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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Aristotle Political and social views"
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BOŽILOVIĆ, JELENA. "ETHICAL PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL COMMUNITY IN THE WORKS OF ARISTOTLE". Kultura polisa, n. 44 (8 marzo 2021): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.1r.3.02.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Aristotle’s understanding of political community is strongly linked with the view on political naturalism and the concept of a man as a moral being. According to Aristotle, man (by nature) achieves his human potential by living in a community, however, the political community on its own, as the largest and the most significant among all communities, enables citizens to fully develop their virtue through their participation in political life. For this reason, a man and the community are joined in a relationship resulting in mutual creation of ethics: by living in a polis, an individual develops virtue, and conversely, his virtuous actions in the community enable a polis to endure on ethical principles. This conception is found in Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics and Politics, and is encompassed in the theory of virtue, theory of citizenship and a detailed consideration of the forms of political systems. Although elitist and exclusivist, Aristotle’s ethical and political views remain intact in terms of the value ascribed to the “the philosophy of human life”, as his legacy continues to inspire modern social thought. The aim of this paper is to show the connection Aristotle makes between a political community and ethical principles while pointing to their universal importance through the analysis of Nicomachean Ethics and Politics.
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CRESPO, RICARDO F. "Aristotle on agency, habits and institutions". Journal of Institutional Economics 12, n. 4 (21 aprile 2016): 867–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000059.
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AbstractThis paper introduces Aristotle's conception of agency, habits and institutions as a way of contributing to some current discussions about the definition, nature and theory of institutions. Aristotle developed a theory of human action, where we can find a place for ‘agency’. His views on habits are linked to his theory of virtue and art (skill). Concerning institutions, Aristotle provides a sound social and political philosophy that encompasses the nature and role of institutions. The paper will subsequently present Aristotle's ideas on these three notions – agency, habits and institutions – and will finally establish which of the current accounts of institutions involved in the discussion sparked by Hindriks and Guala's recent paper (2005a) he would support. Given that some realities tackled in the paper are nowadays radically different from Aristotle's times, the paper tries to keep an ‘Aristotelian-minded’ point of view – that is, analysing current topics based on Aristotelian concepts.
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Biondi, Carrie-Ann. "ARISTOTLE ON THE MIXED CONSTITUTION AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT". Social Philosophy and Policy 24, n. 2 (29 maggio 2007): 176–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070215.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Contemporary political discourse is marked with the language of democracy, and Western countries in particular seek to promote democracy at home and abroad. However, there is a sublimated conflict in general political discourse between a desire to rely on alleged political experts and a desire to assert the supposed common sense of all men. Can the struggle between the democratic and aristocratic values embodied in this conflict be reconciled? The question is perennial, and raises issues that are central to constitutional design. Aristotle, developing in significant ways insights made by his teacher Plato, grapples with it in his Politics. Aristotle's views on these matters are relevant—by way of the American Founders'—to contemporary American politics and modern democracies generally. During the eighteenth century, the Founders, some of whom explicitly reached back to Aristotle's work, also struggled—especially in The Federalist Papers—with these thorny issues of constitutional design. They created the U.S. Constitution in part to address these very same problems and issues. We are living in some ways, then, in the shadow of Aristotle's political theorizing, albeit as transposed by the American Founders. Both Aristotle and some of the American Founders theoretically favor aristocracy over democracy, but concede that in practice a blend of the two has to be integrated into the fundamental structure of political society. We need to reconnect with these important political discussions in order to come to terms with aristocratic and democratic values in our current circumstances.
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Broadie, Sarah. "Aristotle's Elusive Summum Bonum". Social Philosophy and Policy 16, n. 1 (1999): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002314.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The philosophy of Aristotle (384–322, b.c.e.) remains a beacon of our culture. But no part of Aristotle's work is more alive and compelling today than his contribution to ethics and political science — nor more relevant to the subject of the present volume. Political science, in his view, begins with ethics, and the primary task of ethics is to elucidate human flourishing. Aristotle brings to this topic a mind unsurpassed in the depth, keenness, and comprehensiveness of its probing.
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Absattarov, R. B. "PLATO AND ARISTOTLE ON EDUCATION". BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 74, n. 2 (30 giugno 2021): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-2.1728-8940.14.
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The article examines the views of Plato and Aristotle on education, which have not yet been sufficiently studied in socio-political science. The article examines in more or less detail the views of Plato and Aristotle on social education in the state on specific materials. Of outstanding pedagogical and educational significance are the early Platonic dialogues, in which the death of Socrates is considered: "Apology"," Crito"," Phaidon"," Phaidros","Feast". The main work of the mature Plato "The State" contains, along with the doctrine of politics, a lot of pedagogical arguments and ideas, including questions of social education. Aristotle considered the issues of social education of people, especially minors, quite deeply in many of his works. This is especially true of the "Nicomachean ethics" and "Politics". There is no doubt, Aristotle notes, that legislators should take care of the upbringing of children and young people, as well as the support of morality in society. Without this, no state can preserve itself. At the same time, the article also pays attention to controversial issues.
