Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Arts – political aspects"

It is a matter for pride that the old TQ was one of the first English-language journals to include material by and about the Italian dramatist Dario Fo. Our ‘Theatre Checklist’ on Fo in 1978 provided the first full reference guide to his plays (notably to his work since 1970 with the theatre collective La Comune), and Tony Mitchell contributed a documented study of Fo's one-man show Mistero Buffo to TQ 35 in 1979. In between, Belt and Braces had established Fo's British reputation with their long-running productions of Accidental Death of an Anarchist and Can't Pay, Won't Pay – while in TQ40 Fo's leading American director, R. G. Davis, looked at some of the problems of presenting Fo in the USA. Now, Trumpets and Raspberries looks set to repeat the success of its predecessors at London's Phoenix Theatre. What sustains Dario Fo's unique ability to create political comedy which is at once hard-hitting yet widely accessible? As he suggests in the first of these articles (which originally appeared in Italian as an introduction to a volume of his plays), the answer lies in part in Fo's very rejection of the label ‘political’. Here, he analyzes some of the features by which he would rather distinguish his work as popular theatre, notably its traditional dependence on situation rather than character. In the second article, published in Italian in 1978, Fo examines the way in which this kind of theatre also fuses the elements of past culture with a critical examination of the present. Tony Mitchell, who translated both pieces, has just published a study of Fo. People's Court Jester, in the Methuen Theatrefiles series.

Feminism is the struggle of women to fight for their voice to be heard is a never-ending struggle that can be seen on media even in literature. Women ask for the equality as men received naturally, even in literature women depicted as someone hysterical and vulnerable however in the late 20th century until today the depiction of strong women is getting common even in Political world. The aspects of Political Feminism in The Crown series is the object of the study in order to uncover the aspects within the ideology itself. There are 30 data within the series that consists of Political Feminism with aspects of Political, Liberal, binary aspect of Political and Liberal. Within political feminism there are aspects that can be found and not political aspect only but also others such as liberal, etc.

The existence of art Reyog Ponorogo until now it is a traditional art Ponorogo Regency, community pride even in politics is needed by the existence of the political elite, nevertheless the availability of the arts it politically sufficiently interesting to observe in the political dynamics localized in Ponorogo. How the political elite or the state doing my hegemony on all aspects of this art Reyog Ponorogo. This study using several methods to get clarification on the problems on some of them are with the interview, observation, and documentation. The result showed that elite politics or the state has made various ways to Hegemony art Reyog Ponorogo as a mass mobilization of effective local. especially in the dynamics of politics.

The significant influx of immigrants, historically and contemporarily, has had a major impact on all aspects of American society. One area that has received some attention, but warrants more, is the extent of political integration of immigrant populations. Political integration is defined as a process whereby a sense of cohesiveness, membership and attachment occurs for residents of the political community (political values, beliefs, citizen roles, etc.). Using the foreign-born segment of the National Chicano Survey, this article identifies three critical political orientations (i.e., individual/system blame, perceived discrimination, and support for collective activities) and relates them to sociocultural characteristics of the immigrants. Political integration for Mexican immigrants is a slow and uneven process. One implication of the uneveness of their political integration is the difficulty of mobilizing this segment of the Hispanic community to augment an already politically active group.

This paper aims to discuss the role of arts in the educational field. Presenting an overview on the contradictions of the capitalist system and its influence on the strategies into the curricula. We try to present a critical review in which some political aspects have an important presence and define the aspirations for more space for arts in schools. We also bring an utopian proposition focusing arts in educations as a way to find self constructions achieve freedom in a social context, based on creativity and solidarity to human development.

The pressures of Thatcherism on theatre funding in the 'eighties were severe, but the early harshness was tempered by several factors. One was the positive influence of the Cork Report, particularly on touring and experimental theatre. Another, the authors believe, was a careful strategy of reallocation of funding to support creativity in English theatre, notably through the touring franchise scheme. Here, they analyze in detail the ways in which the English Arts Council operated the scheme in an attempt to revitalize aspects of English theatre from 1986 onwards, trace the change in the values of ‘political’ theatre over that period, and critically examine some received ideas in the light of the available evidence. Ian Brown is Dean of Arts and Professor of Theatre at Queen Margaret University College, Edinburgh, Rob Brannen is a Senior Lecturer in Drama at De Montfort University, Bedford. Douglas Brown is Assistant Director, Scottish Centre for Cultural Management and Policy, at Queen Margaret University College, Edinburgh.

Gender equality in the political, legal, social, economic, and cultural spheres of modern Sweden is highly relevant to society. This issue affects all aspects of the country's life and is one of the most important points for understanding Swedish identity. The most equal opportunities for women and men are primarily manifested at the state and political levels. In the global media space of the last decade, great attention has been paid to the women's hashtag movement #metoo against cases of sexual harassment by men towards women. This phenomenon has had a significant impact on many aspects of life in Sweden. The susceptibility of Swedish society to gender inequality issues has also been influenced by the scientific achievements of humanities research. Scholars have made significant progress in developing gender issues. If the first works on women's topics were empirical studies that described events involving the weaker sex, then, from the second half of the 1970s historians began talking not about gender equality (jämlikhet), but about gender parity (jämställdhet). The emphasis was not on the biological difference between men and women, but on their social inequality. The new interest of scholars in studying the role of the state in different periods of the history of this country became a novelty in gender historiography in Sweden since the 1990s. It is in the field of studying gender issues in the last five decades that Swedish humanities have achieved the greatest success.

