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1
SHAHÎD, Irfan. "Arab Christianity in Byzantine Palestine". ARAM Periodical 15 (1 gennaio 2003): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.15.0.504536.
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SHAHID Irfan. ""Arab Christianity in Byzantine Palestine"". ARAM Periodical 15, n. 1 (14 aprile 2005): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.15.1.504536.
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Kennedy, Scott. "The Arab conquest in Byzantine historical memory: the long view". Byzantinische Zeitschrift 115, n. 1 (1 marzo 2022): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2022-0005.
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Abstract In recent decades, historians of the Arab conquest have increasingly turned away from positivist reconstructions of the events of the Arab conquest. Through thematic analysis of conquest narratives, scholars have illustrated how the early Islamic community articulated its identity. Byzantine narratives of the Arab conquest have generally not been considered from this perspective. This paper takes the long view of the Arab conquest illustrating how centuries of Byzantine writers and chroniclers articulated and rearticulated this memory, as their identity shifted along with their political and diplomatic relationships.
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Brubaker, Leslie. "REPRESENTATION c. 800: ARAB, BYZANTINE, CAROLINGIAN". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 19 (12 novembre 2009): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044010999003x.
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ABSTRACTWhat could or should be visually represented was a contested issue across the medieval Christian and Islamic world around the year 800. This article examines how Islamic, Byzantine, Carolingian and Palestinian Christian attitudes toward representation were expressed, and differed, across the seventh and eighth centuries. Islamic prohibitions against representing human figures were not universally recognised, but were particularly – if sometimes erratically – focused on mosque decoration. Byzantine ‘iconoclasm’ – more properly called iconomachy – was far less destructive than its later offshoots in France and England, and resulted in a highly nuanced re-definition of what representation meant in the Orthodox church. Carolingian attitudes toward images were on the whole far less passionate than either Islamic or Orthodox views, but certain members of the elite had strong views, which resulted in particular visual expressions. Palestinian Christians, living under Islamic rule, modulated their attitudes toward images to conform with local social beliefs. Particularly in areas under Orthodox or Islamic control, then, representation mattered greatly around the year 800, and this article examines how and why this impacted on local production.
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Wierzbiński, Szymon. "Prospective Gain or Actual Cost? Arab Civilian and Military Captives in the Light of Byzantine Narrative Sources and Military Manuals from the 10th Century". Studia Ceranea 8 (30 dicembre 2018): 253–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.08.14.
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For the Byzantine emperors of the 10th century, the eastern front was the crucial one, due to the constant struggle with the Abbasid Caliphate. In the course of this conflict – from which Byzantium emerged victorious – the capturing and enslaving of soldiers and civilians alike was an everyday reality. The main objective of this paper is to define the role of prisoners of war in the strategy and tactics of Byzantine generals. First, I will attempt to determine whether the latter treated the captives as a potential gain under various aspects (i.e. financial, prestige-related, or diplomatic). Next, I will focus on those situations in which prisoners were nothing more than a burden. With the help of narrative sources and military manuals, I will try to clarify why both sides occasionally decided to execute their captives in certain episodes of the 10th century Arab-Byzantine conflict. Finally, I will specify how Byzantine generals made use of prisoners in order to get the upper hand over their Arab rivals.
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Berkes, Lajos. "Documentary context for dating and interpreting Christian literary and semi-literary papyri: some notes". Journal of Juristic Papyrology, n. 52 (15 aprile 2023): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36389/uw.jjurp.52.2022.pp.29-34.
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al_tarawneh, khalaf. "Adition to walkers B.mc of Arab Byzantine coins". مجلة کلیة الآداب بقنا 8, n. 8 (1 settembre 1998): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/qarts.1998.113851.
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Demichelis, Marco. "Arab Christian Confederations and Muhammad’s Believers: On the Origins of Jihad". Religions 12, n. 9 (1 settembre 2021): 710. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090710.