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Finlayson, James Gordon. "“Bare Life” and Politics in Agamben's Reading of Aristotle". Review of Politics 72, n. 1 (2010): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509990982.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractGiorgio Agamben's critique of Western politics inHomo Sacerand three related books has been highly influential in the humanities and social sciences. The critical social theory set out in these works depends essentially on his reading of Aristotle'sPolitics. His diagnosis of what ails Western politics and his suggested remedy advert to a “biopolitical paradigm,” at the center of which stand a notion of “bare life” and a purported opposition betweenbiosandzoē. Agamben claims that this distinction is found in Aristotle's text, in ancient Greek, and in a tradition of political theory and political society stemming from fourth-century Athens to the present. However, a close reading of Aristotle refutes this assertion. There is no such distinction. I show that he bases this view on claims about Aristotle by Arendt and Foucault, which are also unfounded.
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Bobonich, Christopher. "WHY SHOULD PHILOSOPHERS RULE? PLATO'S REPUBLIC AND ARISTOTLE'S PROTREPTICUS". Social Philosophy and Policy 24, n. 2 (29 maggio 2007): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070203.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
I examine Plato's claim in the Republic that philosophers must rule in a good city and Aristotle's attitude towards this claim in his early, and little discussed, work, the Protrepticus. I argue that in the Republic, Plato's main reason for having philosophers rule is that they alone understand the role of philosophical knowledge in a good life and how to produce characters that love such knowledge. He does not think that philosophic knowledge is necessary for getting right the vast majority of judgments about actions open to assessment as virtuous or vicious. I argue that in the Protrepticus Aristotle accepts similar reasons for the rule of philosophers, but goes beyond the Republic and seems to suggest that philosophic knowledge is required for getting right ethical and political judgments in general. I close by noting some connections with Aristotle's later views in the Eudemian Ethics, the Nicomachean Ethics, and the Politics.
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Onuf, Nicholas. "Structure? What Structure?" International Relations 23, n. 2 (giugno 2009): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117809104634.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Kenneth Waltz is a structural theorist. While scholars often comment on Waltz's conception of structure, they rarely address the philosophical assumptions behind it — assumptions that go back to Kant and finally to Aristotle. Appropriately situated, Waltz's conception of structure points to a strong version of constructivist social theory. To make my case, I trace Waltz's view of political structure in his early work, recapitulate his views on science, models and theory, address the question of his (or any) theory's relation to `reality', illustrate his difficulty with structural theory and institutional reality, and consider the vexed question of any theory's fit to a world already talked into existence. I show how close Waltz is to a philosophical position that solves his problem with theory's relation to reality and specifies the conditions under which any social theory can make sense or use of the term structure.
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Kraut, Richard. "NATURE IN ARISTOTLE'S ETHICS AND POLITICS". Social Philosophy and Policy 24, n. 2 (29 maggio 2007): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070227.
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Aristotle's doctrine that human beings are political animals is, in part, an empirical thesis, and posits an inclination to enter into cooperative relationships, even apart from the instrumental benefits of doing so. Aristotle's insight is that human cooperation rests on a non-rational propensity to trust even strangers, when conditions are favorable. Turning to broader questions about the role of nature in human development, I situate Aristotle's attitude towards our natural propensities between two extremes: he rejects both the view that we must bow to whatever nature dictates, and also the view that nature is generally or always to be suppressed or overcome. This middle position requires that Aristotle hold nature and goodness apart, so that the latter can serve as a standard for evaluating the former. He holds that nature does not treat all human beings alike: just as some are handicapped in their development by a deficiency in their natural abilities or propensities, others are extraordinarily fortunate and have so powerful a disposition to act well that they easily acquire good habits and skills of practical reasoning. Further, he recognizes that sociable inclinations and natural virtues have to compete in the human soul with other natural forces that make ethical life extraordinarily difficult. That is why things so often go so badly for us: we need not only to subdue the external environment, but to overcome certain inner natural obstacles as well. Even so, for Aristotle ethical life is not generally alienated from nature, as it is for other philosophers.
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Corey, David D. "Voegelin and Aristotle on Nous: What is Noetic Political Science?" Review of Politics 64, n. 1 (2002): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500031612.
