Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Attitudes anti-immigration"
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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Attitudes anti-immigration":
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CAVAILLE, CHARLOTTE, e JOHN MARSHALL. "Education and Anti-Immigration Attitudes: Evidence from Compulsory Schooling Reforms across Western Europe". American Political Science Review 113, n. 1 (15 novembre 2018): 254–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000588.
Abstract (sommario):
Low levels of education are a powerful predictor of anti-immigration sentiment. However, there is little consensus on the interpretation of this correlation: is it causal or is it an artifact of selection bias? We address this question by exploiting six major compulsory schooling reforms in five Western European countries—Denmark, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and Sweden—that have recently experienced politically influential anti-immigration movements. On average, we find that compelling students to remain in secondary school for at least an additional year decreases anti-immigration attitudes later in life. Instrumental variable estimates demonstrate that, among such compliers, an additional year of secondary schooling substantially reduces the probability of opposing immigration, believing that immigration erodes a country’s quality of life, and feeling close to far-right anti-immigration parties. These results suggest that rising post-war educational attainment has mitigated the rise of anti-immigration movements. We discuss the mechanisms and implications for future research examining anti-immigration sentiment.
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Pettigrew, Thomas F., Ulrich Wagner e Oliver Christ. "WHO OPPOSES IMMIGRATION?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, n. 1 (2007): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070038.
Abstract (sommario):
AbstractAre the predictors of anti-immigration attitudes consistent across countries with diverse immigration histories and policies? We hypothesize that the key predictors of opposition to immigration are indeed relatively consistent across industrial nations. We test this hypothesis with two surveys using probability samples of German citizens. We then compare our findings with those obtained in recent studies of immigration opinions in Europe generally, and in two of the world's leading immigration-receiving nations: Canada and the United States. Striking similarities emerge in the findings across structural, demographic, contact, economic, political, personality, and threat predictors. Opposition to immigration is routinely found strongest among the older and less-educated segments of the population who live in areas with anti-immigration norms and little contact with immigrants. Anti-immigration attitudes also correlate with political conservatism and alienation, economic deprivation, and especially with authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and perceived collective threat.
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Pellegrini, Valerio. "Populist ideology, ideological attitudes, and anti-immigration attitudes as an integrated system of beliefs". PLOS ONE 18, n. 1 (17 gennaio 2023): e0280285. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0280285.
Abstract (sommario):
A challenge for the identification of the core components of a beliefs system is the topological examination of these components within the overall structure of the said system. By modeling beliefs as nodes of interconnected networks, this research investigated the centrality of adherence to populist ideology and classical ideological attitudes in relation to voting behavior and negative feelings toward immigrants. Data from a sample of 774 Italian adults were examined by means of three Network Analysis models. Results showed four constitutive dimensions of populist ideology: People Sovereignty, Anti-elitism, People Homogeneity, and Manichaeism. The dimensions of Anti-elitism, People Sovereignty and Homogeneity were found to be the core. Analyses also highlighted the centrality of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) within the broader beliefs system, including voting, populist ideology dimensions, and anti-immigration. RWA was positively related to the core of populist ideology, whilst SDO was negatively associated with or unrelated to it. However, both RWA and SDO exceeded populist dimensions when associated with populist right-wing voting, representing the unique intermediate links in connecting it with anti-immigration. Five Star Movement voting emerged as a purer form of populist support, relating directly only to populist dimensions and placing itself at a greater distance from ideological attitudes and anti-immigration.
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Theorin, Nora, e Jesper Strömbäck. "Some Media Matter More Than Others: Investigating Media Effects on Attitudes toward and Perceptions of Immigration in Sweden". International Migration Review 54, n. 4 (20 dicembre 2019): 1238–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319893292.
Abstract (sommario):
Over the last decade, issues related to immigration have become increasingly salient across Western democracies. This increasing salience has made it more important to understand people’s attitudes toward immigration, including the effects of media use on those attitudes. Differentiating between attitudes toward different types of immigration, attitudes toward immigration from different parts of the world, and perceptions of immigration’s impact, this article investigates the effects of media use on attitudes toward and perceptions of immigration in Sweden. Based on a three-year, three-wave panel study, it investigates the effects of media use on the individual level. Among other things, results show that there are limited effects of using traditional news media but more substantial effects on people’s immigration attitudes of using anti-immigration, right-wing alternative media and pro-immigration, left-wing alternative media. These findings imply that it is highly relevant to account for media use, especially alternative media use, when studying public attitudes toward immigration. Further, we find that variations in people’s immigration attitudes, to a high degree, depend on the type of immigration and on where migrants are coming from. This finding underlines the importance of measuring both of these aspects when the aim is understanding general attitudes toward immigration and/or key predictors behind immigration attitudes.