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The meaning and elaboration of Jihad (just-sacred war) hold an important place in Islamic history and thought. On the far side of its spiritual meanings, the term has been historically and previously associated with the Arab Believers’ conquest of the 7th–8th centuries CE. However, the main idea of this contribution is to develop the “sacralization of war” as a relevant facet that was previously elaborated by the Arab Christian (pro-Byzantine) clans of the north of the Arabian Peninsula and the Levant and secondarily by the Arab confederation of Muhammad’s believers. From the beginning of Muhammad’s hijra (622), the interconnection between the Medinan clans that supported the Prophet with those settled in the northwest of the Hijaz is particularly interesting in relation to a couple of aspects: their trade collaboration and the impact of the belligerent attitude of the pro-Byzantine Arab Christian forces in the framing of the early concept of a Jihad. This analysis aimed to clarify the possibility that the early “sacralization of war” in proto-Islamic narrative had a Christian Arab origin related to a previous refinement in the Christian milieu.
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Al Rawadieh, Al Mahdi. "Arab Contributions to Introducing the Roman Territories During the Byzantine and the Seljuk Periods". Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, n. 1 (2 agosto 2022): 128–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i1.1650.
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This article aims to show to which extent the Arab and Muslim historians and geographers are aware of and familiar with the Byzantine empire’s territories (Roman territories), and their information about its administrative and military divisions in the first eight Hijri centuries (8-14 AD), which is the period in which the Roman territories were under Byzantine rule, and later by Seljuk who dominated these territories after the Battle of Manzikert in 463 AH / 1071 AD, and before its submission to Ottoman rule. The study also explores the main routes used by Arabs and Muslims in their military campaigns to invade the Roman territories, and the routes used by Christian pilgrims in the area between the Levant and Constantinople (Istanbul). The study is based on the old traditional Arabic Sources until the eighth century AH / fourteenth century AD, and it shows how Arab historians and geographers dealt with the names of Byzantine places and the Arabization of these names.
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Lascaratos, J., e E. Poulakou‐Rebelakou. "Oribasius (Fourth Century) and Early Byzantine Perinatal Nutrition". Journal of Pediatric Gastroenterology and Nutrition 36, n. 2 (febbraio 2003): 186–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1536-4801.2003.tb07988.x.
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ABSTRACTBackgroundThe purpose of the study is the investigation of perinatal nutrition in the early Byzantine period.MethodsThe original Greek language works of the celebrated physician of the fourth century, Oribasius, were studied.ResultsThe first Byzantine author who studied perinatal nutrition, Oribasius, provided his own concepts about the topic, focusing on the suitable choice of wet nurse and evaluation of the quality of the milk. His research proves that physicians from early Byzantine times were greatly interested in perinatal nutrition. He was aware of the knowledge of eminent ancient Greek and Roman physicians, whose extracts he quoted and opinions he generally followed.ConclusionsThe study concludes that concepts of perinatal nutrition in the early Byzantine period followed those of the Hippocratic, Hellenistic, and Roman periods. The early Byzantine physicians then influenced later Byzantine and Arab physicians, and afterward, their research was introduced to European medicine.
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Kirabaev, Nur S. "“Knowledge” and “Action”: al-Ghazali and Arab Muslim Philosophical Tradition in Context of Interrelationship with Philosophical Culture of Byzantium". RUDN Journal of Philosophy 27, n. 2 (21 giugno 2023): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2023-27-2-201-215.