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The article examines Voegelin's understanding of nous as the ground for theorizing, and relates this back to Aristotle. Aristotle is shown to have understood the activities of nous in two distinct ways. On the one hand, nous is the divine activity of the soul exploring its own ground. But nous is also induction (epagôgê) of the first principles of science through sense perception, memory and experience. The two basic activities of nous are related, but they have different values when it comes to the world of particulars. The argument is that a substantive ethical and political science—one that sheds light on particulars—must include the inductive employment of nous and that the exclusion of this from Voegelin's political science results in some discernible limitations.The limitations of Eric Voegelin—s work are sometimes difficult to keep in view, particularly while he is expounding upon the totality of Being, the myriad dimensions of human consciousness, and the nature of order in personal, social, and historical existence. But in fact Voegelin's work is more limited than his magisterial tone might suggest. The argument of this article is that while Voegelin offers his readers profoundly important insights into the structure of human consciousness and into what Aristotle called first philosophy, the study of being qua being, he does not offer his readers much in the way of a substantive ethical or political science.
Tesi sul tema "Aristotle Political and social views"
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Geragotis, Stratos. "Le rôle de la justice politique dans la formation de la République selon Aristote". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212515.
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Pike, Jonathan E. "Marx, Aristotle and beyond : aspects of Aristotelianism in Marxist social ontology". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3480/.
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Marx's debt to Aristotle has been noted, but inadequately. Usually commentators focus on the parallels between discrete ethical theories of both writers. However, for Marx, ethics is not a discrete field, but is founded on a conception of social ontology. This thesis links the two by showing that, precisely because of its Aristotelian roots, Marx's political economy of bourgeois society demands an ethical view arising from alienated labour. Marx conceives of bourgeois society as an organic whole. But this entails that is social matter can only exist potentially, and not fully setting up a tension that points to the eventual supercession of its social form. In this manner, Marx's Aristotelian hylomorphism provides the link between the early and the later Marx, between the critique of alienation and the mature works of political economy. This reading of Marx is facilitated by combining it with recent developments in philosophy. The works of Harré, Kripke and Wiggins, in particular have helped retrospectively to justify Marx's intuitive realism. Their contributions on explanation identity and sortals are applied in order to elucidate and justify his ontology. In the course of this, the problematic boundary between analytical philosophy and social theory is crossed. Marx restates ancient beliefs about the transitory nature of existence and the eternal nature of change. In particular, there are strong parallels between Marx's account of the decline and eventual fall of capitalism, and the Aristotelian message that all sublunary entities come to be and pass away. These parallels are sufficiently striking to allow us to recognise that Marx's account of the crisis ridden and ultimately doomed perspective for capitalism, overlooked by his protagonists, is but a variant of the Aristotelian theory of passing away or phthorá.
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Abbott, Kenrick. "Contemporary Shiʻism as political ideology : the views of Sharîʻatmadârî, Tâliqânî, and Khumaynî". Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59561.
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Islam was drastically altered in Iran as a result of the 1978/79 Revolution. This thesis looks at the political aspects of contemporary Imami Shi'ism by comparing the ideas of three leading mujtahids of the day: Ayatullah Shari 'atmadari, Ayatullah Khumayni, and Ayatullah Taliqani. This study points out the wide divergences of ideas present within the religious class, ranging in the political spectrum, from conservative to radical. A comparison of these three figures highlights the differences between "Traditionalist" Islam, as put forth by Shari 'atmadari, and "Fundamentalist" Islam, as proposed by Khumayni and Taliqani. Further differences within the fundamentalist "camp" are demonstrated through Taliqani 's progressive all-inclusive "Liberation Theology" and Khumayni 's equally all-encompassing "religion of militant individuals".
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Ahmad, Shagufta. "Dr. Isrār Aḥmad's political thought and activities". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68066.
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This thesis examines the political thought of Dr. Israr Ahmad and the organizations founded and led by him, namely, Markazi Anjuman-i Khuddam al-Qur'an, Tanzim-i Islami, and Tahrik-i Khilafat. He is an intellectual and reformer born in the Indian subcontinent who witnessed the struggle for independence and migrated to Pakistan. During his medical studies he was a member of the Jam'iyat-i Talabah, and after becoming a doctor, he joined the Jama'at-i Islami formed by Mawlana Mawdudi but later left it. The objectives of this thesis are to analyze the main influences on him. This study focuses particularly on Dr. Israr Ahmad's contribution to political thought, that is, his derivation of the process of Islamic Revolution from the sirah, and his modification of this process to suit the present times. He has not only articulated and communicated his thought widely but also formed three organizations to implement the process in Pakistan. The aims, modes of operation, and achievements of the Anjuman and Tanzim are discussed and compared with the Jama'at-i Islami at times. Since Tahrik-i Khilafat is a recent addition, it is discussed only briefly.
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Shelton, Cecil J. "What Rocks the Vote? Citizens' Views of Community Leaders and Political Engagement". UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/cld_etds/1.