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Muno, Wolfgang, e Daniel Stockemer. "A Model for Right-Wing Populist Electoral Success?" Populism 4, n. 1 (8 marzo 2021): 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10014.
Abstract (sommario):
Abstract This article adds to the large literature on right-wing populist parties (RWPP), explaining how anti-immigrant sentiments become salient for vote choice. Within the large literature on RWPP, anti-immigration attitudes are the most important variable to explain the vote share of RWPP. Yet, recent research shows that there is not always an empirical effect between having anti-immigrant attitudes and voting for the RWPP. In this article, we develop a theoretical model that explains the conditions under which anti-immigration attitudes matter. We then test this model based on the case of the AfD in Germany, a typical case for a right-wing populist party exploiting anti-immigrant sentiment. Focusing on the AfD in Germany, we illustrate that the refugee crisis in 2015 in combination with a perception of high government unresponsiveness to stop the crisis provided the structural conditions necessary to activate latent anti-immigration sentiment among large parts of the population. Using a structural analysis and individual panel data for Germany’s general elections in 2013 and 2017, we find that immigration critical attitudes were already present among parts of the population in 2013 but immigration was a secondary topic in the 2013 election, even among AfD voters. Due to the immigration crisis in 2015, immigration became a salient topic. The combination of a perceived external crisis or shock combined with a perceived government’s unresponsiveness quickly offered a winning formula for the AfD. A probability probe for two other countries (Sweden and Italy) with different contexts also show salience for the model.
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Palma, Paolo A., Vanessa M. Sinclair e Victoria M. Esses. "Facts versus feelings: Objective and subjective experiences of diversity differentially impact attitudes towards the European Union". Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, n. 5 (4 settembre 2019): 726–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430219854805.
Abstract (sommario):
This research used secondary data sources to examine how objective and subjective experiences of diversity and immigration are associated with voting and attitudes toward the European Union. Using objective measures of diversity and migration, England’s electorate regions with the most diversity and highest levels of projected migration had the lowest proportion of “Leave” voters in the 2016 Brexit vote (Study 1). Using subjective assessments of intergroup contact and immigration attitudes (Study 2), higher perceived immigrant population size was associated with greater perceived competition with immigrants and Euroscepticism, whereas intergroup contact had the opposite effect. Surprisingly, the explicit desire to reduce immigration was not associated with anti-EU attitudes. This research highlights the importance of combining objective and subjective measures of diversity and immigration in analyzing political motivations, as objective measures suggested immigration did not adversely affect Brexit votes (Study 1), whereas some subjective perceptions of immigration led to greater anti-EU attitudes.
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Bandelj, Nina, e Christopher W. Gibson. "Contextualizing Anti-Immigrant Attitudes of East Europeans". Review of European Studies 12, n. 3 (4 agosto 2020): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v12n3p32.
Abstract (sommario):
This paper article examines attitudes toward immigrants by analyzing data from the 2010 and 2016 waves of the EBRD’s Life in Transition Survey among respondents from 16 East European countries. Logistic regressions with clustered standard errors and country fixed effects show significantly higher anti-immigrant sentiments after the 2015 immigration pressures on the European Union borders compared with attitudes in 2010. Almost two thirds of the respondents agreed in 2016 that immigrants represented a burden on the state social services, even when the actual immigrant population in these countries was quite small. In addition, East Europeans expressed greater negative sentiments when the issue of immigration was framed as an economic problem—a burden on state social services—than as a cultural problem—having immigrants as neighbors. On the whole, these results point to the importance of contextualizing anti-immigrant attitudes and understanding the effect of external events and the framing of immigration-related survey questions.
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Sandovici, Maria Elena, Tor Georg Jakobsen e Zan Strabac. "Political Nationalism and Attitudes towards Immigration: The Interaction of Knowledge and Policy". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 19, n. 2 (2012): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181112x639041.