AbstractThough often stylized as the most transcendent of the arts, music is inseparably linked to politics and society. The essay offers several examples of how even the technical and aesthetic aspects of music have been determined by political factors through the ages. In conclusion, the author turns to the political role of musicology and the current tendency in Germany to transfer academic institutes of musicology to conservatories.

Not only usual goods are carried: some of a particular nature need particular regulations. The transportation of dangerous goods regulated by specific international rules is a good illustration while the example of artworks carried to be exposed in temporary exhibitions is less famous. Their material protection is insured by museum professionals and specialized carriers. Their legal protection is insured on two levels: on one side, detailed customs procedures are set up to regulate their movement; moreover, specific contractual rules have been created by professionals, but they do apply international conventions relative to international carriers liability. On the other side, one usually chooses specific insurance policy called "a nail to nail" contract. Confidentiality and mutual trust are the keystone to gain success in matter of transportation of artworks.

Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2004.
Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-0714104-151923 Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.

In South Africa, the performing arts have contributed to enhancing national identity and distinctiveness despite coming up against weak legislation, policy and infrastructure to support their growth and proliferation (Fredericks, 2005: 9). Coupled with a decline in both government and consumer support and the contradictory disparity between valuing the arts and the funding of the arts, theatre companies can no longer rely on the comfort of external subsidies and financial support. In order to be economically viable and sustainable to ensure their survival, there is an increasing demand for theatre companies to look to novel ways of increasing audience demand for theatre and improving audience attendance. However, instead of risking artistic integrity and the performance product to satisfy the market, this research suggests that promotion and development of theatre at arts festivals provides a platform to access a wider theatre-going public, which therefore facilitates a change in the market focus toward appreciation of the product (production). It explores leading arguments pertaining to the attendance of arts and cultural events, namely, Peterson and Simkus (1992), later updated by Peterson‟s (2005)„omnivore-univore‟ argument. The argument purports cultural consumption as binary in nature: either significant and diverse or limited, if not absent altogether. Supported by a number of case-studies, including Chan and Goldthorpe (2005) and Montgomery and Robinson (2008) and Snowball et al. (2009), the investigation challenges Bourdieu‟s (1984) theory on cultural distinction as well as the homology and individualisation argument. In determining the factors that influence cultural taste and consumer behaviour, including motivators and inhibitors of attendance and a predominant emphasis on audience risk and information asymmetry, the research was placed in a local context, providing an overview of the socio-economic theatre environment in South Africa. It investigated the nature, structure and impact of local festivals (as events) in changing audience demand and theatre attendance. With specific reference to the South African National Arts Festival (NAF) the research notes the effects of Hauptfleisch‟s „eventification‟ phenomenon on univore attenders and therefore expands the omnivore-univore theory to include a new breed of attender: the “Festivore”. A case study explored the “Festivore” hypothesis through empirical research, surveys and face-to-face qualitative interviews and on-seat questionnaire responses by festival attenders. Personal interviews and communication was also carried out with leading experts in the field. The data was then analysed using SPSS 13 electronic statistical analysis programme to determine the socio-demographics and the factors that affect theatre attendance of existing, as well as potential target, theatre audiences at the National Arts Festival The study concluded that South African theatre attenders are generally omnivorous consumers and that, more importantly, there seems to be a shift towards „festivorous‟ consumption. Furthermore, evidence supports the development and proliferation of festivals as a means not only to support and promote the arts in South Africa but, more importantly, to generate new theatre audiences and entrench theatre attendance into South African culture.

This is an autoethnographic account of the performative practices in the Umbrella Movement (2014, Hong Kong), a struggle that I myself and some fellow artists participated in. Instead of making a discursive analysis of postcolonial identity, this thesis focuses on performative practices and the performativity of artists and their activist counterparts in the Umbrella Movement. This thesis starts with an overview of the political situation in Hong Kong before relating it to the social turn in contemporary art practice and the performative turn in art and research practices. Instead of using performance as a metaphor for understanding cultural phenomena, I persevere with the notion of performance per se, of artists taking part in activism and examining the performativity involved in the process. As an artist/researcher, I have been seeking a research methodology that is compatible with the means and ends of activism being studied and can nourish a reflexive account on the performative practices of resistance in postcolonial Hong Kong. I propose a methodology of 'performative autoethnography' which accentuates the co-performative and intersubjective process as well as the non-textual aspects of embodied experience and of performing struggle in activism. Reviewing the performative practices on macro- and micro-levels, I borrow the term 'microutopia' to depict the imaginary space created by micro-performances used to cope with the discrepancies between utopian ideals and reality. Specifically, I examine the transformative power of some performative tactics employed in the Umbrella Movement: parodic performance of 'over-identification,' improvisation accomplished by collective connectivity and kinetic responsiveness of the performers, and the artist as an intersubjective mediator. Among these tactics, there are recurring claims and recurring forms that add up to a repertoire of protest. Through microutopian interventions staged at the site of protest, the identities of the multitude are constructed through critical engagement. I suggest that we use the concept of 'critical identities' to study how identities are constructed within an open-ended network of social relations, using a critical reflexive lens of performance studies at a precarious moment in which Hong Kong finds itself at a crossroads.