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Political engagement has an established body of research. However, one key area that has not been investigated in the field is the relationship between political engagement and type of community lived in. This study explores this relationship between type of community, past political engagement, perceptions of community leaders, attitude about political engagement, and socieodemographic characteristics. A conceptual model was developed based on existing literature. Utilizing a statewide survey conducted in 2009 that yielded 1,154 respondents with a response rate of 30.2% was used to explore these relationships. Using statistical procedures that test correlation were utilized to investigate the relationship between the key study variables. In addition, a regression model was created to be able to predict an individual’s political engagement. The result concluded that type of community does not significantly play a role in determining an individual’s political engagement. However other insights were revealed that showcase the complexity of political engagement and raise other questions about the role an individual’s attitude towards political engagement, and perception of community leaders affects their political engagement.
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Moore, Mark. "Kenotic politics : the reconfiguration of power in Jesus' political praxis". Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683248.
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Collins, Rex Anthony. "Private vices, public benefits : Dr. Mandeville and the body politic". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:69c3a8c9-c069-4d21-93d9-5ce5609c50c5.
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This thesis examines the relationship between Mandeville's medical and non-medical thought, to assess the relevance of the former for an understanding of the latter. By locating his medical text, A Treatise of the Hypochondriack and Hysterick Passions, within the context of an early modern discourse on the nature and treatment of melancholic and nervous disorders, three distinctive features of his medical thought and practice are identified, namely: his commitment to the physiological principles of iatromechanism; his adherence to the precepts of Hippocratic medical practice; and his use of the talking cure in the treatment of hypochondriacal disorders. Those aspects of his medical thought and practice are then taken up and explored in an analysis of his philosophical and polemical performances in The Fable of the Bees. First, it is argued that The Fable of the Bees contains a systematic and coherent theory of man and society, the key elements of which were dictated by Mandeville's reductive and physiological understanding of man as a sentient and passionate machine. It is further argued that the mechanistic and homeostatic principles which informed his model of human functioning also informed his similarly reductive account of both the evolution and the contemporary functioning of the body politic. To distinguish Mandeville's from other reductive social theories, his adherence to the methodological precepts of Hippocratic medicine and his understanding of the development of its rules of diet and regimen are invoked to explain his distinctive and evolutionary account of the social institutions which made civilization and its flourishing possible. Finally, Mandeville's contrasting polemical and rhetorical performances in Parts I and II of The Fable of the Bees are explained by reference to his understanding of the medical art of diagnosis and curing in general and his use of the talking cure in particular.
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Cathey, Paul Eben. "Understanding propaganda: Noam Chomsky and the institutional analysis of power". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002975.
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This thesis argues that Noam Chomsky’s theory of propaganda is a useful way to understand class domination. The strengths and weaknesses of Chomsky’s theory are examined by means of a comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. Since work that discusses and analyses Chomsky’s theory is sparse, this piece first gives a detailed explanation of his theory. This requires a short clarification of Chomsky’s terminology, focusing on his definitions of indoctrination and class. Thereafter a thorough account of Chomsky’s ideas regarding class structure, the indoctrinating functions of educational and media institutions and the difference between upper and lower class propaganda are discussed. A common criticism of Chomsky’s arguments is that they are conspiratorial. Thus, following the discussion of Chomsky’s theory I present an argument that Chomsky uses an institutional analysis as opposed to conspiracy theory to reach his conclusions. After arguing that Chomsky has a coherent, logical theory of propaganda that is not conspiratorial, this thesis shifts to a comparison of Chomsky and Gramsci’s theory. The elements of Gramsci’s theory that are relevant to Chomsky are discussed, focusing on their overall similarities, in particular, the question of consent. The final chapter consists of a comparison of the two theories, examining each theorist’s ideas on the nature of education, language, consent and the possible ways in which the lower classes can oppose their own oppression.
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Temelini, Michael. "Seeing things differently : Wittgenstein and social and political philosophy". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35950.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis calls into question a currently orthodox view of Ludwig Wittgenstein's post-Tractarian philosophy. This view is that the social and political implications of Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations are conservative and relativist. That is, Wittgenstein's concepts such as 'forms of life', 'language-games' and 'rule-following' defend and promote: a rule-determined and context-determined rationality; or an incomparable community-determined human understanding; or a neutralist, nonrevisionary, private or uncritical social and political philosophy.In order to challenge and correct this conventional understanding the thesis sets up as 'objects of comparison' a variety of very different examples of the use of Wittgenstein in social and political philosophy. These uses are neither relativist nor conservative and they situate understanding and critical reflection in the practices of comparison and dialogue. The examples of this 'comparative-dialogical' Wittgensteinian approach are found in the works of three contemporary philosophers: Thomas L. Kuhn, Quentin Skinner and Charles Taylor.
