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1
Gorodnia, Nataliia. "Coverage of International Situation in June-July 1914 by the «Kiyevlianin» Newspaper." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper studies the ways in which international situation in June-July 1914 was covered by «Kiyevlianin», a daily influential newspaper published in Kyiv, then Russian Empire. This research focuses on the main international themes covered by the «Kiyevlianin» newspaper after assassination of Habsburg hair Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and until the Austro-Hungarian Note to Serbia was reported. The major focus of the study is international situation in the Balkans, especially the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and Russian Empire’s Balkan policy. The author considers those days’ newspapers a valuable source for a historical research as they provided information while the events were ongoing, and their direction and outcomes were not known yet. The understanding of those days’ events by contemporaries may differ from later academic interpretations. For this reason, the study of these newspapers deepens our understanding of international situation before the Great War. The research has revealed that the Austro-Serbian conflict was only one of the numerous conflicts in the Balkans. The international situation on the peninsula dramatically changed after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913 in favor of Serbia, and the potential of further conflicts essentially increased. The reporters understood that any minor changes in the situation could trigger a new Balkan war. The major driving forces behind the Austro-Serbian conflict were “Great Serbian” idea, Serbia’s positioning as the “Piedmont” of Southern Slavs (at the expense of Austro-Hungary), and Russia’s Balkan policy. The latter was represented by the Russian envoy to Belgrade Nikolay Gartvig. According to him, backing of Serbia was caused by Russia’s geopolitical interests of anti-Austrian character. Russia’s backing in July 1914 prompted the Serbian regent Alexander not to comply with the Austro-Hungarian Note and to escalate the conflict. Thus, Russia’s pro-Serbian and anti-Austrian policy was the major factor which caused the war.
2
Pavlovic, Vojislav. "A third Balkan war: France and the allied attempts at creating a new Balkan alliance 1914-1915." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738191p.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The initial phase of the First World War in the Balkans 1914-1915 was a natural continuation of the conflicts opened during the Balkan Wars, but national fervor now encompassed all of the Balkans, from Rijeka and Ljubljana to Athens, Sofia and Bucharest, because the role of the Dual Monarchy had changed from that of an arbiter to that of a participant in the conflict. With the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the further survival of the Habsburg Monarchy was challenged by the Serbian government's Yugoslav project, creating conditions for implementing the nationality principle in all of the Balkans. It seemed that, in support of the alliances that were being created in the Balkans and in Europe as a whole, the time had come for the final fulfillment of the national aspirations of the Balkan peoples. The outcome of this third Balkan war no longer depended solely on the balance of power inside the Balkans, but also on the overall course of the war. After the initial victories in 1914, Serbia suffered a defeat in 1915 and her armies were forced to retreat southward to Albania and Greece, but her Yugoslav project was the foundation of her future policies and the basis for materializing the concept of a common South-Slavic state.
3
Kantareva, Silva. "Balkans." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 7 (April 30, 2004): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.7.4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
For more than a decade the Balkans were a bloody arena of monstrosities, the memory of which has still not subsided. Many heated discussions have been devoted to understanding the underlying logic and causes of the Balkan conflicts. Those futile “attempts,” however, have given rise to “balkanization”— a discourse that capitalized on the “Balkan essence” and diagnosed that the region is caught up in a vortex of ancient hatreds. Presenting a frozen image of the Balkans, such a discourse gradually gained autonomy that allows no dynamism and has the potential to turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. With this paper I will examine four theories explaining the emergence of the Balkan discourse. By utilizing a post-modernist approach to look into the specifics of Balkanism, I will investigate the signifier “Balkan” which has come to designate the geographical region as a cultural entity and inspect if such usage is justified. Providing a historical study, I will compare nationalisms in the Balkans with nationalisms elsewhere in Europe and investigate what, if anything makes Balkan nationalism qualitatively different.
4
Kaloeva, E. B. "Power and civil society in the Western Balkans, their role in foreign policy through the eyes of balkan and foreign researchers." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.04.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article attempts to show the role of official authorities and civil society on the thorny path that the countries of the Western Balkans have to overcome towards mutual undestanding. Unfortunately, some tensions still persist in relations between the countries of the region, and from time to time some hotheads propose new projects for revising borders, which can lead to the resumption of armed conflicts. Such a development can be ruled out not only by the actions of sober-minded politicians, but also by civil society, which played an important role in restoring peaceful order of life after the end of the bloody Balkan conflict of the 1990 s. After all, the main cause of conflicts in the Balkans lies not in the desire to protect ethnic, cultural and religious differences between the Balkan peoples, but in the way their political and cultural elites understand national identity and use it to achieve their political goals. The article also analyzes the activities of some non-governmental organizations that emerged in the Western Balkans in the early 2000 s and still enjoying international prestige and continue their work, despite the not entirely favorable situation in the position of civil society in those countries where trends of authoritarianism and national populism are strong. Particular attention is paid to the issue of geopolitics in the Western Balkans during the COVID-19 pandemic.
5
Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
6
Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
7
SADAKATA, MAMORU. "Regional Governance: Lessons from European Involvement in Yugoslav Conflicts." Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (2003): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001130.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The fragmentation of Yugoslavia has wrought extensive political and social change in the Balkans and Europe more generally. After the collapse of communism and the breakup of Yugoslavia, many Balkan countries have transformed their political systems. European states have attempted to engage and manage this breakup on an individual and collective basis. The involvement of the international community, and above all of EU countries adjacent to the Balkans, has greatly influenced processes of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction in the region.
8
Echimovich, Mariana, Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov, Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova, and Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin. "Evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2021): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.37080.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.
9
Echimovich, Mariana, Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov, Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova, and Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin. "Evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 4 (April 2021): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.37080.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.
10
Efremenko, Dmitry. "BOSNIAN AND ALBANIAN QUESTIONS THREE DECADES AFTER THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA." Russia and the moslem world, no. 3 (2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.03.08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article examines the dynamics and prospects of the settlement of the main conflicts in the Western Balkans region. Three decades after the breakup of Yugoslavia, the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains explosive, and the Albanian question has not yet been resolved. The most important factors influencing the conflict dynamics in the region are ethnic homogenization and external interference. The intervention of the West allowed to stop the military actions, but at the same time it actually consolidated the results of ethnic homogenization. The prospect of integration of various countries in the region into Western alliances does not eliminate the remaining conflict potential. Rather, Western alliances are following the path of internalizing these conflicts. In these circumstances, there is a high probability of further changes in the borders between the Western Balkan states.