This thesis acknowledges the current situation of political unrest in Hong Kong and examines the volatile horizons that began to emerge from late 2014, while also understanding those that came before. The thesis unpacks the relationships between art, architecture and society and their significance in relation to Hong Kong. Through highlighting and identifying the potential restrictions and examining and responding to the legacy and logic of Occupy Central, this thesis proposes an expansion of the space of possibilities for art in Hong Kong.The interweaving of diverse subjects are part of an intersectional methodology. The frequent changing of artists, locations and subjects have evolved out of the geopolitical situation that this author was embedded within and the architectural conditions under consideration in the research. By using techniques of close analysis and interviews, unpacking existing relationships, creating new temporary relationships (intersectionality) through exhibitions, reports, site visits and experimental curatorial strategies within the city, this thesis articulates the positions and subjectivities that can form around an artwork and its communities of production. This thesis navigates the haunted spaces concealed by ideological barriers, exposing varying sites of production and tensions through time and place. Research examines and proposes new ideas and approaches to art and art-working in Hong Kong while considering the marginalised, alienated and the xeno. Through highlighting a hitherto absent sense of commonality between the government and its subjects and exploring all corners of the political spectrum, the research critically examines the roots of ideological logic as expressed in the city-form and sets out to expand the space of possibilities.

The arts in many countries, but particularly in developing ones, are coming under increasing financial pressure and finding it difficult to justify the increases in government funding needed to maintain and grow the cultural sector. The trend in cultural economics, as well as in other areas, appears to be towards including qualitative valuations, as well as the more traditional quantitative ones. This thesis argues that the value of cultural events should include long term historical qualitative analysis, financial or economic impact and a valuation of the positive externalities provided by cultural events and that any one of these should only be regarded as a partial analysis. Four methods of valuing the arts using the South African National Arts Festival (NAF) as an example are demonstrated. Firstly, a qualitative historical analysis of the role of the NAF in South Africa’s transformation process from Apartheid to the democratic New South Africa is examined, using theories of cultural capital as a theoretical basis. It is argued that the value of cultural events needs to take into account long-term influences especially in countries undergoing political and social transformation. The second valuation method applied is the traditional economic impact study. Four economic impact studies conducted on the NAF are discussed and methodologies compared. It is concluded that, despite the skepticism of many cultural economists, the method can provide a useful partial valuation and may also be used for effective lobbying for government support of the arts. Chapter four discusses willingness to pay studies conducted at the NAF in 2000 and 2003 (as well as a pilot study conducted at the Klein Karoo Nationale Kunstefees). It is found that lower income and education groups do benefit from the positive externalities provided by the Festival and that this is reflected in their willingness to pay to support it. It is also argued that such contingent valuation studies can provide a reasonably reliable valuation of Festival externalities, but that they may be partly capturing current or future expected financial gains as well. Finally, the relatively new choice experiment methodology (also called conjoint analysis) is demonstrated on visitors to the NAF. The great advantage of this method in valuing cultural events is that it provides part-worths of various Festival attributes for different demographic groups. This enables organizes to structure the programme in such a way as to attract previously excluded groups and to conduct a cost-benefit analysis for each part of the Festival.

The Museum of Modern Art's television project sponsored by the Rockefeller Brother's Fund between 1952 and 1955 was designed to educate a democratic and cultured citizenry through the principles and practices of modern art and liberal humanism. Through a close reading of four television programs, related policy documents and exhibitions, as well as critical, educational and promotional literature, this study will show how within the context of the MoMA's mandate and history, the television project was a decisive, yet highly troubled attempt to forge cultural citizenship through the burgeoning media of modern art and television. This exploration will establish how the television project was an integral aspect of the MoMA's efforts since World War II to situate modern art as essential to the formation of an international polity shaped around the promise of universality, yet dependent on upholding the primacy of free and creative individuals. In addressing such a challenge, this dissertation will contend that television was not necessarily antithetical to modernism, rather it was just one among an array of struggling forces falling within the rubric of the modern. Moreover, this analysis will consider the importance of culture in logics of liberal governance. In order to elucidate the dimensions of cultural democracy as they emerged through the MoMA's television project, this study will be shaped around a discussion of three components crucial to the formation and maintenance of citizenly conduct---civic education, democratic cultural communications, and cross-cultural governance. To these ends, a range of sources from the disciplines of Communications, Cultural Studies and Critical Artistic Studies will be drawn on in order to investigate the provisional links forged between modern art, media pedagogy, and cultural citizenship in the Cold War period.

While formal arts education was inaccessible to many during Apartheid, community-based centres played a significant role in the training of previously disadvantaged artists. By engaging in a socio-political critique of the history of South African art, this thesis argues that even though alternative art spaces are often marginalised, they remain essential to the diversification and democratisation of contemporary South African art today with its re-entry into the international art scene. According to Lize van Robbroeck (2004:52), “some of the fundamental ideals of community arts need to be revised to enrich, democratize and diversify [South Africa's] cultural practice.” The aim of my Thesis is to investigate this statement in relation to the contribution the Community Arts Project (CAP) in Cape Town (1977-2003). CAP and other art centres have played an indispensable role in the establishment of black artists and in producing a locally reflective artistic practice in South Africa, even into the 21st century. Through researching the changes the organisation underwent between the 1980s and 1990s, the ways in which such art centres constantly need to respond to the changing sociopolitical landscape around them become clear. Within South Africa these centres were seen to play a significant part in the liberation struggle and then later in nation building. While these centres were well supported by foreign donors in the late 1980s, such funding was withdrawn in 1991 and the majority of art centres collapsed, illustrating to some degree that the training of artist was not valued outside the context of the struggle against apartheid. By interviewing key people and by reading documentation stored at the Manuscripts and Archives department of UCT I have discovered some of the different benefits and hindrances of working in community art centres both during and after Apartheid. This thesis argues that these centres still play a vital role in contributing to the development of South Africa's local art practice and should not be relegated to the sideline.