This study employs the technique of a survey rather than undertaking a uniquely textual analysis because it is less convincing to suggest that Wittgenstein's concepts might be used in these unfamiliar ways than to show that they have been put to these unfamiliar uses. Therefore I turn not to a Wittgensteinian ideal but to examples of the 'comparative-dialogical' uses of Wittgenstein. In so doing I am following Wittgenstein's insight in section 208 of the Philosophical Investigations: "I shall teach him to use the words by means of examples and by practice. And when I do this, I do not communicate less to him than I know myself." Thus it will be in a survey of various uses and applications of Wittgenstein's concepts and techniques that I will show that I and others understand them.
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Nitsch, Michael. "Democratic Theory and the Question of Character". Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10337.
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This dissertation uses the history of political thought to shed light on the disconnect between the prominent place of judgments about the character in American democratic life, and the marginalized place of those judgments in contemporary democratic theory. By tracing the origins of that disconnect back into the history of political philosophy, and by locating an alternative approach to questions of character in the political and ethical writings of Aristotle, the dissertation brings out important connections between contemporary democratic theory and key developments in the history of ideas, and it recovers an ancient account of character that turns out still to be relevant to the dynamics of modern citizenship. The dissertation begins by showing how character is key to Aristotle‘s distinction between "correct" and "deviant" regimes in the Politics: not only are correct regimes distinguished by the character of those who rule, but the distinguishing feature of citizen-rulers in more correct regimes turns out to be their ability to appreciate what is excellent in the character of their fellow citizens. I then trace the decline of Aristotle‘s approach in the work of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Kant, showing how Machiavelli‘s famously unsettling account of the relationship between moral goodness, political leadership, and popular government made its way into the foundations of later democratic theory. Finally, I return to Aristotle, showing how his treatment of philia or "friendship" in his ethical writings provides an important prelude to the ideas from the Politics we will already have considered. By taking into account both the high and often noble aspirations that inform considerations of character but also their potential to derail into disenchantment or dangerous ill-will, Aristotle‘s approach offers a theory capable of engaging directly with both the promise and the pitfalls of character judgments in democratic life.Government
Libri sul tema "Aristotle Political and social views"
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Aristotle on equality and justice: His political argument. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985.
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Aristotle on equality and justice: His political argument. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan in association with the London School of Economics and Political Science, 1985.
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Aristotle and the rediscovery of citizenship. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
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Polis and Aristotle: The world of the Greek polis and its impact upon some fundamental aspects of Aristotle's practical philosophy. Ioannina [Greece]: University of Ioannina, 1989.
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Bublitz, Ute. Beyond philosophy: Reconciliation and rejection : three essays on Aristotle and Hegel. London: Universal Texts, 1998.
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Aquinas, Aristotle, and the power of the common good. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
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Plato and Aristotle on constitutionalism: An exposition and reference source. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998.
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Finding the mean: Theory and practice in Aristotelian political philosophy. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1990.
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Aristotle's "best regime": Kingship, democracy, and the rule of law. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2002.
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Walker, William. Paradise lost and republican tradition from Aristotle to Machiavelli. Turnhout: Brepols, 2009.
Cerca il testo completoCapitoli di libri sul tema "Aristotle Political and social views"
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Groenewegen, Peter. "Political and Social Thought: ‘A Youthful Tendency to Socialism’; Changing Views on the Women’s Issue; and a Taste for Advocacy and Occasional Controversy". In Alfred Marshall, 116–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230593060_7.
