast to the church’s emphasis on the Bible’s meaning, the laity exploited the Bible’s textual and artifactual properties as supernatural means to practical ends; (2) charmers made use of particular biblical (or taken-for-biblical) texts, whereas the Bible generally was used in exorcisms, which seem to have remained the purview of clergy; (3) lay traditions about the Bible seem to have been focused on specific issues, though a general uncertainty about what powers Bibles might have is also indicated.
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Lampros, Dean George. "A New Set of Spectacles: The Assembly’s Annotations, 1645-1657." Renaissance and Reformation 31, no. 4 (January 25, 2009): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v31i4.11705.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
With the collapse of press censorship that followed the impeachment of William Laud in the Fall of 1640, a group of London printers took advantage of their new-found freedom and encouraged the House of Commons to convene an assembly of divines whose sole task was to revise the notes located within the margins of the Geneva Bible. The new annotations, it was agreed, were to be affixed to the margins of the Authorized Version, which would subsequently be sold as an annotated Bible. London’s newly liberated presses, however, produced a flood of Bibles, and the price of Bibles naturally fell. Such market conditions meant that an annotated Bible, more costly to produce, would be rendered unmarketable. Fortuitously, the men assembled to compose the new annotations came up with a set far too lengthy to be confined to the margins of the Authorized Version. The resulting commentary, which was published in 1645 as a separate volume, proved to be a marketable alternative.
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von Flotow, Luise. "Women, Bibles, Ideologies." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 13, no. 1 (March 19, 2007): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037390ar.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Women, Bibles, Ideologies - Julia Evelina Smith's Bible translation was undertaken in response to the religious fervour of the Millerites in 1840s USA. Published in 1876, in the highly politicized context of the women's suffrage movement, it influenced "The Woman's Bible" (1895). Yet its "literal" approach results in a text that is quite unlike a late 20th century "literal" version by Mary Phil Korsak from yet another ideological movement.
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Alcoloumbre, Thierry. "La Bible d'avant la Bible." Pardès 51, no. 1 (2012): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.051.0015.
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Wilken, Robert Louis. "Interpreting the Bible as Bible." Journal of Theological Interpretation 4, no. 1 (2010): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26421325.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Modern historical criticism has disengaged understanding of the Bible from the long Christian tradition of interpretation, severing the bond between text and reader, between Scripture and the living church tradition. As a consequence, patristic and medieval interpreters are dismissed as serious commentators on the Holy Scriptures. This essay offers examples from classical Christian exegetes that illustrate how reading the Scriptures from within rather than against tradition deepens our understanding of the Bible.
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Wilken, Robert Louis. "Interpreting the Bible as Bible." Journal of Theological Interpretation 4, no. 1 (2010): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jtheointe.4.1.0007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Modern historical criticism has disengaged understanding of the Bible from the long Christian tradition of interpretation, severing the bond between text and reader, between Scripture and the living church tradition. As a consequence, patristic and medieval interpreters are dismissed as serious commentators on the Holy Scriptures. This essay offers examples from classical Christian exegetes that illustrate how reading the Scriptures from within rather than against tradition deepens our understanding of the Bible.
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Barton, Josef. "Na marginesie dwu ostatnio opublikowanych nowych czeskich przekładów Nowego Testamentu." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 31, no. 2 (December 31, 2024): 15–29. https://doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2024.31.2.2.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
At the beginning of the 20th century, there was a noticeable break (modernization) in the way the Bible was translated in the Czech environment, and thus a visible distancing from the previous (long and rich) tradition of Bible translation into the Czech language. Within the framework of this modern Czech Bible translation, eighteen translations of the entire New Testament and ten translations of the Old Testament (which also means nine complete Bibles) have been produced and published (in addition to many translations of smaller parts of the Bible) in the course of about one hundred years. The article presents two modern recently-published Czech translations of the New Testament (published in 2013 and 2020), each representing a significantly different methodological approach. In particular, the article shows the salient features of their authors’ work with the Czech language, the attempts to outline the contours of their grasp of biblical style, and suggests possible inspirations that future translators could draw from these translations.