Abstract (sommario):
The issue of immigration is highly salient to citizens of industrialised democracies. Globalisation and the emergence of an international human rights regime, among other reasons, led to high levels of immigration to industrialised countries in recent decades. Immigrant-receiving states have shown only limited ability to control the size and composition of their immigrant population. Immigration has therefore emerged as a prominent political issue in practically all economically developed countries, and there are raising concerns over anti-immigration sentiments and nationalist tendencies that seem to be taking hold among modern publics. We argue that anti-immigration attitudes are not merely a response to increased immigration, but rather that these attitudes mirror governments’ nationalistic and anti-immigration stance. In addition, people who are interested in politics are expected to be more influenced by their governments’ policies than those who show less interest. We use data from the European Social Survey and the Comparative Manifesto Project to test these claims. Results from our multilevel models show that people living in countries where the government is right wing are more opposed to immigration than people living in countries where the government exhibits less right-wing tendencies. The effect of government policy positions is also found to be conditioned by political interest at the individual level.
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Erkut, Burak. "Germany’s Challenges: Immigration Barriers in Minds, Economic Concerns and Subjective Well Being". Migration Letters 13, n. 3 (1 settembre 2016): 468–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v13i3.297.
Abstract (sommario):
The analysis aims to provide the hypothesis that the emerging anti-immigration movements in Germany made use of people’s concerns on the issues of immigration, trust in the political system of Germany and economic insecurity to find support. It shows on which ground anti-immigration movements in Germany reached popularity. The democratic deficit problem is a perceived problem in Germany. The European-level problem can be seen as rooted in Germany’s role in the EU. Three channels are identified which shape the attitude on migration: Dislike of immigrants, economic concerns and trusting other people. The analysis provides empirical evidence within a theoretical framework to a current topic in economics which was mainly restricted to people’s attitudes towards migration. Furthermore, the analysis provides empirical evidence for the corporatism hypothesis and channels shaping the attitude towards migration.
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Hopkins, Daniel J. "The Upside of Accents: Language, Inter-group Difference, and Attitudes toward Immigration". British Journal of Political Science 45, n. 3 (4 febbraio 2014): 531–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000483.
Abstract (sommario):
Many developed democracies are experiencing high immigration, and public attitudes likely shape their policy responses. Prior studies of ethnocentrism and stereotyping make divergent predictions about anti-immigration attitudes. Some contend that culturally distinctive immigrants consistently generate increased opposition; others predict that natives’ reactions depend on the particular cultural distinction and associated stereotypes. This article tests these hypotheses using realistic, video-based experiments with representative American samples. The results refute the expectation that more culturally distinctive immigrants necessarily induce anti-immigration views: exposure to Latino immigrants with darker skin tones or who speak Spanish does not increase restrictionist attitudes. Instead, the impact of out-group cues hinges on their content and related norms, as immigrants who speak accented English seem to counteract negative stereotypes related to immigrant assimilation.
Tesi sul tema "Attitudes anti-immigration":
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Defries, Harold Mark. "The attitudes of the Conservative Party towards the Jews c. 1900- c. 1948". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287919.
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Storm, Ingrid. "Secular Christianity as national identity : religion, nationality and attitudes to immigration in Western Europe". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/secular-christianity-as-national-identity-religion-nationality-and-attitudes-to-immigration-in-western-europe(c424a9c7-70aa-404a-8f18-c12dbe8f3213).html.
Abstract (sommario):
In political and popular discourse about immigration and integration, Europe is referred to as both fundamentally secular and fundamentally Christian depending on the context. Even if only a minority of the population in many Western European countries actually practise their religion, many continue to identify with Christianity as cultural tradition, without the beliefs and practice one would normally associate with a religious identity. Few empirical studies have analysed the relationship between religious and national identities in modern Europe. Using a combination of qualitative interviews and quantitative survey research with data from the International Social Survey Programme 2008 in Great Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark and Ireland, this thesis explores how religious affiliation, belief and practice are associated with anti-immigration attitudes and regarding Christianity as important for nationality. Factor analysis is used to explore different dimensions of national identity and how they relate to religious conceptions of the nation, and multivariate regression models address how experiencing immigration as a threat to national identity is associated with Christian affiliation and practice. The main finding is that Christian identification is positively associated with seeing immigration as a threat to national identity, whereas churchgoing is negatively associated with anti-immigration attitudes. There are two identifiable mechanisms that explain this finding. Firstly, 'Christian' can signify national cultural heritage or white ethnicity rather than faith. Hence those who identify as Christian, however loosely, are on average more likely to be nationalist or xenophobic. Secondly, since churchgoers will be more sympathetic to religion in general they also tend to be less negative towards Muslims and other religious minorities. The findings are contextualised through the use of qualitative interviews and comparative analysis of countries, addressing both the external influences and internal experiences that contribute to specific associations.