11
Stamatović, Aleksandar. "Montenegrin–Bulgarian Relations before and during the First Balkan War." Transylvanian Review 32, no. 4 (2024): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.4.08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article discusses Montenegrin–Bulgarian relations before the First Balkan War, which Montenegro and Bulgaria, together with their allies Serbia and Greece, waged against Turkey. Montenegrin–Bulgarian relations improved from 1878 to 1912. These two states had no territorial conflicts, but both were conscious that war against Turkey would be essential if they were to liberate the Balkans from the Ottoman occupation that had lasted five centuries. There was also an emotional basis for this idea of a war. Both countries were Slavic, a feature also shared by Russia, the protector of the Balkan League. Russia wanted to expel the Ottoman state from the Balkans. The Balkan League of States under its patronage was against the thesis of the Central Powers. The way events turned out at the end of the First Balkan War, as well as the fact that Montenegro was ethnically closer to Serbia than to Bulgaria, led to Montenegro going to war against Bulgaria in 1913, although Montenegro had no particular benefit from that war.
12
Lizunov, Pavel. "The First Balkan War and the St. Petersburg Stock Exchange." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-1 (2020): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi20.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article shows the reaction of European stock markets and, first of all, the St. Petersburg Stock Exchange to the First Balkan War. Stock market reports demonstrated that stock exchanges were sensitive to any troubling economic, political and military conflicts. Their mood changed depending on hostilities, rumors and false reports about the state of affairs in the Balkans.
13
Palii, Ganna. "EXPERIENCE OF BALKAN COUNTRIES ON TERRITORY INTEGRATION." Strategic Panorama, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2020): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2020.08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyzes the experience of the Balkan countries in de-occupation and reintegration of territories. Cases of conflicts in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in 1993–2019, North Macedonia since 2019) are being studied. The analysis is based on a study of all stages of conflict resolution.
 The article examines the sequence of key aspects of the settlement. Consideration of all stages of armed conflicts in the Balkan region has shown that international peace-keeping missions, with military and civilian components, play a significant role. The participation of various international organizations (UN, NATO, EU) and countries (USA) and in resolving those conflicts and further integration also had a decisive influence.
 The reintegration processes in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia were based on peace agreements, as well as the full restoration of border and territory controlling. The next stage was to ensure demilitarization and disarmament. The fully fledged process of integration also included law enforcement reform, election preparation and conduct. The issues of post-war justice, punishment for war crimes and mass human rights violations were among the top priorities. In the implementation of all these reintegration measures, international organizations were involved, which actively provided assistance and performed a monitoring function.
 Among the necessary conditions for de-occupation and peaceful reintegration are the following: consolidation and consistency of the positions of the political and military leadership, the presence of a powerful army, implementation of sanctions, economic and military-political pressure on the aggressor side, demilitarization and control of the territory, justice and amnesty with fixed frameworks.
 The prospect of further research is that valuable experience with conflict resolution settlement and reintegration contains effective mechanisms that can be adapted in the case of Ukraine.
14
Czamańska, Ilona. "Wasale, trybutariusze, sojusznicy. Charakter relacji państw bałkańskich z Turcją osmańską w XIV wieku." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Vassals, tributaries, allies. The nature of the relations of the Balkan states with the Ottoman Turkey in the 14th centuryIn the second half of the fourteenth century, more than twenty political bodies functioned in Balkans, which were more or less independent, often in conflicts with each other, joining into leagues and alliances.The Ottomans were a valuable ally, with which the Balkan rulers came in close political and military relationships. The study of evolution and the nature of these relations meets serious difficulties due to lack of surviving documents, defining the nature of bilateral relations of the Ottomans with particular Balkan states, while other sources, usually from a later period, are not very precise. The difficulties of interpretation concern such fundamental matters as the chronology of Turkish conquests, conflicts and peace agreements. However, the analysis of preserved source material leads to the following conclusions:1. Subordination of the Balkan countries by the Ottomans was a long-term process, and their relationships with the Balkan states were diverse in nature.2. Payment of the tribute for the benefit of the Turks could, but did not have to mean the entry into vassal relations, however gave an evidence about the entry into peaceful relations.3. Orhan, Murad I and Bajezid I were satisfied on the territory of Europe with the establishment of the allied, tributary relationships and over the time with the strengthening of own vassal position. However, at the end of the fourteenth century, all the Balkan states were at some stage of such relations, mostly on the last of them.4. Entry into close, family relations with the ruling sultan meant usually a close political and military cooperation. Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian wives of the sultans had the right to remain in the Christian faith and often exerted a strong political influence. The support and protection of the closest relatives of the wife was fulfilled by the Turkish rulers. Thanks to it, for example Serbia of Stefan Lazarević was essentially strengthened, becoming at the same time the most serious support of Bajezid I in the Balkans.
15
Akova, Sibel, and Gülin Terek Ünal. "THE CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE AND PERCEPTION OF THE OTHER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 5, no. 1 (2015): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.041505.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.
16
Babuna, Aydin. "The Bosnian Muslims and Albanians: Islam and Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 2 (2004): 287–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000230250.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The drastic changes in the Balkans in the 1990s and the disintegration of Yugoslavia in particular have resulted in a large number of publications attempting to explain the break-up of this country and the political developments in the Balkans. Some of these publications deal partly with the local Muslims who were engaged in the Balkan conflicts but, with some exceptions, they are focused mainly on recent developments, with less attention paid to the historical contexts in which the Muslim nationalist movements were shaped.
17
Kalinin, A. A. "U.S. plans to internationalize the containment of the USSR in the Balkans in the first half of the 1950s." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 6 (2020): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-53-76.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article examines the actions of the US diplomacy aimed at strengthening the US military and political presence in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean in the first half of the 1950s. The United States began creating mechanisms for mobilizing its allies to contain possible Soviet aggression in the event of a new local conflict on the Balkan Peninsula. This policy led to the need to develop plans for internationalization of alleged conflict. The author uses materials from the US National Archives, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the electronic archives of the Central Intelligence Agency, North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the US National Security Council, as well as published sources. Special attention is paid to the position of the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff on military strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean. The outbreak of the Korean War became an important milestone in American politics not only for the Far East, but also for other regions of the world. In the Balkans, the Americans were mostly afraid of the aggression of Soviet “satellites” against Greece and Yugoslavia. In response, in the early 1950s the United States formed a new security model in the Balkans, which based on a differentiated approach: Greece became a member of NATO, while Yugoslavia entered the anti-Soviet Balkan Pact affiliated with NATO. Yugoslavia became a bridge between the NATO countries – Italy and Greece. Documents held in the US National Archives show that American military leaders spoke out in favor of Yugoslavia’s membership in NATO and insisted on coordinating the military plans of Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey. The author concludes that the rapprochement of Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was situational. The improvement of the situation in the Balkans after the death of Joseph Stalin led to the collapse of the Balkan Pact. The analysis of American policy in the Balkans made it possible to contribute to the study of the means and methods used by the United States to internationalize military conflicts in various regions of the world in the mid-twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
18
Kudryavtseva, Anastasia A. "The Balkan Peninsula in 1912-1913 and the Aggravation of the Situation on the Eve of the First World War." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 3 (219) (September 25, 2023): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-3-92-96.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The key issues of increasing international tension on the Balkan Peninsula before the First World War are considered. The subject of the study is the Balkan Peninsula, located at the crossroads of civilizations, which has been the sphere of geopolitical interests of various coalitions for thousands of years. The Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 are presented as a pivotal moment in the history of the peninsula in the 20th century. First of all, the process of national liberation of the territories of the Balkans from Ottoman rule, as well as the process of military actions aimed at gaining independence, is considered. The article analyzes the importance played by the countries of the Balkan peninsula during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, and also shows the actions of these countries to form the moods they need to achieve the greatest territorial gains. At the same time, the role of the great powers, primarily Russia, in the process of the Balkan conflicts is analyzed. The chronicle of the foreign policy events of the early 20th century related to Russia's participation in the solution of the Balkan issue is researched. On the basis of publications of that time, the existing image of Bulgaria and Serbia is reconstructed, an attempt is made to restore the real picture of the life of these states on the eve of the First World War and its features, to understand the peculiarity of Westernization “in the Balkan way”. The complex of the two Balkan wars of 1912-1913 is considered primarily as a basis for the development of the future conflictogenicity of the region, which led to the First World War.