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Jensdotter, Linnea, and Hanna Liljefors. "The Burning Qur’an and the Benign Bible." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 15, no. 2 (March 5, 2025): 151–77. https://doi.org/10.1558/post.32955.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this article, we examine the way the (Christian) Bible and the Qur’an are represented in Swedish press in the wake of the Qur’an burnings that took place in Sweden 2020–23. Through critical discourse analysis we investigate debate articles and identify prominent discourses that stress the Bible as benign and the Qur’an as malign for Swedish society. The Bible is framed as harmonizing with Swedish values, including freedom of speech, while the Qur’an is framed as non-compatible with a modern, secular society. The result is then related to biblical reception studies on various notions of Bibles in the public sphere and the theory of the politicization of religion as applied in sociology of religion. Ultimately, we argue that an increasing politicization of the Bible risks reinforcing problematic notions of the religious Other, through framing sacred scriptures as contrasting symbols for groups of people, even in the world’s most secularized country.
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Matytsina, Irina V. "Bible Translations in Sweden." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 12, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 1107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2021-12-4-1107-1123.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article focuses on approaches to Bible translation that existed in Sweden in different periods. Special attention is payed to what is to date the latest translation in 2000 (Bible 2000). On the eve of celebration of the 500th anniversary of the first translation of the Gospels (1526) this topic is particularly relevant and discussed more and more actively in works by Swedish researchers, first and foremost because a new edition of the next Bible translation is planned in 2026. This tradition goes back to 1540-1541 when translation of the full Bible was printed, known as the Gustav Vasa Bible (Gustav Vasas Bibel), which has made an impact on the hearts and minds of Swedish people for almost four centuries and formed the basis of Standard Swedish. The approach declared by Luther has become a fundamental principle of Bible translations into Swedish: text must convey precisely the message, spirit and content of the original, not literally, however, but in the language that is clear to uneducated people. The Gustav Vasa Bible was reissued twice: in 1618 (the Gustav II Adolf Bible) and 1703 (the Charles XII Bible). Whats more, every new edition was redacted officially. In 1773 Gustav III established the Biblical Commission and requested to replace the outdated text with a new one. However, there were numerous changes in the Swedish Language during the XXth century. Besides, the development of linguistics and translation studies, as well as new scientific data have formed the basis of a new Bible translation project that was launched in 1972 and ended up with publishing the Bible-2000. The translation is the result of collaboration between numerous scholars and average readers. It took almost thirty years to perform the work. In the end, a text was created which most people think is unique, as it strives to convey the style of each particular book. However, there is obviously a gap between the new text and the centuries-old tradition of Bible translation, because after textual analysis was complete, scholars and translators often took decisions about how to render separate words and whole phrases. Their decisions had nothing in common with established practice. Consequently, critics consider that the text of Bible-2000 is often greatly oversimplified, everyday, lacking its solemn beauty and magnificence.
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Ohlhausen, Sidney K. "The Last Haydock Bible." Recusant History 22, no. 4 (October 1995): 529–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002065.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Haydock Bibles were a series of self-interpreting editions of the Douay Version with annotations compiled chiefly by Rev. George Leo Haydock. The first edition was published in serialized form over the years 1811 to 1814 by Father Haydock's brother, Thomas. It enjoyed great popularity and was frequently reprinted in a series of British and American editions. According to standard Bible bibliographies, the latest known editions were published in the 1880's. The purpose of this article is to provide a brief historical account of editions in this important series and to describe a 1910 reprint of the final edition recently located by the author. This copy establishes that the Haydock Bible series lasted longer than was generally known.
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Lind, Sarah E. "Review: Interpretation of the Bible. Interpretation der Bibel. Interprétation de la Bible. Interpretacija Svetega Pisma." Bible Translator 50, no. 3 (July 1999): 353–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026009359905000309.