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Ionescu-Gaglio, Octavia. "Caravan : Investigating the dynamics and consequences of Collective mentAl time tRAvel in light of perceiVed societAl aNomie". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA080043.
Abstract (sommario):
Après avoir longtemps négligé l’ancrage temporel des groupes sociaux, un nombre croissant de travaux en psychologie sociale appréhende désormais les groupes comme des entités qui se meuvent à travers le temps et suggère que les représentations du passé et du futur collectifs des individus, en plus d'être continuellement (re)construites en fonction du présent, sont pertinentes pour la compréhension des comportements collectifs actuels. Cette nouvelle ligne de recherche a récemment conduit à l'idée d'un voyage mental temporel collectif (VMTC) –i.e., l'équivalent collectif du voyage mental temporel individuel, qui rassemblerait les influences croisées entre les représentations du présent, du passé et du futur du groupe des individus. Cette thèse visait à examiner les dynamiques et conséquences de ces VMTC, à la lumière de l'anomie sociétale perçue –i.e., la perception que la société actuelle est désintégrée et dérégulée. A travers neuf études corrélationnelles et expérimentales, nous avons montré que la perception d’anomie dans la société actuelle (a) façonnait les représentations du passé national des individus (e.g., une représentation plus positive de Charles de Gaulle) (b) favorisait la projection de futurs nationaux négatifs et anxiogènes et (c) influençait les relations entre les représentations du passé et du futur collectifs (e.g., une représentation de déclin national d’autant plus abrupte lorsque la société actuelle était perçue comme anomique). Par ailleurs, ces VMTC étaient à leur tour associés au soutien et à l’intention présente de s'engager dans différents types d'actions visant à défendre la France (dont des actions anti-immigration)After neglecting the temporal aspect of social groups for a long time, a growing body of research in social psychology now apprehends groups as entities that move through time and suggests that people’s representations of the collective past and future, in addition to being continuously (re)constructed according to the present, are relevant for understanding current collective behaviours. This new line of research has recently led to the idea of a collective mental time travel (CMTT) -i.e., the collective equivalent of individual mental time travel, that would gather the cross-influences between people’s representations of the group’s present, past, and future. This thesis aimed to examine the dynamics and consequences of these CMTT in light of perceived societal anomie -i.e., perceiving that current society is disintegrated and disregulated. Through nine correlational and experimental studies, we found that perceiving anomie within current society (a) lead individuals to reinterpret the national past (e.g., even more positive representations of the former French president Charles de Gaulle) (b) fostered the projection of negative, anxiety-inducing national futures and (c) influenced the relationships between people’s representations of the national past and future (e.g., declinist representations of the nation across time that were steeper when current society was perceived as highly anomic). Moreover, these CMTT were in turn associated with people’s current support for and intention to engage in various types of actions aimed at defending France (including anti-immigration actions)
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Ritacco, Guia. "An exploratory study of attitudes toward African migrants and migration among students at the University of the Western Cape". Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3488.
Abstract (sommario):
Magister Psychologiae - MPsychIn the context of recent attacks that occurred against foreign nationals (migrants) in South Africa, this study sought to explore attitudes toward migrants and immigration among a sample of students at the University of the Western Cape. Previous studies in South Africa and elsewhere have suggested that in most countries, nationals tend to hold negative attitudes toward migrants and express protectionist attitudes toward migration policies. Research around students' attitudes toward migrants and immigration has shown similar trends. The present study employed a sample survey design to investigate: a) Students' attitudes toward African migrants, b) Students' attitudes toward migration into South Africa and c) Degree of contact that students have with African Migrants. A convenience sample of 183 undergraduate psychology students was used. Students‟ age ranged between 18 and 38 years of age (x = 20 years). Data was collected using a questionnaire comprising of 27 questions related to attitudes towards migrants and immigration as well as a section on contact with migrants. The results show that students showed exclusionary attitudes in terms of immigration, limited contact with migrants and negative attitudes toward African migrants. However, attitudes toward migrant‟s rights were positive. The implications of these findings are discussed.