AbstractThis chapter examines how an adequate Internal Compliance Program (ICP) for the Royal Netherlands Airforce (RNLAF) was developed. In order to create an adequate ICP, it is essential to determine which legal and other aspects should be incorporated in the ICP framework. To deduct these relevant aspects of the environment the RNLAF operates in, a Political, Economic, Social, Technological and Legal (PESTL) analysis is used. Furthermore, the different ICP frameworks are compared in order to make a combination of them to create the most adequate ICP for the RNLAF. We conclude that this should be a combination of mainly US ICP Frameworks as of the fact that the RNLAF is mostly US orientated. The COSO model as an internationally widely used best practice framework is the core. The combination of the PESTL analysis, the legal framework and the chosen ICP frameworks together result in an 11 pillars ICP, which we consider is the most adequate ICP for the RNLAF. Leading principle in combining all the aforementioned elements, is that the ICP has to be tailored to its organizations’ characteristics (e.g. nature of items, size of the organization, national, regional and global footprint). We understand that there is no one-size-fits-all approach, but one needs to design an ICP that specifically fits the given organizational structure, its size and daily operations.

AbstractThe question on whether and how deterring an adversary in or through cyberspace is feasible has provoked the minds of scholars and practitioners for decades. Today, cyber deterrence remains a quintessential anchoring concept for the political debates on cyber policy. However, does the concept of deterrence in cyberspace have a future when for almost three decades little to no seemingly feasible practical solutions nor an academic consensus have emerged? The purpose of this chapter is to situate the current debate on cyber deterrence within the historical evolution of deterrence thinking in cyberspace, clarify the existing conceptualizations, and comprehensively discuss whether the concept of cyber deterrence has an analytical future. We argue that the future deterrence debate can move into four directions: increased incorporation of cyber deterrence as an element within the broader international security and contest in a multi-domain world. A deeper focus on the technical aspects of the cyber domain to achieve deterrence effects on the operational and tactical level. A closer analysis of compellence, as the alternative form of coercion. And an exploration of new strategic concepts that seeks to contain and blunt adversarial aggression in cyberspace that stands apart from traditional deterrence thinking.

AbstractVölkisch, racist, and essentialist constructions of religious belief flourished in the first half of the twentieth century. After 1933, debates on Germanness in the German Youth Movement, and among intellectuals, artists, and state functionaries helped shape the politics of national socialist (NS) institutions. Discussions that sought to ground religious experience in scientific and historical evidence, drew on a combination of the phenomenology of religion, speculations about the nature of primordial belief, biological and historical evolutionism, and race theory. The author examines the formation of a discourse in which knowledge about India was selected from the academic discipline of Indology and relocated to suit the positions of the contributors to the debate. Essentially, the field reproduced aspects of religion that emphasized confessionalism, rationality, nationalism, the arts, science, and ritual in relation to modernity.

Abstract China’s arts and their political context have changed dramatically since the Maoist period. The arts constitute one of the more open and dynamic aspects of civil society in the PRC, although the cultural arena remains under political scrutiny by the party-state. This chapter looks at the balance between party-state and market in the arts since the era of “reform and opening up” began in the early 1980s, both the weakening and persistence of censorship, and China’s national quest for global cultural respect.

Beginning in 1992, Arts Wire, a program of the New York Foundation for the Arts, was a social media platform and Internet presence provider, that provided access to news, information, and dialogue on the social, economic, philosophical, intellectual, and political conditions affecting the arts and artists. Initially led by Anne Focke and then by poet, Joe Matuzak, Arts Wire participants included individual artists, arts administrators, arts organizations and funders. This chapter focuses on Arts Wire's social media aspects, such as discussion and projects, including among others: AIDSwire, an online AIDS information resource; the online component of the Fourth National Black Writers Conference; the Native Arts Network Association; ProjectArtNet that brought children from immigrant neighborhoods online to create a community history; NewMusNet, a virtual place for experimental music; and Interactive, an online laboratory for interactive art. It also documents the history of the e-newsletter, Arts Wire Current (later NYFA Current).

This chapter studies the use of orientalist elements in advertisements of Turkish political parties as a reaction to the orientalist approach of the West, based on examples. It is observed that especially the right-wing parties frequently use orientalist elements in political advertisements during election periods in Turkey. These orientalist elements usually consist of large historical mosque figures and Ottoman motives. However, these orientalist elements are presented together with Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkish satellites, unmanned aircraft, and modern city views to establish a connection between the past and future and show developed and contemporary aspects of Turkey. Thus, it is hinted to the West that a Muslim country taking pride in its past can also be a contemporary and developed country. The present study is focused on orientalism reflections in Turkish political election campaigns and aims to reveal orientalist elements and orientalist perspective that are common in election campaigns.