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Reid, Lynette. "Antimicrobial Resistance and Social Inequalities in Health: Considerations of Justice". In Ethics and Drug Resistance: Collective Responsibility for Global Public Health, 257–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27874-8_16.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Within-country social inequalities in health have widened while global health inequalities have (with some exceptions) narrowed since the Second World War. On commonly accepted prioritarian and sufficientist views of justice and health, these two trends together would be acceptable: the wealthiest of the wealthy are pulling ahead, but the worst off are catching up and more are achieving sufficiency. Such commitments to priority or sufficiency are compatible with a common “development” narrative about economic and social changes that accompany changes (“transitions”) in population health. I set out a very simple version of health egalitarianism (without commitment to any particular current theory of justice) and focus on two common objections to egalitarianism. Priority and sufficiency both address the levelling down and formalism objections, but these objections are distinct: giving content to equality (I argue here) places in question the claimed normative superiority of priority and sufficiency. Using examples of the role of antimicrobials in both these trends – and the future role of AMR – I clarify (first) the multiple forms and dimensions of justice at play in health, and (second) the different mechanisms at work in generating the two current patterns (seen in life course narratives and narratives of political economy). The “accelerated transition” that narrowed global health inequalities is fed by anti-microbials (among other technology transfers). It did not accelerate but replaced the causal processes by which current HICs achieved the transition (growing and shared economic prosperity and widening political franchise). The impact of AMR on widening social inequalities in health in HICs will be complex: inequality has been fed in part by tertiary care enabled by antimicrobials; AMR might erode the solidarity underlying universal health systems as the well-off seek to maintain current expectations of curative and rehabilitative surgery and chemotherapy while AMR mounts. In light of both speculations about the impact of AMR on social and global health inequalities, I close with practical and with theoretical reflection. I briefly indicate the practical importance of understanding AMR from the perspective of health justice for policy response. Then, from a broader perspective, I argue that the content by which I meet the formalism objection demonstrates that the two trends (broadening within-country inequality and narrowing global inequality) are selective and biased samples of a centuries-long pattern of widening social inequalities in health. We are not in the midst of a process of “catching up”. In light of the long-term pattern described here, is the pursuit of sufficiency or priority morally superior to the pursuit of equality as a response to concrete suffering – or do they rationalize a process more objectively described as the best-off continuing to take the largest share of one of the most important benefits of economic development?
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Gundogdu, Hakan. "Some Philosophical Reflections on Foundations of Sustainable Social Development". In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 8–24. IGI Global, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-61520-709-1.ch002.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Sustainable social development cannot be fully understood apart from its cultural, moral, political, and educational foundations; and philosophy helps us to see it as a whole and to clearly comprehend its foundations. The main assumption behind that claim is that we can know what to do for realizing sustainable development if we actually know about specific or internal reasons for the fall of the societies and civilizations. This chapter begins with such an assumption and asserts that there must be four integrated foundations for any sustainable social development by benefiting from the views of Max Weber, Ibn Khaldun, Aristotle, John Dewey and some Ottoman Turkish philosophers: among those foundations are (1) effective working mentality grounded on culture, (2) strong ethical perspective including the virtues of moderation, friendship and sympathy, (3) flexible but stable social stratification which is based on middle class and positive competition, (4) effective state composed of solidarity, democracy and education of critical thinking. All those can, the author thinks, can be seen as parts of a sort of social liberalism rather than classical or neo-liberalism.
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Edel, Abraham. "Social and Political Concepts". In Aristotle and His Philosophy, 317–34. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351315524-23.
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"Conceptual views and political commitments". In Social Construction of Law, 33–52. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781839103223.00009.
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Dombrowski, Daniel A. "Political Liberalism, Social Justice, and Christian Faith". In Christian Faith and Social Justice: Five Views. Bloomsbury Academic, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501388330.ch-002.
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Rhoten, Eulace Scott. "Cultural Diversity and the Digital Divide". In Global Information Technologies, 3025–47. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-939-7.ch215.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
“Since ancient times philosophers, politicians, and social critics have debated the nature of community” (Parrish, 2002, p. 260; Bunn, 1998). “Aristotle and others have claimed that community is a broader concept, but have still kept their focus on the geographical and face-to-face nature of community” (Parrish, 2002, p. 260; Aristotle, 1991). “These views were reasonable in their time, but the advent of computer networking has caused these classic interpretations of community to lose currency” (Parrish, 2002; Cooley, 1983; Marvin, 1884). Some (Fernback & Thompson, 1997) like Edmund Burke have focused on the intergenerational and traditional aspects of life that he believes form true communities (Burke, 1790). “Even such proponents of virtual community as Rheingold (1993), Schwartz (1994), and McClellan (1994) maintain ‘face-to-face meetings’ can be valuable in the formation of a true sense of community” (Ferguson, 1994, p. 48; Mowitt, 2001). However, with our new abilities to communicate synchronously with multiple parties over the Internet—called synchronous computer-mediated communication (SCMC), we have opened up entirely new possibilities for the formation of true communities (Parrish, 2002; Robins, 2000). Daniel Filmus (2003), Minister of Education, Science, and Technology, Republic of Argentina, states, “The issue of cultural diversity is the central and most essential theme of our discussion” within cyberspace’s virtual community. In order to discuss cultural diversity within this context, the reader must first find the meanings of community—both traditional (geographically) and contemporary (virtually). Literature throughout history is reviewed for definitions, succinctness, and clarity on this particular topic of virtual community diversity. “Although the classic discussions of community cannot be applied directly to the context of the Internet, traditional community and virtual community have many [similarities]” (Parrish, 2002, p. 261). This work is an analysis of the traditional “community” (Cooke, 1990)—geographic community (Cartesian space) and the progress toward the virtual community. “Individuals, or a functional substitute such as a computer identity, come together to pursue and realize common interests, which tend to privilege [those certain] particular interests and needs” (Schuler, 1994, p. 63; Holmes, 1997, p. 28). There are imbalances in the virtual cosmos, similar to the Cartesian plane. “The Internet reaches only a very small portion of the inhabitants of this planet” (Samara, 2003). While analyzing these “inhabitants,” many “technical, political, and financial challenges” (Gowing, 2003) are addressed. This article also addresses the opportunities and challenges associated with “reconciling free flow of information and the need to preserve diversity in [the] digital world” (Vike-Freiberga, 2003). Finally, this article summarizes what many global leaders and scholars say about cultural diversity and the impact on the world and on the virtual community.