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“Knowledge” in Islam, Muslim culture and philosophy is considered as the key to understanding Muslim civilization, the formation of which took place in interaction with the cultures of peoples of the eastern and western parts of the former Roman Empire. The Byzantine theology and philosophy were of great importance for the points of contact and mutual enrichment of Muslim and Christian cultures in the Middle Ages, influencing the formation of Christian orthodox doctrine and the worldview of the ethnically diverse peoples of the Byzantine oikumene. The phenomenon of “knowledge” in Muslim culture is presented in the article in connection with some contexts of Byzantine culture. “Knowledge”, as well as the categorical space of Muslim culture as a whole, on the one hand, allows us to understand the spirit of Islam as a phenomenon of religion, culture and civilization, and on the other hand, to determine the role and significance of this space in the formation and development of the main directions of Arab-Muslim philosophy formed in the “golden era” of Islam. The article considers the spiritual attitude to the “search for knowledge” in Islam: in the Koran and the Sunnah. Particular attention is paid to the concept of “knowledge” in the Arab-Muslim culture, while it is noted that written culture, book knowledge and education in general were the property of not only a narrow circle of rulers and religious figures in the Arab Caliphate. Within the framework of the categorical space of the Arab Muslim culture and philosophy, it should be borne in mind that the categories of “knowledge” (‘ilm) and “action” ('amal) constitute an inseparable unity within the framework of the Arab Muslim spiritual tradition in the context of the relationship between “theoretical” and “practical” mind. The role of “knowledge” and “action” within the framework of the Arab Muslim philosophical tradition is considered on the example of the teachings of al-Ghazali, who had a huge impact on the development of philosophy both in the Arab East and the European West. Being a key figure in the spiritual history of Islam and Muslim civilization, al-Ghazali considered knowledge not just as a value, but also as a virtue. An ardent champion of the role of reason, he connected theoretical reason with the understanding of spiritual realities that give us various systems of knowledge called sciences. The area of competence of practical reason, which should be based on the theoretical, al-Ghazali associated with human behavior. Practical reason directs human actions based on the will, based on and guided by a moral ideal. Al-Ghazali’s teachings are considered in notions and terms formed and developed in the Middle Ages within the Arab-Muslim culture and reflecting some meanings of such historical type of philosophical culture as the Greek-Byzantine classical Patristics. Al-Ghazali and the Byzantine Church Fathers shared a philosophical and theological understanding of man in his relation to the Creator and the phenomenon of “knowledge”.
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Buzanakov, Yu V. "The conquest of Antioch by the Persians and the beginning of the geopolitical catastrophe of Byzantium in the East". Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, n. 4 (30 dicembre 2019): 627–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-627-633.
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The article discusses the military history of Antioch, one of the regional centers of the Byzantine state from the 4th to 7th centuries. The author analyse the role of the city in the Byzantine-Persian wars. The characteristic of the history of the conquest of the Byzantine East is given. Being the capital of the province of Syria, Antioch was a major economic, political and religious center. In addition, Antioch has a rich military history. From the 4th century until the beginning of the Arab conquests, the Syrian Province was one of the centers of the Byzantine-Persian wars. As a rule, the city, in this war, played the role of a supply and coordination center for troops, but history knows examples when Antioch went on to experience direct enemy attacks. With the beginning of the era of Arab conquest, neither Byzantium nor Persia, exhausted by the war with each other, were unable to withstand the new threat. As a result of this, the Persian power ceased to exist, and Byzantium lost its vast territories in the East, including Antioch. It is worth noting that Antoch did not suffer a single major siege, neither in the period of Late Antiquity nor in the Middle Ages.
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Martens-Czarnecka, Małgorzata. "The Christian Nubia and the Arabs". Studia Ceranea 5 (30 dicembre 2015): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.05.08.
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Nubia constituted the area in the Nile Valley in the present day Sudan, the area which spread from the first cataract up to the place where the White Nile meets the Blue Nile. The area was inhabited by the population using a common language – Old Nubian. In the second half of the sixth century thanks to the missions send by the Byzantine Court, Nubia accepted Christianity as a state religion. Nubia immediately found itself in the area of influence of Byzantine culture. Byzantine administration, liturgy of the Eastern Church and the Greek language were introduced. In 641 the Arab conquest of Egypt took place. Soon after that in 642, the Arab army entered the Nubian territory and from this date centuries of clashes and peace treaties characterized relations between Nubians and Arab peoples. The 13th century marks slow decline of the kingdom of Nubia. Hostile Negro tribes from the South and South-West appear in the Mid Valley of Nile. Fights weaken the kingdom; slow islamization of the country follows, royal rule and Christian faith falls and together with those culture and arts deteriorates. The history of military as well as political or commercial Nubian-Arabic contacts over entire period of existence of Christian kingdom of Nubia undoubtedly had to bring about certain artistic trends in Nubia originating from rich heritage of Muslim culture. The culture of Christian Nubia originally based to considerable extent on Byzantine art, in course of time, subjected to more and more intense Arabic influence, significantly changed. Arabic components seen in Nubian church architecture, wall painting and art crafts became predominant, which over following centuries led to creation of Arabic culture of the contemporary Sudan.