The Research Group Realidades - from tangible realities to ontological realities - was created in 2010 and is based at the School of Communications and Arts, University of São Paulo, accredited by the Institution and CNPq, Brazil. It already has a huge production, from artistic works, texts, interviews, events organization, and other technical productions, which can be found at http://www2.eca.usp.br/realidades. In its initial research, the Realidades Group investigated how to coherently treat certain terms and categories while maintaining a dialogue between different areas of knowledge, in addition to pointing out counterparts from the breaking of certain conceptual coherences promoted by this dialogue. The object of study of the first projects was precisely to know and expand terms such as simulation, virtuality, hybridization, as well as to propose new devices, interfaces and uses for the technologies. In the current proposal, the group inaugurates new lines of research that will address contemporary phenomena in the field of digital media, critically observing the experience in the intersection between arts, sciences and communications in locative media, audiovisual performances, reality augmented, 360º video and photography, artificial intelligence, three-dimensional modeling, and digital prototyping, among others. It also considers broader issues that arise in this context in relation to the ways of weakening the consensus around the alternatives of representing reality, which happen because of the informational explosion, and the mapping of patterns, in addition to observing political aspects of these discussions. To fulfill these objectives, which significantly expand the initial problems, we redesigned our lines of research in 2020, which are now defined as: 1. Codified Thoughts; 2. Audiovisual Processes; and 3. Poetic-political criticism. The lines of research present specific goals, objectives, and results, which add up without failing to meet the general objectives of the group. It is important to say that the group has a diversified production, but it is evident that the artistic works stand out. In our artworks, the intrinsic relationship between theory and creative practices is essential. We can see the result of these practices and creative processes in the works we carry out and which have already been shown in national and international exhibitions. All information about each one can be found on the group's website. They have started with the Enigmas Series, which was developed between 2012 and 2017.This series has 3 productions and some versions. We also have the series “When the Stars Touch”, with two works, one created in 2019 and the other in 2020. In 2017 we produced the installation Dynamic Crossing, which participated in ISEA 2017 - 23rd International Symposium on Electronic Art, in Manizales, Colombia. The group's most recent artwork is "InMemoriam". It is still online and can be accessed on its website.

The protocol is a combination of good behavior and logical reasoning, with one basic goal – efficient and effective communication between the stakeholders in diplomacy and politics. Considering that the protocol is both a science and an art, even the smallest deviations from the established rules and procedures can be perceived as sending a nonverbal message that has a political connotation and can seriously affect the reputation of the state in the international relations. The protocol is the hidden “conductor” which enables the “concert” to go smoothly, which, on the other hand, indicates that every mistake, every shortcoming or every intentional deviation is public and visible. But even after determining the deviation from what is considered an established practice, the question of whether it is an unintentional omission or an intentional transmission of a political message remains, and it is very difficult to find an adequate and true answer to this question. In this paper, apart from the communication aspect of conveying messages, the subject of analysis are also more practical examples that burdened international politics in the past period. Key words: protocol, (un)intentional protocol errors, politics, international relations

The goal of the European Union is to reduce the risk of poverty and social exclusion. The risk of social exclusion involves various risk factors that adversely affect family life as well as everyday needs. Indirect discrimination also leads to social exclusion. In essence, social exclusion represents multidimensional marginalization that does not contribute to social integration policies aimed at creating an integrated and socially active society. French sociologist Emile Durkheim has already stressed that the inclusion and union of individuals are essential to maintaining social cohesion and preventing social exclusion. He also stressed the importance of social solidarity, which is linked to shared values, beliefs and norms in society and which can help to prevent social exclusion and promote social integration, and described the evolution of society from mechanical solidarity to organic solidarity. Social exclusion is a complex social and political problem, which is governed legally at the national and local levels, as there are socially excluded groups also in rural areas. The legislative framework was summarised using document analysis. A qualitative research approach was used to explore the manifestations of social exclusion and identify recommendations to address them. The research involved 11 semi-structured interviews with representatives of organisations working on the problems and integration of socially excluded groups. The research aims to identify the problems of and solutions to social exclusion in rural areas. The research has concluded that there are enough projects and programmes promoting wellbeing and social protection, yet the projects do not achieve the desired results in most cases. Based on the idea of social solidarity, today's society is more likely to cooperate, which indicates a more cohesive society and a willingness to seek help from responsible organisations.

In the study „Performer Valentina Cojocaru: aspects of heritage creation in the Folklor Orchestra” the author proposes a new interpretation of the meaning of ideational and pragmatic structures, represented by genres and styles included in the repertoire of neo-traditional music from the Soviet era of Moldovan SSR. The study focuses on issues concerning the context of the emergence and assertion of neotraditional art in the 1960s and 1980s as a branch of popular culture and mass culture, closely connected to the political agenda of the Soviet government. The path and stages of the artist's professional evolution are highlighted. Valentina Cojocaru's repertoire delimits two strategic aesthetic directions: one focused on the traditional folk ethos, the other – on the values of the new communist vision of the world. The main genera, styles and thematic species are discussed and exemplified.

This is a concert proposal of Brazilian digital art, which brings in its creative core the historical and cultural aspects of certain locations in Brazil. The term ​ Tecnofagia derives from an allusion to the concept of anthropophagic movement (artistic movement started in the twentieth century founded and theorized by the poet Oswald de Andrade and the painter Tarsila do Amaral). The anthropophagic movement was a metaphor for a goal of cultural swallowing where foreign culture would not be denied but should not be imitated. In his notes, Oswald de Andrade proposes the "cultural devouring of imported techniques to re-elaborate them autonomously, turning them into an export product." The ​ Tecnofagia project is a collaborative creative and collective performance group that seeks to broaden aspects of live electronic music, video art, improvisation and performance, taking them into a multimodal narrative context with essentially Brazilian sound elements such as:accents and phonemes; instrumental tones; soundscapes; historical, political and cultural contexts. In this sense, ​ Tecnofagia tries to go beyond techniques and technologies of interactive performance, as it provokes glances for a Brazilian art-technological miscegenation. That is, it seeks emergent characteristics of the encounters between media, art, spaces, culture, temporalities, objects, people and technologies, at the moment of performance.