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Riess, Jana. "Social and Political Views among Current and Former Mormons". In The Next Mormons, 169–88. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190885205.003.0010.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This chapter discusses the social and political views among current and former Mormons. Since World War II, Mormons have been recognized for their conservative moral values, staunch patriotism, and commitment to the nuclear family. Those core values are still very much present with older generations of Latter-day Saints, though one sees political dilution among millennials who remain active in the Church; the Next Mormons Survey (NMS) finds that millennial Mormons are more conservative than their non-Mormon millennial peers but more progressive than their Mormon elders. Whether Mormon millennials will veer to the right as they age is unclear; there may be an age effect associated with political views, since conventional wisdom dictates that people tend to become at least slightly more conservative as they grow older. Meanwhile, in the former Mormon population, rather than a dilution of the conservative political agenda, one sees an outright rejection of many parts of it.
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Yankah, Ekow N. "The Sovereign and the Republic a". In Political Legitimacy, 102–46. NYU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479888696.003.0005.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Philosophically, we live in a liberal age, one that accords individual rights primacy of place among political values. Accordingly, contemporary conceptions of political and legal obligation treat sovereignty as perplexing, straining to justify how authority can impose on individual freedom and obligate one to obey law. From Hobbes to Kant to Rawls, liberal thinkers have had to stitch together a civic sovereign from the free will of each individual. As against the machinations required to justify sovereignty beginning from the liberal premise of individual freedom, I suggest a fundamental reexamining of liberal freedom. In its place, I will argue for a return to a classic conception of Athenian or Aristotelian republicanism as the basis of political obligation. Reigning for perhaps millennia, yet strangely absent from contemporary theory, the ancient view argues that political obligation is based on our natural and unavoidable interconnectedness. Aristotle’s persuasive arguments that human beings need political communities to survive and flourish, now fortified by modern social science, illustrates why sovereignty is not a puzzle but rather a natural extension of our civic interconnectedness and gives rise to political obligation.
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Krallis, Dimitris. "The Social Views of Michael Attaleiates". In Social Change in Town and Country in Eleventh-Century Byzantium, 44–61. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841616.003.0003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The historian Michael Attaleiates was a judge and well-connected political agent active in eleventh-century Byzantium. The opinions he expressed in his historical work, but also in the synopsis of Roman law he dedicated to Michael VII and the monastic charter he produced to organize a privately owned pious foundation, become here entry points for the study of his take on the social and political reality around him. This chapter offers a short biographical sketch of our protagonist, who emerges as a patriotic Roman, who casts a sympathetic eye on popular political action. It then studies Attaleiates as a social and economic agent, looking at his active participation Byzantium’s economy only to reveal a confident investor and builder of a personal fortune. Here is also examined the ways in which Attaleiates’ take on foreign mercenaries outlines a readiness to accommodate others in a Roman polity. Finally, a study of his social circles considers how intellectual affinities and friendships developed, while serving the state and the emperor allowed for the development of a fluid and ever-adjustable politics of accommodation. All in all, we have here an updated portrait of an important figure in eleventh-century intellectual circles.
Atti di convegni sul tema "Aristotle Political and social views"
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Li, Guode. "A Comparative Study of the Epic Views of Aristotle and Hegel". In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (ICCESSH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccessh-19.2019.231.
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Yavanoglu, Uraz, Medine Colak, Busra Caglar, Semra Cakir, Ozlem Milletsever e Seref Sagiroglu. "Intelligent Approach for Identifying Political Views over Social Networks". In 2013 12th International Conference on Machine Learning and Applications (ICMLA). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmla.2013.136.
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Zaslavsky, S. E. "Transformation Vectors Of Russian Political Views In Social Networks (Case "Winter Cherry")". In Proceedings of the II International Scientific Conference GCPMED 2019 - "Global Challenges and Prospects of the Modern Economic Development". European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.03.175.
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Alontseva, Dina. "Theocratic State In Political And Legal Views Of L. A. Tikhomirova". In International Scientific Conference «Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism» dedicated to the 80th anniversary of Turkayev Hassan Vakhitovich. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.10.05.175.