19
Đorić, Marija. "Balkans (and Western Balkans) as negative political terms." Nacionalni interes 47, no. 1 (2024): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nint47-49319.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper analyzes the negative perception of the Balkans, with special reference to the Western Balkans, as a newly introduced political concept. The author explains the historical and political environment through which the negative image of the Balkans is built, indicating that this region was separated and precipitated as "otherness" in relation to Europe. Based on that analogy, the author explains how the Western Balkans now find themselves in a position of "otherness" in relation to the rest of the Balkan countries (which have become articles of the EU). The violent past, the "curse of small differences" and unresolved political conflicts make the Western Balkans a problematic region under the watchful eye of major powers. The point where the interests of all the countries of the Western Balkans can coincide is European integration, which indicates the "common destiny" of this region.
20
Mishkovska, Maja. "OPEN BALKANS AND THE CONSPIRACY FOR SUSTAINABLE INSECURITY." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 58, no. 1 (2023): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij5801213m.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The war in Ukraine and the consequences of the war impose the fear that there is a risk that the countries of the Western Balkans will become a second front that Russia will open in Europe. The flared up conflict is a new "red" dividing line that awakens old bloody wounds in the Balkan countries. The consequences of the war in Ukraine are also felt in Europe and especially in the Western Balkan region because there were or are operational plans that if Russia succeeds in defeating Ukraine, the war can spill over the gates, into the Western Balkan region which also could be the next point of destabilization on European soil, which would represent a further expansion of Russian influence. The diplomatic priorities of the international community for the region include inclusive democracy, the rule of law, freedom of public opinion, freedom of the media, fight against corruption, mutual recognition of countries, reduction of trade barriers. The easily vulnerable region of the Western Balkans encouraged Western diplomats to increase activities and initiatives, negotiations, agreements.Will the Western Balkans once again become a new field of serious conflicts, given the existing ethnic tensions? Will the attention of the USA and the EU be completely focused on the reconstruction of Ukraine, and this part of the Old Continent will be left at the mercy and mercy? Political initiatives and numerous actions on a political, security and defense plan signal the generation of additional mistrust towards these countries. Especially since the international community is constantly active and engaged in countless diplomatic talks and negotiations followed by the signing of various agreements, while, on the other hand, the inclusion in the European structures hangs in the clouds, and the inclusion in the largest defense-security organization - NATO is partially resolved. Peace seems to be working, but it is on glass legs.If we analyze the strategic concepts of NATO from 1991, 1999 and 2010 in terms of security issues, certain risks to allied security are still present in terms of territorial disputes and ethnic conflicts or intolerances that have a potential initial capsule for a conflict of wider aspects. As a fundamental instrument for NATO's intervention, crisis management is one of NATO's basic tasks, for which it uses an appropriate combination of political and military tools for crisis management in an increasingly complex security environment. NATO is an international organization that includes the implementation of a wide range of operations for the prevention and management of crises that can be of a political, military or humanitarian nature, and can be the result of a natural disaster or as a result of technological, chemical, biological, radiological or nuclear (CBRN) disruptions. NATO is transforming from a defense to a security organization including not only the deployment of troops, but a whole range of military and civilian experts engaged through civil-military coordination and cooperation. The new strategic concept of the Alliance was prompted as a result of the interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995 and the operation of the allied forces in Kosovo in 1999 with the aim of ending the human suffering and conflicts caused by the conflicts that took place in the areas of the Western Balkans, and which later resulted in the signing of numerous resolutions and agreements. The question of whether and to what extent all those agreements will be respected remains open.However, the 2010 strategic concept promotes Euro-Atlantic security by strengthening partnerships with the Balkan countries through collective defense, crisis management and cooperative security. At the same time, NATO monitors the region and in possible early signs of crisis, which by using various instruments should stabilize the regions safety, and ensures and guarantees peace.
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Boriqi, Dr Sc Gjon. "Geo-Regional Security and Transformation After the Balkan's Wars and Kosova Independence." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 2 (2016): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i2.40.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
During the '90-ies the wars in the former territories of what was called Yugoslavia marked the end of a century plenty of wars and local armed conflicts. More than 140 million people died because of wars in the XX century. The war of Kosova was the last one in that century. The beginning of the XXI century stressed the necessity for a new way of thinking nationally, regionally and globally. The Balkans were often considered as a gun powder territory. All the Balkans states, someone more and someone less, have problems with each other. History was and remained very passionate within the Balkan countries. The case of Kosova is possibly the most sensitive in all this framework. After the proclamation of independence on February 17 2008, the concerns were high within the region and a new question was questioned: would the map of the Balkan peninsula change again to form another "Kosovo"? This article would give some details about the geopolitical situation in the Balkans focusing on Kosova and would try to establish e new way of making politics and diplomacy though deterrence and not offence. We will try to overpass history but without neglecting it, but by learning from its mistakes in order to bring a better Peace-Building aspect for the Balkan region.