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Šarapatková, Anna. "Metodologický pohled na měření (anti)imigračních postojů (kvalita měření se zaměřením na jeho ekvivalenci)". Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-406304.
Abstract (sommario):
Opportunities that we have in today's world are sharply evolving, and the world is changing all together with these changes. This development is noticeably observed within the topic of global movement of (not only) population, which has changed fundamentally, both economically, politically and socially. Today's so much diversified form of migration, which has lost its transparency it used to has, is a very up to date and debated topic currently almost all over the world. Because of high importance of the topic "migration" it is often subject of research and number of surveys. One of the most examined area within the topic migration is attitudes of people towards immigration and immigrant, oftentimes together with investigating cause leading to particular attitude. Due to the international reach of the topic, these attitudes are often subject of cross-national research or national research, which, however, use data from international surveys. There is a clear disparity across European states in these attitudes towards immigration and, above all, the immigrants themselves. Given this nature of cross-national surveys measuring attitudes towards immigrants, it is important to focus on the measurement quality, which is becoming increasingly complex in the perspective of international research. It is...
Libri sul tema "Attitudes anti-immigration":
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Nucci, Priscila. Os intelectuais diante do racismo antinipônico no Brasil: Textos e silêncios. São Paulo, SP, Brasil: AnnaBlume, 2010.
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Spies, Dennis C. Immigration, Immigration-Related Concerns, and Welfare Support in Europe. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812906.003.0005.
Abstract (sommario):
The chapter analyzes the effect of immigration on program-specific welfare support among ten European countries. The findings indicate that as far as individual attitudes are concerned the pattern found in the US recurs in Europe. In line with the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) literature, there is indeed much evidence that immigration has lowered support for at least some welfare programs—and especially for those that disproportionally benefit foreign-born citizens. There is also considerable evidence of anti-immigrant sentiments among Europeans, who would be willing to support policies of welfare chauvinism. Furthermore, the impact of immigration on general welfare support appears to be dependent on the program’s degree of middle-class involvement with universal programs generating far less conflict than targeted ones.
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Leruth, Benjamin. France at a Crossroads. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790266.003.0004.
Abstract (sommario):
France has established itself as one of the most ‘generous’ welfare states in the world. The Great Recession of 2007–8 confronted French social policy with escalating unemployment and deepening inequalities. Combined with major pension reforms, these led to strong levels of dissatisfaction across the country, exacerbated by tensions over immigration, Euroscepticism, and internal security problems. This chapter examines how these issues developed in political context and uses material from attitude surveys to analyse existing and future challenges for the welfare state in France. It assesses recent reforms: governments of right and left offered contrasting programmes but failed to win public trust. France now stands at a cross-roads, facing a strong presidential challenge from the anti-immigrant, anti-EU right.
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Kadish, Doris. The Secular Rabbi. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859661.001.0001.
Abstract (sommario):
The Secular Rabbi is an intellectual biography of Philip Rahv, co-founder of Partisan Review. It focuses on the ambivalent ties that Rahv, a Russian immigrant, retained to his Jewish cultural background. Drawing on letters Rahv wrote to her mother from 1928 to 1931, Doris Kadish delves into Rahv’s complex and enigmatic character, his experience teaching Hebrew in Savannah, GA and Portland, OR; his attitudes toward class, race, and gender. Kadish positions herself in relation to Rahv in attempting to understand her own Jewish identity and perspective as a 21st century woman. The book draws on historical accounts, genealogical records, memoirs by Rahv’s friends and associates, interviews, and secondary scholarship devoted to the New York intellectuals, the history of Partisan Review, and Jewish studies. Key components of Rahv’s Jewishness—appearance, voice, name, attitudes toward Yiddish and Zionism—are explored, as is his deep-seated faith in Marxism. Textual analyses of Rahv’s works are interwoven with analyses of writers whose works appeared in Partisan Review: Delmore Schwartz, Franz Kafka, Isaac Bashevis Singer, Bernard Malamud, Saul Bellow. Rahv’s relations with writers who figured prominently in his life—most notably T.S. Eliot, Mary McCarthy, and Irving Howe—are explored. Events relating to anti-Stalinism, responses to the Holocaust, and alleged ties with the CIA, are discussed. Kadish sheds light on modernism, proletarian literature, and Jewish writing as well as movements that defined American political history in the 20th century: immigration, socialism, Communism, fascism, the cold war, feminism, and the New Left.