This report is written by students in the Ethnic and Migration Studies Master’s Programme, part of the Research Institute in Migration, Ethnicity, and Society (REMESO) at Linköping University, based on the Norrköping campus. REMESO is an internationally renowned institute that pursues research in migration and ethnic relations. The Master’s Programme is highly sought after, with students coming from all over the world to attend. Their interest in how migration transforms the world and how it influences other social phenomena has fuelled their work in this publication. In their first year of studies, students take the course Critical Cases in Ethnic and Migration Studies, led by Erik Berggren as course coordinator and Kenna Sim-Sarka. The course is designed for students to apply the theoretical knowledge and experiences gained throughout the first year’s courses to produce articles beyond an academic audience for the broader public. Each REMS report is based around a specific theme, with previous themes including migration and Covid-19, migration and Ukraine, and migration and democracy. The REMS report is one of the many ways in which we, as students, are trained to identify and analyse issues related to migration, integration, and diversity and to make research accessible to a wider audience. This year’s overarching theme is Migration and Culture, sparked by recent developments in Sweden’s and Norrköping’s politics of decreasing and cutting funds for cultural activities. Arts and culture are both areas of expression for migrant communities and people on the move, as well as those fighting against racism, discrimination, and exclusion. The current debate on “Swedish culture” and on a “Swedish cultural canon” recalls monolithic understandings of culture as a natural and immutable construct, contributing to the polarisation of views rather than the multiplication of perspectives and conceptions of it. Like culture, which can be visualised as a tapestry created from different threads, different contributions, woven together to form something complex, this report is also a collection of varied articles, united by a common theme. Some articles in this report look at the accessibility of culture in Sweden and its transmission through all kinds of mediums, such as TV programmes; others engage artists or “social artists” who care about issues like migration and the fight against racism and discrimination, and some focus on specific aspects of culture and arts, such as language, food, and music. The first-year students of EMS, 2024.