22
Lakić, Nikola. "History education and the security community building in the Western Balkans: A critical view." Journal of Regional Security 8, no. 2 (2013): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132spl33.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Definitional properties of the security community's 'dependable expectations of peaceful change' exist whenever neither side makes further violence unimaginable. School education in the Western Balkans intensifies the thinking that hostility and conflicts are natural and immutable and makes understanding of war as something inevitable and justified. In this article I draw on Pinar Bilgin's claim that unfulfilled potential in terms of knowledge and ideas that already exist in the region could help popularize the cause for a security community and facilitate its creation. By adopting immanent critique, a methodological orientation of the Welsh School, in the analysis of the Balkan Conferences (1930-1933) I demonstrate that factual manipulation of history has historically been frequently adopted by Balkan state elites in their permanent desire to build hegemony around ethno-centrism. It was briefly proposed at the Second and Third Conferences that new history textbooks that would overcome ethnocentrism and deepen the trust between the Balkan populations should be introduced in order to achieve rapprochement. In this article I argue that community-minded emancipatory education which adopts multi-perspective methodology and reflective pedagogy harbor crucial potential for further promotion of sustainable peace, facilitating trust in the Western Balkans and inducing the citizens to think of themselves as belonging to a single region.
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Lityński, Adam. "Od Wielkiej Serbii do Królestwa SHS. Historyka ustroju uwag kilka." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 20, no. 2 (2021): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2021.20.02.10.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the 19th century, the Balkan problem was a major political issue in Europe. The Balkans were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for hundreds of years. Other great empires became increasingly involved in Balkan affairs: the Russian Empire and the Habsburg Empire of Austria (after 1867 Austria-Hungary). They divided the Balkans into their spheres of influence. The nations of the Balkans were culturally diverse. The process of forming the consciousness of nations was complicated; nationalisms and conflicts were growing. Religions were of great importance – Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Islam. Apart from tiny Montenegro, only the Serbs have fought heroically for independence since the early 19th century, making great sacrifices. Gradually they gained it: first, autonomy within the Ottoman Empire, then they became an independent principality, and finally an independent kingdom. From the mid-19th century until the end of World War I, they passed a total of five constitutions: 1835, 1869, 1888/9, 1901, 1903. They were based partly on the French (1814, 1830) and Belgian (1831) Basic Laws. All constitutions were relatively modern and liberal, at a high European level. In the article the author analyses and presents the most important contents of these constitutions. Over the years, a conviction was developed that it was Serbia that would unite and liberate the Balkan nations under its leadership. The author shows how the end of the First Great War brought a clash between the idea of a Greater Serbia and the ambitions of the Balkan nations living under Austro-Hungarian rule. The Kingdom of Serbs-Croats-Slovenes (Kingdom SHS) was established-full of internal troubles from the beginning.
24
Bryjka, Filip. "The involvement of Western Balkan terrorist-fighters in armed conflicts in Syria and Iraq." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (2021): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.8.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The primary purpose of this article is to explain the meaning and consequences of foreign fighters’ participation from Western Balkan countries (WB6) in armed conflicts in Syria and Iraq. In the first part, the issue of foreign fighters is discussed in historical terms. The author focuses on the examples of the Soviet inva-sion of Afghanistan and the ethno-religious conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the second part of the text, the definition framework of foreign fighters’ concept and its evolution towards foreign terrorist-fighters is dis-cussed. Then, a detailed analysis of the main problem is conducted, and several research questions are an-swered: 1) What is the scale of the phenomenon of Balkan volunteers (e.g., their number, the structure of origin, and others) in comparison to fighters from other regions? 2) What are their motivations and goals, and what are their recruitment process and ways of moving into the war zone? 3) What is the threat posed by returning fight-ers to the security of the Western Balkans, and how do individual states counteract this phenomenon? The au-thor uses mainly the following research methods: critical content analysis (literature, scientific articles, docu-ments, reports, press materials), and historical and comparative analysis. The author’s visits to this country in 2018-2020 constituted an essential contribution to the part concerning the case of Kosovo.
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Lirëza, Linert. "The Impact of Environmental Issues to Security in the Balkans." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 10, no. 1 (2023): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv10n106.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Significant global and localized environmental threats may adversely impact human security in the Balkans. NATO has been addressing security challenges related to the environment for many years. The aim of this article is to identify environmental factors and the way how they affect in Balkan security. Water sources seem that create tension between states. From the other side, environmental pollution, including those that are linked to climate change can pose risks to energy security. As a result, the paper treats the necessary of regional cooperation in order to avoid potential conflicts and guarantee stability in Balkans.
 
 Received: 14 January 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2023 / Published: 20 March 2023
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Tomja, Alida, and Alketa Dumani. "The Impotence of the ‘Feminine’ EU in the Western Balkan Crises and the Future of Its Foreign - Security Policy." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 10, no. 1 (2023): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv10n105.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Western Balkan crises, including the cases of Bosnia, Srebrenica, and Kosovo, have highlighted the European Union's struggle to address the challenges posed by Serbian chauvinism and Russian interference in the region. Despite the EU's efforts, it has failed to effectively manage the crises, leading to continued instability and violence. In contrast, the United States and NATO played a critical role in resolving these conflicts and restoring peace and stability in the area. This study aims to analyze the reasons behind the EU's impotence in the Western Balkans, with a focus on the cases of Bosnia, Srebrenica, and Kosovo. Using a qualitative case study approach and a thematic analysis of primary and secondary sources, the study will identify the key factors that hindered the EU's ability to address these crises. In addition to examining past failures, the study will also explore potential solutions for policy-makers to improve the EU's foreign-security policy in the Western Balkans. Moreover, the study will emphasize the importance of collaboration between the EU, the United States, and NATO in addressing the complex challenges in this region. Overall, this study contributes to the existing literature on the Western Balkan crises and the EU's foreign-security policy. By providing a comprehensive analysis of the EU's limitations in addressing these conflicts, the study offers insights into potential avenues for improvement and collaboration in this crucial part of Europe.
 
 Received: 22 January 2023 / Accepted: 22 February 2023 / Published: 20 March 2023
27
Kulkova, Miroslava. "From Negative to Positive Peace in Western Balkans: A Case for Eclectic Theory." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 3 (2019): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130306.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article analyses a qualitative transformation of relations between the Balkan states since the dissolution of the SFR Yugoslavia in the 90´s until 2008. It argues that military presence and interventions of external powers were enough to make the belligerents fold weapons and thus spread the negative peace but did not substantially aid the qualitative transformation of their relations. Evolving cooperation, mutual restraint, and resolution of conflicts by non-military means that we have perceived in the Balkans since 2003 are results of liberal strategies. It argues for the usefulness of eclectic explanations.