Capitoli di libri sul tema "Attitudes anti-immigration":
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Malinen, Sanna, Aki Koivula, Teo Keipi e Arttu Saarinen. "Shedding Light on People’s Social Media Concerns Through Political Party Preference, Media Trust, and Immigration Attitudes". In Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 199–221. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_10.
Abstract (sommario):
AbstractThe emergence of fake news has systematically challenged traditional media institutions as disinformation and misinformation are increasingly utilised in political attacks on social media. As in many countries, also in Finland, the emergence of current counter media sites is closely connected to the rise of the anti-immigration movement, and immigration policies and immigrants have been targets of the massive social media disinformation and misinformation campaigns. By employing a nationally representative survey (N = 3724) from Finland, this study investigates how three social-media-related concerns addressing misinformation and disinformation are explained by political party preferences, media trust, and immigration attitudes. We found that the supporters of the populist party, the Finns, had more critical views on freedom of expression and monitoring of hateful content on social media. Moreover, they were less concerned with the flow of fake news on social media. Based on mediation analysis, we found that trust in traditional media and attitudes on immigration are lowest among the supporters of the Finns, which also explained their different views on fake news, freedom of expression and hateful content monitoring. Even though the independent variables were highly inter-correlated, they also associated individually with social media users’ perceptions. We argue that the accumulation of negative immigration attitudes and low trust in the media is reflecting attitudes towards social media among the supporters of populist parties. The results underline the populist right-wing communication strategy, which questions the reliability of mainstream media, undermines professional journalism, criticises political correctness, and appeals to those who are most frustrated with mainstream media and critical towards immigration.
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Gordon, Steven Lawrence. "Immigration Policy in South Africa: Public Opinion, Xenophobia and the Search for Progress". In IMISCOE Research Series, 57–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92114-9_5.
Abstract (sommario):
AbstractDeveloping progressive migration policy and legislation in South Africa is significantly hampered by anti-immigrant sentiment amongst the general public. Despite the recommendations of experts, the country has not adopted a clear and coherent immigration integration policy. Moreover, xenophobic violence presents a clear threat to the current South African migration regime. Why has this young democracy struggled to develop meaningful policy solutions to deal with migration? The paper explores this important question through the unique lens of mass opinion. Data from the South African Social Attitudes Survey for the period 2003–2018 will be used for this study. The outcomes of this analysis offer new insights into the obstacles facing attempts to implement both progressive immigration policy as well as anti-xenophobia strategies in South Africa. The paper concludes by outlining the implications of this work for academic attempts to understand address anti-immigrantism in the country. Recommendations for future research are also presented for discussion.
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Štětka, Václav, e Sabina Mihelj. "Mainstreaming Illiberalism: The Rise of Immigration and LGBTQ+ Rights as Polarizing Issues". In The Illiberal Public Sphere, 119–52. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54489-7_5.
Abstract (sommario):
AbstractChapter 5 zooms in on two polarizing issues—immigration and LGBTQ+ rights—that are central to understanding the rise of illiberalism both in Eastern Europe and globally. We focus on the key actors involved in the process of mainstreaming of immigration and LGBTQ+ rights as key polarizing issues in the four countries—primarily illiberal politicians, but also church leaders and other opinion leaders—and on the extent to which this process was either fostered or hindered by the media. We argue that the role of the media differed depending on how advanced the illiberal public sphere was in a particular country, at a given point in time. When the illiberal public sphere is in an incipient stage, alternative and online outlets play a key role in the promotion of anti-immigrant and homophobic views, while independent mainstream media are still able to instil more liberal attitudes. As the strength of the illiberal public sphere increases, illiberal leaders can count on the support of an ever-wider range of mainstream media outlets, which have capacity to promote illiberal views on a large scale, potentially also leading to shifts in public opinion. At the same time, a well-established illiberal public sphere, which resonates with widespread illiberal attitudes among the citizenry, can also limit the ability of illiberal leaders to steer away from the illiberal agenda. In such a context, the illiberal public sphere becomes a powerful actor in its own right, capable of sustaining illiberalism to some extent independently of elite support.
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Meuleman, Bart. "Perceived Economic Threat and Anti-Immigration Attitudes". In Cross-Cultural Analysis, 283–313. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315537078-10.