Banco de la República is celebrating its 100th anniversary in 2023. This is a very significant anniversary and one that provides an opportunity to highlight the contribution the Bank has made to the country’s development. Its track record as guarantor of monetary stability has established it as the one independent state institution that generates the greatest confidence among Colombians due to its transparency, management capabilities, and effective compliance with the central banking and cultural responsibilities entrusted to it by the Constitution and the Law. On a date as important as this, the Board of Directors of Banco de la República (BDBR) pays tribute to the generations of governors and officers whose commitment and dedication have contributed to the growth of this institution.1 Banco de la República’s mandate was confirmed in the National Constitutional Assembly of 1991 where the citizens had the opportunity to elect the seventy people who would have the task of drafting a new constitution. The leaders of the three political movements with the most votes were elected as chairs to the Assembly, and this tripartite presidency reflected the plurality and the need for consensus among the different political groups to move the reform forward. Among the issues considered, the National Constitutional Assembly gave special importance to monetary stability. That is why they decided to include central banking and to provide Banco de la República with the necessary autonomy to use the instruments for which they are responsible without interference from other authorities. The constituent members understood that ensuring price stability is a state duty and that the entity responsible for this task must be enshrined in the Constitution and have the technical capability and institutional autonomy necessary to adopt the decisions they deem appropriate to achieve this fundamental objective in coordination with the general economic policy. In particular, Article 373 established that “the State, through Banco de la República, shall ensure the maintenance of the purchasing power of the currency,” a provision that coincided with the central banking system adopted by countries that have been successful in controlling inflation. In 1999, in Ruling 481, the Constitutional Court stated that “the duty to maintain the purchasing power of the currency applies to not only the monetary, credit, and exchange authority, i.e., the Board of Banco de la República, but also those who have responsibilities in the formulation and implementation of the general economic policy of the country” and that “the basic constitutional purpose of Banco de la República is the protection of a sound currency. However, this authority must take the other economic objectives of state intervention such as full employment into consideration in their decisions since these functions must be coordinated with the general economic policy.” The reforms to Banco de la República agreed upon in the Constitutional Assembly of 1991 and in Act 31/1992 can be summarized in the following aspects: i) the Bank was assigned a specific mandate: to maintain the purchasing power of the currency in coordination with the general economic policy; ii) the BDBR was designatedas the monetary, foreign exchange, and credit authority; iii) the Bank and its Board of Directors were granted a significant degree of independence from the government; iv) the Bank was prohibited from granting credit to the private sector except in the case of the financial sector; v) established that in order to grant credit to the government, the unanimous vote of its Board of Directors was required except in the case of open market transactions; vi) determined that the legislature may, in no case, order credit quotas in favor of the State or individuals; vii) Congress was appointed, on behalf of society, as the main addressee of the Bank’s reporting exercise; and viii) the responsibility for inspection, surveillance, and control over Banco de la República was delegated to the President of the Republic. The members of the National Constitutional Assembly clearly understood that the benefits of low and stable inflation extend to the whole of society and contribute mto the smooth functioning of the economic system. Among the most important of these is that low inflation promotes the efficient use of productive resources by allowing relative prices to better guide the allocation of resources since this promotes economic growth and increases the welfare of the population. Likewise, low inflation reduces uncertainty about the expected return on investment and future asset prices. This increases the confidence of economic agents, facilitates long-term financing, and stimulates investment. Since the low-income population is unable to protect itself from inflation by diversifying its assets, and a high proportion of its income is concentrated in the purchase of food and other basic goods that are generally the most affected by inflationary shocks, low inflation avoids arbitrary redistribution of income and wealth.2 Moreover, low inflation facilitates wage negotiations, creates a good labor climate, and reduces the volatility of employment levels. Finally, low inflation helps to make the tax system more transparent and equitable by avoiding the distortions that inflation introduces into the value of assets and income that make up the tax base. From the monetary authority’s point of view, one of the most relevant benefits of low inflation is the credibility that economic agents acquire in inflation targeting, which turns it into an effective nominal anchor on price levels. Upon receiving its mandate, and using its autonomy, Banco de la República began to announce specific annual inflation targets as of 1992. Although the proposed inflation targets were not met precisely during this first stage, a downward trend in inflation was achieved that took it from 32.4% in 1990 to 16.7% in 1998. At that time, the exchange rate was kept within a band. This limited the effectiveness of monetary policy, which simultaneously sought to meet an inflation target and an exchange rate target. The Asian crisis spread to emerging economies and significantly affected the Colombian economy. The exchange rate came under strong pressure to depreciate as access to foreign financing was cut off under conditions of a high foreign imbalance. This, together with the lack of exchange rate flexibility, prevented a countercyclical monetary policy and led to a 4.2% contraction in GDP that year. In this context of economic slowdown, annual inflation fell to 9.2% at the end of 1999, thus falling below the 15% target set for that year. This episode fully revealed how costly it could be, in terms of economic activity, to have inflation and exchange rate targets simultaneously. Towards the end of 1999, Banco de la República announced the adoption of a new monetary policy regime called the Inflation Targeting Plan. This regime, known internationally as ‘Inflation Targeting,’ has been gaining increasing acceptance in developed countries, having been adopted in 1991 by New Zealand, Canada, and England, among others, and has achieved significant advances in the management of inflation without incurring costs in terms of economic activity. In Latin America, Brazil and Chile also adopted it in 1999. In the case of Colombia, the last remaining requirement to be fulfilled in order to adopt said policy was exchange rate flexibility. This was realized around September 1999, when the BDBR decided to abandon the exchange-rate bands to allow the exchange rate to be freely determined in the market.Consistent with the constitutional mandate, the fundamental objective of this new policy approach was “the achievement of an inflation target that contributes to maintaining output growth around its potential.”3 This potential capacity was understood as the GDP growth that the economy can obtain if it fully utilizes its productive resources. To meet this objective, monetary policy must of necessity play a countercyclical role in the economy. This is because when economic activity is below its potential and there are idle resources, the monetary authority can reduce the interest rate in the absence of inflationary pressure to stimulate the economy and, when output exceeds its potential capacity, raise it. This policy principle, which is immersed in the models for guiding the monetary policy stance, makes the following two objectives fully compatible in the medium term: meeting the inflation target and achieving a level of economic activity that is consistent with its productive capacity. To achieve this purpose, the inflation targeting system uses the money market interest rate (at which the central bank supplies primary liquidity to commercial banks) as the primary policy instrument. This replaced the quantity of money as an intermediate monetary policy target that Banco de la República, like several other central banks, had used for a long time. In the case of Colombia, the objective of the new monetary policy approach implied, in practical terms, that the recovery of the economy after the 1999 contraction should be achieved while complying with the decreasing inflation targets established by the BDBR. The accomplishment of this purpose was remarkable. In the first half of the first decade of the 2000s, economic activity recovered significantly and reached a growth rate of 6.8% in 2006. Meanwhile, inflation gradually declined in line with inflation targets. That was how the inflation rate went from 9.2% in 1999 to 4.5% in 2006, thus meeting the inflation target established for that year while GDP reached its potential level. After this balance was achieved in 2006, inflation rebounded to 5.7% in 2007, above the 4.0% target for that year due to the fact that the 7.5% GDP growth exceeded