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Subotić, Milovan. "Through attraction to the deterrence: Issues and possibilities of the Western Balkan countries." Srpska politička misao 82, no. 4 (2023): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm82-44232.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The inevitable security paradigm shift is the special focus of socalled small states and regions with multitude if fundamental cultural and general identity features that are represented as insurmountable. Thirty-year period of existence of new states on the post-Yugoslav area has been marked with misunderstandings and conflicts, which caused the need for deterring each other from another one, or rather everyone from everyone. The Western Balkans is a blatant example of security sensitive region where military approach to problem-solving often was a preference over all the other elements from the so-called civil action. That is why, by inertia, the domain of enhancing military power in the region is considered as the key (some would say the only) factor of deterrence from the other one, different, and threatening. Who is being deterred, from whom, and with what, in the complex security paradigm of the Western Balkans region? Is it time for the countries of the region to break the chain of vicious circle of indefinitely frozen conflicts, and what are the ways for the change of the deterrence perception in this region, are some of the research questions this paper is trying to answer. Likewise, the paper is analyzing the reach of the economic integrations of the Western Balkan countries, as 'tools' for the reduction of tensions and deactivation of omnipresent security dilemmas. The importance of "Open Balkan" initiative is specifically analyzed because of its potential for additional connection of present member states, but also as a capacity for attraction of other regional countries. Thus, the elimination of security dilemmas (and eventually the elimination of threats) between the Western Balkan countries would present the result of the attraction as the most constructive category in strategic deterrence. The chance that the Republic of Serbia has (again) - to replace the role of decades long deterrence factor with the progressive one, attraction - should not be missed.
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Muskaj, Blerina. "NATO in Balkans and Crisis on BiH." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 5, no. 2 (2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/601nsi25e.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Balkan crisis is the result of a series of conflicts in various areas of political, economic and social life in the former Yugoslavia. Relations between the former republics show the complex character of European security. Without a sustainable development of the whole region, it is impossible to guarantee security throughout the European continent. Europe was shaken by the bloody events that marked the break-up of Yugoslavia. No one could have imagined that such violent military clashes could take place in a European country, 50 years after the end of World War II, and that hundreds of thousands of people would seek refuge throughout Europe. It was clear from the beginning of the crisis in Yugoslavia that the war would continue for many years and if the international community did not intervene the result would be many casualties. The United Nations, the European Union and the OSCE tried to prevent military conflicts between the nations of the former Yugoslavia, but they failed. National elites pursued a policy aimed at creating nation-states and had outside support from influential forces. To achieve this goal they were willing to pay any price. The collapse of the former Yugoslavia, in fact, meant the end of the process that had defined the development of Western Europe since the beginning of the 20th century, in the time between the two world wars. It was the beginning of nation-states. The Balkans had lagged behind in its transformation for many reasons and unlike Western and Central Europe, the Balkan states found themselves in a different wave of historical development, accompanied by conflict and chaos. The collapse of socialism had an impact on this situation, causing new economic and political conflicts. From this point of view, all the efforts of the European and international communities, aimed at controlling the situation after the break-up of Yugoslavia, had no chance of success.
30
Terziev, Venelin, Redon Koleci, and Baki Koleci. "Security dilemmas and defense challenges in Kosovo and Western Balkans." Journal of Innovations and Sustainability 4, no. 3 (2018): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/is.2018.04.03.75.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Western Balkan countries have made great progress in reforming their security and defense policies in accordance with NATO membership requirements and the Partnership for Peace Program. However, based on the security and national security documents of these countries, there are some key risks that could destabilize the region and cause re-emergence of armed conflicts, including conventional reactions. Among them most important are the threats of political - nationalistic / ethnic and religious nature, those of statehood, as well as of the controversial / indefinite borders. In essence, in spite of the formal commitment of all Western Balkan countries to good neighbourly relations and to make a contribution to regional stability and security, within them still predominates a certain visible level of anxiety due to a lack of clarity of confidence in the future behaviour of some of the other states in the region. Also, the creation of the Kosovo Army will have a significant impact on changing the regional balance of power. NATO's involvement in the Balkans has had four main results. First, its military involvement as a repressive and stabilizing force has discouraged armed conflicts and has transformed the Western Balkans from a region of war-torn societies and hostile neighbourly relations to a relatively stable one. Second, NATO exerted a decisive influence on changing solid balance structures and doctrines of mass armies based on territorial defense and rejection; this, the national armed forces became a professional army, and their offensive capabilities against their neighbours diminished in a meaningful way. Third, NATO's enlargement to the Western Balkans played an essential role in the final conclusion of the country's individual borders in the region. Fourthly, the Partnership for Peace put all hope for any bilateral or regional countervailing cooperation in the field of defense, transforming cooperation exclusively through Brussels at a price to be paid for membership.
31
Ziberi, Linda, Lara Martin Lengel, and Artan Limani. "Visualizing Conflict: Analyzing Visual Narratives of Photojournalistic Images of Balkan War Refugees." Studies in Media and Communication 11, no. 6 (2023): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v11i6.6292.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
As part of a larger research program on media coverage and representation of the conflicts in the Balkans, we examine humanizing visualizations of armed conflict. The study focuses, in particular, on photojournalistic accounts of the humanitarian crisis in Kosovo at the 25th anniversary of the Kosovo war. Drawing, in particular, on Ariella Aïsha Azoulay’s (2008) concept of the civil contract of photography, this study analyses how victims of humanitarian catastrophes are represented and what images communicate in terms of family, gender, international communication, and conflict. We interrogate visual signifiers in conflict and global narrative constructions of refugees fleeing from conflict and how the visual rhetoric of war and conflict aims to elicit affective responses. Finally, the study highlights the work of women photojournalists in Kosovo and the Balkans and the impact of their work twenty-five years onward.
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Iordanova, Dina. "Shifting Narratives: Representation and Mediation of the Balkan Conflicts." Journal of Communication 51, no. 4 (2001): 826–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2001.tb02908.x.
Testo completo
33
Karčić, Hamza. "Camp David and Dayton: Comparing Jimmy Carter and Richard Holbrooke as Mediators." International Negotiation 22, no. 1 (2017): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341354.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
u.s. mediation towards resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict in the 1970s and Balkan conflicts in the 1990s may not seem comparable at first. Differences between these conflicts in terms of history, duration and dynamics abound. The nature and level of u.s. involvement provides further contrasts. Yet, the Camp David negotiations in 1978 and the Dayton Peace Talks in 1995 offer striking parallels in terms of third-party mediator actions undertaken. This article compares the two summits by applying the analytic framework developed by Curran, Sebenius and Watkins to categorize third party mediator strategies. The analysis builds on this framework and deduces common tactics employed by third-party mediators at Camp David and Dayton.