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Finseraas, Henning. "Anti-immigration attitudes, support for redistribution and party choice in Europe". In Changing Social Equality, 23–44. Policy Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781847426604.003.0002.
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"Anti-immigration attitudes, support for redistribution and party choice in Europe". In Changing social equality, 23–44. Policy Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/9781847426611.ch002.
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Finseraas, Henning. "Anti-immigration attitudes, support for redistribution and party choice in Europe". In Changing social equality, 23–44. Policy Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.56687/9781847426611-005.
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Tillman, Erik R. "Authoritarianism and Support for Populist Radical Right Parties". In Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics, 115–44. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0006.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism and the likelihood of voting for populist radical right parties in Western Europe. Radical right parties share an ideology based around nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. This ideology appeals to high authoritarians because it promises tough measures to preserve social cohesion, so high authoritarians are more likely to vote for radical right parties. This prediction is tested using national election study data from a range of West European countries. The results show that high authoritarians are more likely to vote for radical right parties, but even more so if they have weaker attachments to the political mainstream. The final set of analyses examines whether economic anxieties or anti-immigration attitudes moderate this relationship. While economic anxieties matter little to radical right party support, high authoritarians who oppose immigration are more likely to vote for a radical right party. These findings build on existing research by providing a stronger explanation of previous findings linking anti-immigration attitudes or cultural anxieties to radical right party support.
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Ryo, Emily, e Ian Peacock. "Privatised Immigration Detention". In Privatising Border Control, 110—C6.P137. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192857163.003.0007.
Abstract (sommario):
Abstract How we organise ideas and develop narratives or ‘frames’ can shape public opinion and the course of social movements, structure policy debates, and define research agendas. This chapter has three goals. First, the current state of knowledge regarding the origin and nature of privatised immigration detention in the United States is described. Second, three key anti-privatisation frames that immigrant rights advocates and supporters of detention reform have used to try to mobilise against privatised detention are identified. Third, drawing on insights from existing social scientific research, whether and how these frames might shape public attitudes and policymaking on privatised detention in particular and immigration detention more generally is considered. Through these analyses, new lines of theoretically grounded and empirically informed inquiry for understanding the evolving contestation over privatised detention are developed.
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Abrajano, Marisa, e Zoltan L. Hajnal. "Immigration, Latinos, and the Transformation of White Partisanship". In White Backlash. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164434.003.0003.
Abstract (sommario):
This chapter examines white Americans' partisan preferences. Using data from the American National Election Survey (ANES) and a series of other national public opinion surveys, it shows that white Americans who harbor anti-immigrant sentiments are much more likely than others to identify as Republican. This is true regardless of what other potentially relevant political factors are taken into account, how partisanship is measured, or which survey is used. Importantly, using panel data, the chapter finds that changes in individual attitudes toward immigrants such as African Americans and Latinos precede shifts in partisanship. Similarly, using aggregate data, it demonstrates that the public's views on immigration predict shifts in macropartisanship. These results suggest that immigration is driving individual defections from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party.
Atti di convegni sul tema "Attitudes anti-immigration":
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Summan, Maher Mahfoz. "Immigration social challenges in public spaces in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia". In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8160.
Abstract (sommario):
After the economic rise in Saudi Arabia in 1938, workers migrated from across Saudi Arabia seeking better work opportunities. Statistics from the General Census of Population and Housing in 2010 reveal that the total number of international immigrants increased from 0.7 to 1.73 million between 2002 and 2010 (from 29.4% to 50% of the Population), coming from different countries, cultural, social and religious backgrounds.
Over recent years, a perception has developed by some citizens that there are too many Immigrants, which has exposed increased feelings of insecurity. Anti-immigrant attitudes and social exclusion have become more prominent, Saudi nationals have become concerned about diminishing national identity, in addition to believe that expatriates take available work and economic opportunities away from nationals, main cause of crime, and moral corruption.
Immigrants have brought with them new ideas, skills and practices from their home cultures, which add to the new urban cultures in Jeddah. This has helped to create a culturally vibrant urban environment.
The study will discuss the challenges faced by immigrants in Jeddah, in terms of interaction and social harmony with Saudi citizens in public spaces, and the underlying causes of those challenges. Qualitative method is used in this study, through discuss and analyse general literature review about the objective of the research (Public space and Immigration social challenges in Jeddah), then propose general recommendations that contribute to the improvement of the immigrants social life in the public space.