the potential capacity of the economy.4 After proving the effectiveness of the inflation targeting system in its first years of operation, this policy regime continued to consolidate as the BDBR and the technical staff gained experience in its management and state-of-the-art economic models were incorporated to diagnose the present and future state of the economy and to assess the persistence of inflation deviations and expectations with respect to the inflation target. Beginning in 2010, the BDBR established the long-term 3.0% annual inflation target, which remains in effect today. Lower inflation has contributed to making the macroeconomic environment more stable, and this has favored sustained economic growth, financial stability, capital market development, and the functioning of payment systems. As a result, reductions in the inflationary risk premia and lower TES and credit interest rates were achieved. At the same time, the duration of public domestic debt increased significantly going from 2.27 years in December 2002 to 5.86 years in December 2022, and financial deepening, measured as the level of the portfolio as a percentage of GDP, went from around 20% in the mid-1990s to values above 45% in recent years in a healthy context for credit institutions.Having been granted autonomy by the Constitution to fulfill the mandate of preserving the purchasing power of the currency, the tangible achievements made by Banco de la República in managing inflation together with the significant benefits derived from the process of bringing inflation to its long-term target, make the BDBR’s current challenge to return inflation to the 3.0% target even more demanding and pressing. As is well known, starting in 2021, and especially in 2022, inflation in Colombia once again became a serious economic problem with high welfare costs. The inflationary phenomenon has not been exclusive to Colombia and many other developed and emerging countries have seen their inflation rates move away from the targets proposed by their central banks.5 The reasons for this phenomenon have been analyzed in recent Reports to Congress, and this new edition delves deeper into the subject with updated information. The solid institutional and technical base that supports the inflation targeting approach under which the monetary policy strategy operates gives the BDBR the necessary elements to face this difficult challenge with confidence. In this regard, the BDBR reiterated its commitment to the 3.0% inflation target in its November 25 communiqué and expects it to be reached by the end of 2024.6 Monetary policy will continue to focus on meeting this objective while ensuring the sustainability of economic activity, as mandated by the Constitution. Analyst surveys done in March showed a significant increase (from 32.3% in January to 48.5% in March) in the percentage of responses placing inflation expectations two years or more ahead in a range between 3.0% and 4.0%. This is a clear indication of the recovery of credibility in the medium-term inflation target and is consistent with the BDBR’s announcement made in November 2022. The moderation of the upward trend in inflation seen in January, and especially in February, will help to reinforce this revision of inflation expectations and will help to meet the proposed targets. After reaching 5.6% at the end of 2021, inflation maintained an upward trend throughout 2022 due to inflationary pressures from both external sources, associated with the aftermath of the pandemic and the consequences of the war in Ukraine, and domestic sources, resulting from: strengthening of local demand; price indexation processes stimulated by the increase in inflation expectations; the impact on food production caused by the mid-2021 strike; and the pass-through of depreciation to prices. The 10% increase in the minimum wage in 2021 and the 16% increase in 2022, both of which exceeded the actual inflation and the increase in productivity, accentuated the indexation processes by establishing a high nominal adjustment benchmark. Thus, total inflation went to 13.1% by the end of 2022. The annual change in food prices, which went from 17.2% to 27.8% between those two years, was the most influential factor in the surge in the Consumer Price Index (CPI). Another segment that contributed significantly to price increases was regulated products, which saw the annual change go from 7.1% in December 2021 to 11.8% by the end of 2022. The measure of core inflation excluding food and regulated items, in turn, went from 2.5% to 9.5% between the end of 2021 and the end of 2022. The substantial increase in core inflation shows that inflationary pressure has spread to most of the items in the household basket, which is characteristic of inflationary processes with generalized price indexation as is the case in Colombia. Monetary policy began to react early to this inflationary pressure. Thus, starting with its September 2021 session, the BDBR began a progressive change in the monetary policy stance moving away from the historical low of a 1.75% policy rate that had intended to stimulate the recovery of the economy. This adjustment process continued without interruption throughout 2022 and into the beginning of 2023 when the monetary policy rate reached 12.75% last January, thus accumulating an increase of 11 percentage points (pp). The public and the markets have been surprised that inflation continued to rise despite significant interest rate increases. However, as the BDBR has explained in its various communiqués, monetary policy works with a lag. Just as in 2022 economic activity recovered to a level above the pre-pandemic level, driven, along with other factors, by the monetary stimulus granted during the pandemic period and subsequent months, so too the effects of the current restrictive monetary policy will gradually take effect. This will allow us to expect the inflation rate to converge to 3.0% by the end of 2024 as is the BDBR’s purpose.Inflation results for January and February of this year showed declining marginal increases (13 bp and 3 bp respectively) compared to the change seen in December (59 bp). This suggests that a turning point in the inflation trend is approaching. In other Latin American countries such as Chile, Brazil, Perú, and Mexico, inflation has peaked and has begun to decline slowly, albeit with some ups and downs. It is to be expected that a similar process will take place in Colombia in the coming months. The expected decline in inflation in 2023 will be due, along with other factors, to lower cost pressure from abroad as a result of the gradual normalization of supply chains, the overcoming of supply shocks caused by the weather, and road blockades in previous years. This will be reflected in lower adjustments in food prices, as has already been seen in the first two months of the year and, of course, the lagged effect of monetary policy. The process of inflation convergence to the target will be gradual and will extend beyond 2023. This process will be facilitated if devaluation pressure is reversed. To this end, it is essential to continue consolidating fiscal sustainability and avoid messages on different public policy fronts that generate uncertainty and distrust. 1 This Report to Congress includes Box 1, which summarizes the trajectory of Banco de la República over the past 100 years. In addition, under the Bank’s auspices, several books that delve into various aspects of the history of this institution have been published in recent years. See, for example: Historia del Banco de la República 1923-2015; Tres banqueros centrales; Junta Directiva del Banco de la República: grandes episodios en 30 años de historia; Banco de la República: 90 años de la banca central en Colombia. 2 This is why lower inflation has been reflected in a reduction of income inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient that went from 58.7 in 1998 to 51.3 in the year prior to the pandemic. 3 See Gómez Javier, Uribe José Darío, Vargas Hernando (2002). “The Implementation of Inflation Targeting in Colombia”. Borradores de Economía, No. 202, March, available at: https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/5220 4 See López-Enciso Enrique A.; Vargas-Herrera Hernando and Rodríguez-Niño Norberto (2016). “The inflation targeting strategy in Colombia. An historical view.” Borradores de Economía, No. 952. https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/6263 5 According to the IMF, the percentage change in consumer prices between 2021 and 2022 went from 3.1% to 7.3% for advanced economies, and from 5.9% to 9.9% for emerging market and developing economies. 6 https://www.banrep.gov.co/es/noticias/junta-directiva-banco-republica-reitera-meta-inflacion-3

This exhibition gathers a number of artworks belonging to a diverse group of Latin American embassies and diplomats and their delegations and organizations in Washington, D.C. For a city that boasts such a wealth of artistic institutions on the National Mall, representing art from all corners of the world (the National Museum of African Art, the Freer and Sackler Galleries for Asian arts, and the National Gallery of Art with its impressive collection of European art from the Middle Ages to the present, to name a few), the absence - for whatever reason- of a major institution in the nation¿s capital representing the arts of Latin America is, in itself, a rather negative statement of sorts. This fact, combined with the proclivity of the press to report on the usually not-so-positive aspects of the social, political, and economic realities of the region, tends to indiscriminately put the prestige of Latin American countries at risk, and creates an unappreciative feeling among the public toward a region that, despite its inconsistencies, has excelled culturally for centuries.