34
Romanenko, Sergei. "THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE: THE REGION OF MYSTERY AND MYSTERIES OF THE REGION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 22–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.02.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Based on the study of various types of sources and analysis of Russian and foreign literature, the author conceptually substantiates an approach to the study of the Balkan region / South-Eastern Europe. One of the main problems considered in the article is the change in the course of the history of the 19 th-21 st centuries the ratio of the concepts of «Balkans/South-Eastern Europe», «Eastern Europe», «Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe», «Western Balkans», «Western Balkan countries» and «European Western Balkans». The author characterizes various historical stages of the development of the region in the context of world wars and revolutions of the 20 th century, shows the specifics of political and ethnic processes, the internal political situation in each country and relations between the states of the region, the correlation between the processes of regionalization and globalization. With the disappearance of Eastern Europe in the form in which it existed in 1949-1991, after the anti-communist social and national revolutions in the former socialist countries of Europe in 1989-1992, an integral part of the process of national self-determination was the change in the regional self-identification of each people, society and state. If in the 2000 s, positive dynamics prevailed both in terms of internal political development, intraregional and global international relations, then in the 2010 s, the forward movement has stalled in terms of both the internal economic, social and political development of the states of the region, and the settlement of interethnic and interstate conflicts in the region against the background of a general aggravation of international relations. The article examines the role of regional identification and self-identification as elements of national self-awareness. The author also characterizes the challenges facing the countries of the region in the short, medium and long terms and indicates that the choice of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe, despite the specificity caused by their historical fate, and all the difficulties of development and conflicts, has already been made: the Balkans (like Russia as well) is an integral part of Europe.
35
Uzun, Yuliia, and Svitlana Koch. "Postsecular Conflicts and Reconstruction of Nationalisms in the States of the Balto-Black Sea-Adriatic Triangle." Yearbook of Balkan and Baltic Studies 5 (December 2022): 79–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ybbs5.04.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article focuses on the main trends in the development of state-religion relations in the era of post-postmodernism as represented at the International Conference “Balkan and Baltic States in United Europe – History, Religion, and Culture IV: Religiosity and Spirituality in the Baltic and Balkan Cultural Space: History and Nowadays” (November 11–13, 2020). The article aims to define and analyse postsecular conflicts that are manifested in the construction of new nationalisms in the countries of the Baltic – Black Sea – Adriatic Triangle. The main problem is the ascertainment of the primary trend in transforming religion-state relations in the transitionto post-postmodernity. The research methodology is the differentiation and systematisation of conflicts as markers that characterise the sociocultural crisis that erupted in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The concept of conflict is understood as a discrepancy, contradiction, and clash of positions that not only form new foundations of sociocultural and political discourse about the norm of religion-state relations but also influence the establishment of new trends in the formation of the legal basis for the statuses of religious organisations. As an empirical basis for the research, some countries’ regulatory legal acts in the region under study are used, along with data and maps of well-known research centres.
36
Turan, I. dris, and Ekrem Yas¸ar Akçay. "The Western Balkans Policy of the EU Within the Framework of Domino Theory." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 75, no. 3 (2019): 395–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419860932.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study elaborates on the European Union’s (EU) Balkan policies evaluating the developments in the Western Balkans from the post-Cold War era until today. In addition, the study will tackle the EU policies and practices in the Western Balkans on the basis of the principles of the domino theory. In this context, the EU believes that destabilisation due to conflicts in former Yugoslavia after disintegration has also destabilised other countries in the region in domino effect. This situation means both the region and the EU will encounter security threat. In this regard, the study dwells upon EU policies in the region to provide financial aid in an attempt to ensure development and sustainability which will foster stability on the basis of the assumption that these countries in the region will be accepted to the EU as member countries after ensuring stability.
37
Knyazeva, Svetlana. "THE PROBLEM OF THE EU INTEGRATION OF THE BALKAN COUNTRIES AND THE EU ENLARGEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE VALUE MODEL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article examines a wide range of the problems associated with the boundless enlargement of the European Union which makes it possible to place the Balkans in the context of general European development. To become a member of the EU is the important goal of the post-socialist countries of the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe. Bulgaria, Romania, and the post-Yugoslavian states of Slovenia and Croatia became full members of the EU. Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Albania are still at different stages of integration into the European community. This accession is the logical completion of the processes of social, political, economic and legal transformation of the Balkan countries, in which they themselves and the European Union as a whole and its individual member states are interested for reasons of geopolitics and geoeconomics. However, the accession to Europe (or the return to Europe) of the Balkan states with their authoritarian and socialist past includes not only the reform of the economic, political and legal systems, but also a change in value orientations. While in the states of the so-called «founding fathers» of the EU a Western European corporate civic identity is being formed, in the countries of the former Eastern Europe and the Balkan region, ethnic identity remains remains largely in the mainstream of public consciousness. The author examines axiological, ideological and psychological aspects of the accession of post-socialist countries to the EU, and also analyzes specific foreign policy problems associated with this process and the role of regional international organizations in the «europeanization» of the Balkans and in the settlement of ethnic and interstate conflicts in the region that still remain acute. Negative tendencies, first of all - the strengthening of populist sentiments and the coming to power of politicians reflecting these sentiments, pose challenges and threats not only to the European Union, but also to Russia.
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Bilecen, Tuncay, and Ibrahim Sirkeci. "Sociocultural Conflicts and Ottoman Settlement Policies at the Balkan Wars." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 23, no. 4 (2021): 533–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2021.1888601.
Testo completo
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Sela, Ylber, and Bekim Maksuti. "The social, political and economic changes in the Western Balkans: Managing diversity." SEEU Review 11, no. 2 (2015): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0032.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This paper gives a retrospective of the events in the Balkans in the last 20 years. Hence, it indicates the problems, the progress and the challenges in terms of respecting and promoting diversity. The Western Balkans has always been a very interesting region with many challenges during different historical periods. If we take into consideration all the differences and diversities in this region, then this shouldn’t strike us as surprising. During history the Balkan region has always been a crossroads of many events, conflicts, changes and destructive occurrences. In order to understand the connection between ethnic and the religious diversity, as well as the future of the Western Balkan countries in terms of Euro-Atlantic integration, we need to provide some information about the political, economic and social changes in these countries during the past, especially in the last two decades. To get a better understanding of all the processes and events we need to take a look at the 90s of the last century. This period was one of the most important turning points in international relations. By the end of the Cold War there were two blocks within the societies – The Western (capitalist) and the Eastern (communist), and an agreement for the Balkans to be a balance between these two blocks. This fact was important for the promotion of the concept of the nation-state, which refers generally to both of the blocks. However, changes such as the dissolution and breakdown of the USSR and Yugoslavia, as well as the official Eastern bloc fiasco, brought an increase in the individual identity of the citizens living in these countries. This was the beginning of a new era to be characterized by conflicts, wars, refugees, humanitarian crises, a large number of casualties and injured people, because of the idea that the emerging countries, especially from the Balkan region, should be nation-state countries, i.e. composed of a nation thereby ignoring the ethnic and religious differences or the unrecognized diversity of the citizens of different ethnic groups living in these countries. The establishment of the Euro-Atlantic integration concept as a key national and state priority of almost every country in this region led to the understanding of differences as an asset, and not as an obstacle for the faster integration to the EU and NATO. This fact undoubtedly contributed to the establishment of the criteria for membership, and in particular to the promotion of the rights and freedoms of minorities as most important for the integration process.