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Nakanishi, Hisae. "Human Security and Political Violence in the Middle East: Views From Security-Development Nexus Perspective". In Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.9.
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Song, Sumin, Zhaoping Zhang e Xiaoxia Feng. "Analysis of Views on Objective of Colleges Ideological and Political Education based on Conversion from Course Education to Cultural Identity". In 3rd International Conference on Science and Social Research (ICSSR 2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssr-14.2014.228.
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Adnani, Ikram. "Political change and the crisis of the nation state in the Arab world". In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp26-33.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Political Change” is one of the concepts which are rooted in the Arab Intellectual Farbric.Recently, it was related to The National State crisis in the Arabic World,especially it had various manifestations such as the weaknesses of the Institutes and the Organs of the the State and its deficit to assert its authority in the all the State( Syria, Lybia, Somalia), its tripping to the State building and conscrate its legimitacy (Egypt) as well as cristallizing a common identity in order to attract higher Loyalty (Liban). The situation in the Arab world, after years of movement, threatens the existence of certain States and also the regimes that have led them to achieve this deteriorating situation, as well as the future of a democratic and unitary State in the context of the current political violence. This study therefore attempts to approach the national state crisis in the Arab world by using anumber of sociological data and some concepts of political anthropology to understand the political and social changes that have affected the Arab world, assuming that the Arab State is experiencing a real crisis and that various political changes, primarily democratic mobility, have not been possible. ""The Arab Spring"" from being transferred to the status of the modern State, the State of institutions based on full citizenship and the guarantee of rights and freedoms. The national State is supposed to be a neutral State, and it must not belong to a particular organ or to the control of a specific party. It is a State for all citizens with different religious, racial and ethnic views. Any change in this equation would be a prelude to an internal explosion among the various components of society, particularly by the most affected groups.
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Оздамирова, Лаура Мусатовна. "THE HISTORY OF THE INTERACTION OF SOCIETY AND THE STATE". In Социально-экономические и гуманитарные науки: сборник избранных статей по материалам Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Июнь 2020). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/seh291.2020.74.23.007.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
В данной статье рассматривается взаимодействие таких важных категорий как государство и общество. Подчеркивается важность взаимовлияния социальных и политических воззрений, концепций, обусловленность политический явлений общественными. Также указывается, что впервые концепция различения и соотношения общества и государства была разработана в политическом учении Гегеля. This article discusses the interaction of such important categories as the state and society. The importance of the mutual influence of social and political views, concepts, and the conditioning of political phenomena by social ones is emphasized. It is also indicated that for the first time the concept of distinguishing and correlation of society and the state was developed in Hegel's political doctrine.
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Nuhanović, Amra, e Jasmila Pašić. "United Europe – Yes, or no?" In 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.05043n.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In recent years, the European Union has been facing a number of challenges that it is finding it increasingly difficult to overcome. Most EU member states are facing a crisis of confidence in Europe and its institutions, and at the same time nationalist political parties and ideas are developing more and more, leading to a weakening of European solidarity. Eastern European countries weakened awareness of the collective interest. The common values that existed until then have become “diluted”, because different understandings of the nature of the state have emerged, as well as different views on international politics. At the same time, support for European integration among citizens has been declining, and fewer and fewer have seen membership as good and can bring significant benefits. Today, the idea of a united EU is in crisis and that is precisely the cause of the crisis the Union is facing.
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Khitruk, Ekaterina. "Публичное и частное в философии религии Ричарда Рорти". In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-14.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article covers the religious conception in the work of the famous American philosopher Richard Rorty. The author emphasises the secular and finalist views of R. Rorty on the nature of religion, and on the philosopher’s gradual perception of the need for their creative reinterpretation due to the actualisation of the role of religion in intellectual and political spheres. The article uncovers two fundamental constituents of Richard Rorty’s religious philosophy. The first of them is associated with R. Rorty’s perception of the ‘weak thinking’ concept in the writings of Italian philosopher Gianni Vattimo. R. Rorty holds ‘weak thinking’ and ‘kenosis’ to be the key to understanding the possibility of religion in the postmodern era. The second aspect concerns the existence of religion in the public space. Here the distinction between ‘strong’ narratives and ‘weak’ thinking correlates with the politically significant distinction between ‘strong’ religious institutions and private (parish, community) religious practice. Rorty believes that the activity of ‘strong’ religious structures threatens liberal ‘social hope’ on the gradual democratisation of mankind. The article concludes that Richard Rorty’s philosophy of religion presents an original conception of religion in the context of modern temporal humanism; the concept positively evaluates religious experience to the extent that it does not become a basis for theoretical and political manipulations on the part of ‘strong’ religious institutes.
Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Aristotle Political and social views"
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, febbraio 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.