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Dube, Musa W. "Behold, the Global Translated Bible(s)! Research and Pedagogical Implications." Journal of Biblical Literature 143, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1431.2024.1b.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Mother Earth is home to an unprecedented number of translations of the Bible, making it the most widely translated book in the world. The pages of this book have traversed a variety of physical and metaphorical borders, navigating diverse geographical, political, economic, cultural, linguistic, and religious intersections. Across space, time, and cultures, millions of readers have found various reasons to read it through diverse lenses. The Bible was frequently translated and brought to the colonized territories with colonial movements. Regrettably, it was often utilized as a tool for subjugation and dominance. However, the colonized people also used this resource for their own goals. Do contemporary biblical studies have the courage to look upon the tomes and tons of translated Bibles lying upon the surface of Mother Earth? What responsibilities and opportunities does the Global Translated Bible(s) lay upon academic biblical studies? What research questions, challenges, and opportunities for collaboration does it open? What are the pedagogical obligations and implications of acknowledging the Global Translated Bible(s)? In other words, what does faithfulness and unfaithfulness to the translated biblical corpus entail, imply, and demand? This lecture proposes and emphasizes the imperative of mainstreaming the Global Translated Bible(s) into academic biblical studies.
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Wong, Simon. "Digitization of Old Chinese Bibles (pre-1950s)." Bible Translator 68, no. 1 (April 2017): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2051677016687618.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The program “Digitization of Old Chinese Bibles,” likely the largest digitization program for Chinese Bibles ever undertaken, began in August 2014 under the auspices of the Digital Bible Library (DBL), an initiative of the United Bible Societies with the aim of gathering, validating, and safeguarding Scripture texts and publication assets ( https://thedigitalbiblelibrary.org/home/ ). The completion of Phase I in April 2016 also marked the launch of Phase II of the program. By the time the present article is published, a majority of twenty-two Chinese Bibles (full or New Testament) will have been full-text digitized and uploaded to DBL for wider distribution. The final goal of the digitization program is to digitize all thirty-three extant complete Chinese New Testaments or full Bibles—whether in Wenli (classical) Chinese or Mandarin Chinese—published prior to the 1950s. The purpose of the article is to report on this program, what it entails, and the challenges it faces.
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Chia, Philip Suciadi. "An Evaluation of the Puzzled Syntax of 2 John 1: 5." Perichoresis 20, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2022-0024.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The syntax of 2 John 1: 5 is problematic. Six manuscripts, Ψ 5. 81. 642*. 1852 l, try to solve this difficulty by emending the participle ‘γράφων’ to the indicative verb ‘γράφω’. Culy and Leedy on Greek NT diagrams, on the other hand, understand the participle ‘γράφων’ to modify ‘ἐρωτάω’. In the latter approach, the participle ‘γράφων’ serves to modify ‘εἴχομεν’. This last approach, however, is divided into two possibilities: either it functions as a participle of condition or of attendant circumstance. Three English Bibles use a participle of condition (Holman Christian Standard Bible, NET Bible, and Christian Standard Bible). The other English translations, however, employ the function of attendant circumstance participle. Despite these syntactical discrepancies, this research offers a fresh reading of the puzzled syntax of 2 John 1: 5.
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Gebarowski-Shafer, Ellie. "Catholics and the King James Bible: Stories from England, Ireland and America." Scottish Journal of Theology 66, no. 3 (July 16, 2013): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930613000112.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThe King James Bible was widely celebrated in 2011 for its literary, religious and cultural significance over the past 400 years, yet its staunch critics are important to note as well. This article draws attention to Catholic critics of the King James Bible (KJB) during its first 300 years in print. By far the most systematic and long-lived Catholic attack on the KJB is found in the argument and afterlife of a curious counter-Reformation text, Thomas Ward's Errata of the Protestant Bible. This book is not completely unknown, yet many scholars have been puzzled over exactly what to make of it and all its successor editions in the nineteenth century – at least a dozen, often in connection with an edition of the Catholic Douai-Rheims Bible (DRB). Ward's Errata, first published in 1688, was based on a 1582 book by Catholic translator and biblical scholar Gregory Martin. The book and its accompanying argument, that all Protestant English Bibles were ‘heretical’ translations, then experienced a prosperous career in nineteenth-century Ireland, employed to battle the British and Foreign Bible Society's campaign to disseminate the Protestant King James Bible as widely as possible. On the American career of the Counter-Reformation text, the article discusses early editions in Philadelphia, when the school Bible question entered the American scene. In the mid-nineteenth century, led by Bishop John Purcell in Cincinnati, Bishop Francis Patrick Kenrick in Philadelphia and Bishop John Hughes in New York City, many Catholics began opposing the use of the KJB as a school textbook and demanding use of the Douai Rheims Bible instead. With reference to Ward's Errata, they argued that the KJB was a sectarian version, reflecting Protestant theology at the expense of Catholic teachings. These protests culminated in the then world-famous Bible-burning trial of Russian Redemptorist priest, Fr Vladimir Pecherin in Dublin, in late 1855. The Catholic criticisms of the KJB contained in Ward's Errata, which was reprinted for the last time in 1903, reminded the English-speaking public that this famous and influential Protestant version was not the most perfect of versions, and that it was not and never had been THE BIBLE for everyone.