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Marku, Alketa, and Eva Allushi Teqja. "The European Integration Process of Western Balkans, Time for a New Approach." Journal of Educational and Social Research 14, no. 1 (2024): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2024-0011.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper tries to prove that the initiatives for the integration of the Western Balkans in EU, both those generated from outside and those from inside the region, seem to be without a clear product. Using Albania as a case study, we compare the effectiveness of the Berlin Process and the Open Balkans in the perception of young people. The paper sheds light on the data and facts which show that the objectives of the Berlin process and those of the Open Balkans are not fulfilled at all. We seek to answer questions like: Was the Berlin process a retaining, encouraging or simply failed strategy? Did the Open Balkans increase division or collaboration in the region? Through the comparative approach, it is demonstrated that integration still seems far away and the challenges that are holding it back are both political and economic ones. Considering the resurgence of old conflicts in Western Balkan countries due to slow processes and the impact of new geopolitical developments on the region, this paper seeks to address whether ensuring the European perspective for the Western Balkans is possible through a targeted intervention of both economic and political measures. Simultaneously, the paper explores the potential for alternative initiatives in this context. It is also analyzed whether these interventions should be imposed from outside the region or encouraged by the region itself. The paper concludes that a rapid European response is required today through new initiatives mostly based on a crucial financial framework and a stronger political approach. Reconstructing the region in economic terms and remodeling the Western Balkan societies could be as successful as it resulted for European states itself after War World II through the Marshall Plan. 
 
 Received: 6 October 2023 / Accepted: 25 December 2023 / Published: 5 January 2024
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Dabrowski, Marek, and Yana Myachenkova. "The Western Balkans: Weak performance since the crisis." Acta Oeconomica 68, s2 (2018): 85–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2018.68.s2.5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the early and mid-2000s, the prospect of EU accession and the global boom facilitated rapid economic recovery and boosted economic and institutional reforms in the Western Balkan region. The global financial crisis of 2007–2009 and the European crisis of 2010–2013 slowed the pace of economic growth and amplified high unemployment in the region. In addition, various unresolved legacies from past conflicts slowed the pace of reform and progress towards EU accession. The European Commission’s February 2018 communication sets an indicative deadline (2025) for the two most advanced candidates – Serbia’s and Montenegro’s admission to the EU. This could incentivise all Western Balkan countries, including those candidates that have not yet started membership negotiations (Macedonia and Albania) and those waiting for candidate status (Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo), to remove domestic political obstacles to EU accession, solve conflicts with neighbours, speed up reforms and accelerate economic growth.
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Galeva, Jordanka. "The “Visegrad Inititative “VIS-À-VIS“ Open Balkan Inititative” in the process of European Integration." Harmonius Journal of Legal and Social Studies in South East Europe 12, no. 1 (2024): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/harmonius_23105a.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Following the collapse of the communist regimes, in Central European countries, the belief that collaborative efforts could facilitate both social transformation and European integration, served as a key motivation for establishing of the Visegrad Group (V4), comprising of Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland. In Southeastern Europe, given the war conflicts that occurred during the 1990s, in 1999, the EU Council initiated the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) to encourage Western Balkans countries (WB) to cooperate among themselves and confirmed their eligibility for EU membership. After the V4 countries joined the EU, the Visegrad Declaration on cooperation in 2004 emphasized the idea of supporting the European integration of neighboring regions, including the Western Balkan region. From 2004 to the present day, the WB countries have applied for EU membership, and they have been granted EU candidate country status. In 2014 they became a part of the Berlin process (BP)initiative and for three of them – Albania, North Macedonia (N. Macedonia) and Serbia – accession negotiations with EU have already been opened. These three countries launched the Mini Schengen initiative in 2019, which was transformed into Open Balkan initiative (OB3) in 2021. Since that both Visegrad and Open Balkan in itiatives aim to enhance interstate cooperation and facilitate European integration process for their respective countries, the purpose of this paper is to consider the role of regional organizations and initiatives in accelerating the integration process, to examine whether the OB3 can draw valuable lessons from V4 experience and to elucidate how V4 supports the integration process of OB3.
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Mulaosmanović, Admir. "The influence of religious factors on the relations between Bosniaks and Serbs from the establishment of the Belgrade Metropolitanate, 1831 to 1945." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 2 (2023): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2023.10.2.87.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper traces the development of the Orthodox Church institutions in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina during the de-Ottomanization process of Southeastern Europe in the 19th and early 20th centuries. I focus on the Muslim population’s responses, primarily by institutions and intellectuals, to events that followed the autonomy of the Belgrade Metropolitanate gained in 1831. The Orthodoxy’s increasing influence and the declining influence of Islam on social trends and the formation of political ideas and approaches are also detected. The ‘Eastern question’ still has significant protagonists in the Balkans, so these relations have their geopolitical implications.Given the holistic approach, attention is paid to this relationship in the wider Balkan and even global context due to clear links in social movements during the de-Ottomanization of the Balkans, beyond Bosniak-Serb relations. The analysis also includes the consequences of certain religious and popular teachings within these universal missions on the ideological and cultural conflicts.
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Ágh, Attila. "Processes of democratization in the East Central European and Balkan states: sovereignty-related conflicts in the context of Europeanization." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, no. 3 (1999): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00012-4.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper discusses the Central and East European democratic transitions as parts of the global democratization process, including their both external and domestic aspects. The analysis covers six East Central European (ECE) and six Balkan states. It provides a systematic overview of these twelve states with a classification of their external and internal developments. The paper classifies these states according to the three stages of systemic change and according to their EU (association and accession) and NATO (PfP and membership) relationships. In the New World Order, the sovereignty-related conflicts appear in this systematic overview through the analysis of the bilateral and multilateral relations between and among these states as restructuring follows the requirements of the EU and NATO. These multinational organizations actually rearrange both regional structures and neighbourhood relationships. The ECE and Balkan states, based on the parallel criteria of external and internal developments, form four groupings: (1) new entrants—the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia; (2) late-comers to democratization—Slovakia, Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria; (3) “semi-protectorates” of great powers and international organizations (Bosnia and Macedonia); (4) unsettled countries or conflict-seeking states—Serbia and Albania.
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Suonpää, Mika. "Britain, Balkan Conflicts and the Evolving Conceptions of Militarism, 1875-1913." History 99, no. 337 (2014): 632–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.12072.
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Kennedy‐Pipe, Caroline, and Penny Stanley. "Rape in war: Lessons of the Balkan conflicts in the 1990s." International Journal of Human Rights 4, no. 3-4 (2000): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980008406893.
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Ickiewicz‑Sawicka, Magdalena. "„Krajobraz po bitwie” – wybrane negatywne (kryminologiczne) następstwa ostatniego konfliktu na Bałkanach Zachodnich. Raport z badań terenowych." Wschodnioznawstwo 15 (2021): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.21.010.14717.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Artykuł dotyczy szeregu wybranych antagonistycznych konsekwencji ostatnich jugosłowiańskich wojen domowych (wojny serbsko‑chorwackiej, wojny w Bośni oraz wojny o Kosowo). Tekst jest pokłosiem badań terenowych przeprowadzonych w latach 2014 (badania pilotażowe) – 2019 (badania właściwe) na terytorium Serbii i Czarnogóry. Ich celem było ukazanie materialnych i niematerialnych (psychicznych i psychologicznych) skutków wojny domowej w postaci różnego rodzaju negatywnych doświadczeń: traumatycznych przeżyć (występowanie syndromu PTSD) oraz strat materialnych (ekonomicznych). Celem pracy jest zobrazowanie skomplikowanych relacji i zjawisk z perspektywy Serbów i Czarnogórców, którzy niewątpliwie ucierpieli w trakcie trwania ostatnich konfliktów w krajach Bałkanów Zachodnich. Rzecz jasna, nie jest to kompleksowa analiza, ale jedynie drobny wycinek tej zawiłej, trudnej i nade wszystko bolesnej postwojennej i postjugosłowiańskiej rzeczywistości wielkich mocarstw, uwikłanych w międzynarodową, bezduszną politykę, i bałkańskich mieszkańców południowej Europy. „Landscape after battle” – selected negative (criminological) consequences of the recent conflict in the Western Balkans. Field research report The article deals with the selected antagonistic consequences of the recent Yugoslav civil wars (the Serbo‑Croatian civil war, the civil war in Bosnia and the war for Kosovo). The text is the result of field studies carried out in 2014 (pilot studies) – 2019 (specific studies) in Serbia and Montenegro. The main topic showed the material and immaterial (psychological and psychological) effects of the civil war in the form of various negative experiences: traumatic experiences (occurrence of the PTSD syndrome) and material (economic) losses. The aim of the study illustrated the complex relations and phenomena from the perspective of Serbs and Montenegrins, who undoubtedly suffered during the last conflicts in the Western Balkan countries. Obviously, this is not a comprehensive analysis, but only a small fragment of this intricate, difficult and above all painful post‑war and post‑Yugoslav reality of the great powers, entangled in international, soulless international politics, and the Balkan inhabitants of southern Europe.
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Polyvyannyy, Dmitry I. "Institutions, Hierarchy, and the Flock of the Orthodox Church in the Balkans in the 1600s and 1700s as Shown by New Documents from the Ottoman Archive in Istanbul." Slovene 9, no. 2 (2020): 461–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2020.9.2.17.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
[Rev. of: Mutafova Krasimira, Kalitsin Maria, Andreev Stefan, The Orthodox Structures in the Balkans during the 17th–18th Century according to Documents from the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul, Veliko Tarnovo: Abagar, 2019. 672 p.] More than two hundred documents from the “Bishops’ files” (Piskopos Kalemi) Collection at Istanbul Ottoman Archives at the Chancellery of the Prime Minister of the Turkish Republic (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivleri), recently published for the first time by Bulgarian scholars of Ottoman Studies Krassimira Mutafova, Maria Kalitsin and Stefan Andreev, reveal multifaceted practices of Orthodox Balkan church institutions’ interactions with the Ottoman authorities from 1684 to 1788. The review deals with the typology of the published documents and the information they contain regarding the fiscal activities of the patriarchy of Constantinople and the patriarchies of Ohrid and Peć (which were incorporated into the Constantinople patriarchy in 1757–1758) towards their Orthodox flock in the Balkan provinces of the Ottoman Empire. The accent is made towards conflicts between the church institutions and the Christian population, as well as contradictions within the higher Orthodox clergy. The importance of personal information on some hierarchs and of data concerning territories and centers of the dioceses is underlined. The author concludes that the reviewed publication provides abundant material for research on the status and functions of the Orthodox hierarchy in the administrative system of the Ottoman Empire in the 17th and 18th centuries.
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Hadžić, Faruk. "Transnational Human Trafficking and Stigmatization in the Western Balkans--Bosnia And Herzegovina--Socio-Political and Economic Framework." Current Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 2 (2020): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.3.2.06.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The study critically analyzes the root causal and consequential transnational human trafficking factors from the Balkan wars to the present, implying stigmatization discourse, gender-discriminatory climate, the role of masculinity by comprehensive bibliographic review, and insight into the socio-political and economic challenges by the participative observations and the BiH case study's, highlighting harmonization, improvement, and systemic transformation. It is a social phenomenon that requires a comprehensive (legal-social) approach, i.e., applying effective measures in terms of prevention, suppression, and the punishment of perpetrators with mandatory "regional "cooperation. Illegal economy, structural adjustment policies conditioned by international financial funds, systemic corruption, long-term transition, high unemployment, and economic migrations shape the region's economic climate and indirectly affect the state of phenomena. Ethnopolitical structures produce social (in)-stability, affecting the phenomena. Lack of political will and constant internal ethnopolitical conflicts impact the contrary course of initiatives to combat the phenomenon. Considerable attention to victims' social construction in judicial and social capital is critical due to the effects of destructive representation of misogyny elements on perpetuating sexist stereotypes that harm victims and further exploiting. Stigma in social justice significantly affects victimization dynamics, intertwining cultural, legal, conservative patterns, and structural violence continuation. The Western-Balkan states' legal double standards towards prostitution are discriminatory. Implementing adequate programs to reduce stigmatization while increasing institutional and general public exposure to victims who have made successful reintegration could be a productive aspect of the systemic transformation. Western-Balkan gender-discriminatory climate and masculinity's role in establishing an ethnonational political community based on conservative values remain insufficiently explored. Given the challenges of the current migrant crisis, the political level can ensure a coherent and coordinated EU and Western Balkans strategy in harmonizing and improving the existing normative solutions.
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Milan, Chiara, and Luisa Chiodi. "Grassroots European Solidarity." Southeastern Europe 46, no. 3 (2023): 248–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-46030002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract This article investigates how the idea of European solidarity and the vision of Europe changed over time amongst Italian groups and individuals engaged in solidarity actions in support of Internally Displaced Persons (idp s) and refugees in the Western Balkans in the 1990s and 2020s. By means of document analysis and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article shows that individuals partaking in solidarity initiatives framed their action as European grassroots solidarity, enacted to replace the institutional solidarity that the EU failed to offer. While solidarity groups in the 1990s saw the EU-in-the-making as alternative to the power politics of member states worsening the conflicts in the region, those mobilising in the 2020s expressed a more critical and disenchanted vision characterised by rage, disillusionment, and disappointment towards an EU perceived as having betrayed its ideal foundations while dealing with migration along the Balkan route.