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Szpiech, Ryan. "Translating between the Lines: Medieval Polemic, Romance Bibles, and the Castilian Works of Abner of Burgos/Alfonso of Valladolid." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 1-3 (May 23, 2016): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342218.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Hebrew works of convert Abner de Burgos/Alfonso de Valladolid (d. ca. 1347) were translated into Castilian in the fourteenth century, at least partly and probably entirely by Abner/Alfonso himself. Because the author avoids Christian texts and cites abundantly from Hebrew sources, his writing includes many passages taken from the Hebrew Bible and the Talmud. The Castilian versions of his works translate these citations directly from Hebrew and do not seem to make any direct use of existing Romance-language Bibles (although his work might have relied indirectly on Jewish Bible translations circulating orally in the fourteenth century). Given the abundance of citations, especially in Abner/Alfonso’s earliest surviving work, the Moreh ṣedeq (Mostrador de justicia), his writing can serve as a significant source in the history of Hebrew-to-Romance Bible translation in the fourteenth century. The goal of this article is to consider the impact of polemical writing on Bible translation in the Middle Ages by analyzing these citations in Abner/Alfonso’s Castilian works.
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Bondar, Natalia. "The editions and copies of the Ostroh Bible of 1581 (on the 440th anniversary of the book’s publication)." Острозька давнина 1, no. 7 (November 30, 2020): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2707-1650-2020-7-127-152.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article explores editions and copies of the Ostroh Bible of 1581, which belongs to the treasures of the world printing heritage and the main sacred books of the Orthodox and Christian world in general. The Ostroh Bible is also considered to be the most researched monument of Ukrainian printed book culture. The author summarizes information about the sources of the Ostroh Bible and identifies copies that belonged to the nobles who lived near Ostroh for some time and were probably involved in the work of the Ostroh intellectual group (Severyn Malyushytsky, Vasyl Zenkovych Tykhynsky and Valentyn Nehalevsky). The Bibles from their collections have old coverings, notes as to whom the book belonged, the readers’ comments, which is an interesting source for the history of reading and reflection upon the Holy Scripture throughout the centuries. The article summarizes information about the preserved copies of the Ostroh Bible and their presentation in Ukrainian collections. More detailed information about the copy of the publication from the collection of the National University "Ostroh Academy" (records, stamps, features of cover, paper filigrees, etc.) is provided.
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Sherwood, Yvonne. "Bush’s Bible as a Liberal Bible." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 2, no. 1 (May 20, 2007): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v2i1.47.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This essay introduces the four articles collected in this issue of Postscripts as a forum on the theme, “Bush’s Bible.” It also argues that Bush’s Bible can be explained as an example of the “Liberal Bible,” a Bible invented in early modernity, though often misunderstood as expressing the Christian Bible’s original, true nature. The recent history of the Liberal Bible needs to be told and analysed in order to understand the fudged religious–secular compromises of modernity. The very vagueness of Bush’s Bible as a loose repository of principles is a symptom of the paradoxical place of the Bible in modern democratic-(Christian) states.
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Daiber, Karl-Fritz, and M. van der Veer. "Bible and Devotion To the Bible." Journal of Empirical Theology 6, no. 2 (1993): 61–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157092593x00117.
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