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Тубин, Славиша. "Христијанизација Нубијe и везе са Византијом до X века". Theological Views – Religious and Scientific Journal / Теолошки погледи – версконаучни часопис LIV, n. 3 (31 dicembre 2021): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46825/tv/2021-3-411-428.
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Indications of the first baptismal endeavors in Nubia can be traced back to the apostolic period. The final baptism of all three Nubian states (Nobatia, Makuria, Alodia) took place in the 6th century. A strong and lasting alliance with Byzantium implied cultural, religious and trade contacts. The historiography is dominated by the theory of the collapse of Nubian- Byzantine ties after the Islamic Conquest of Egypt in the 7th century. The similarity of Nubian society with Byzantine after the seventh century is explained by the theory of memory of Byzantium in Nubia. On the other hand, relying on the Arab-Byzantine sources, the trade relations between Nubia and Byzantium can be traced back to the 10th century. According to Ibn Yahya the Nubians appear as a guard of emperors in Constantinople. The general Byzantine term of the Ethiopians mainly denoted various East African peoples in Byzantine sources. In the tenth century, it is possible to identify Nubians in such mentions.
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CHRYSOSTOMIDES, ANNA. "Creating a Theology of Icons in Umayyad Palestine: John of Damascus’ ‘Three Treatises on the Divine Images’". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, n. 1 (20 agosto 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204692000007x.
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John of Damascus (c. 655–745) is a striking figure in church history as a defender of icon veneration and as a Church Father who maintained Byzantine Orthodoxy despite living under Muslim rule. His life amongst Muslims and his association with the Umayyad Melkite Christian community, the Christian Church which attempted to maintain an adherence to Byzantine Orthodoxy after the Arab conquest, is often associated with his defence of icons. However, most scholarship claims that his Three treatises on the divine images were written solely against Byzantine iconoclasm. This article provides a close reading of his Treatises focusing on themes which overlap with contemporary Jewish and Muslim debates on figurative images, arguing that John wrote his Treatises in an attempt to create a seminal Melkite theology on icons for both Byzantine and Umayyad Christians faced with iconoclastic arguments from all three Abrahamic faiths.
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Fiorentino, Sara. "A Tale of Two Legacies: Byzantine and Egyptian Influences in the Manufacture and Supply of Glass Tesserae under the Umayyad Caliphate (661–750 AD)". Heritage 4, n. 4 (29 settembre 2021): 2810–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage4040158.
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The connection between Umayyad and Byzantine mosaic manufacture is a debated issue: on the one hand, Arab sources report that Umayyad caliphs received craftspeople and materials to adorn religious buildings from the Byzantine emperor; on the other hand, the reliability of these texts has long been disputed among scholars, and other possible influences have been hypothesised. Was early Islamic mosaic manufacture related to Byzantine tradition and to what extent? Were materials and artisans gathered from Byzantium and/or territories under the Byzantine control? Based on a multi-analytical approach, glass tesserae from Khirbat al-Mafjar, the Great Mosque of Damascus, and the Dome of the Rock have been analysed. Results speak of a tale of two legacies, demonstrating that, parallel to a continuity with the manufacture of glass tesserae in the late antique Levant—pointing, more specifically, to a re-use of materials from abandoned buildings—legacies other than Byzantine occurred. It emerged that Egypt definitively played a role in mosaic making during the Umayyad caliphate, acting as a supplier of skilled artisans and materials.
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ΤΑΚΙΡΤΑΚΟΓΛΟΥ, Κωνσταντίνος. "Η συμμετοχή Τούρκων πολεμιστών στον αββασιδικό στρατό κατά τις αραβο-βυζαντινές συγκρούσεις: Οι επιχειρήσεις του στρατιωτικού αρχηγού Bughā al-Kabīr". Byzantina Symmeikta 28 (17 marzo 2018): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.14387.
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Αim of this study is to examine why the presence of select Turkic warriors in the Abbasid armies had little impact on the course of the Arab-Byzantine conflicts. The article focuses mainly on the campaigns conducted by the commander Bughā al-Kabīr against the Byzantine Empire and other Caliphate enemies. The small number of the Turkic warriors, as well as the difficulties encountered by the horse archers in mountainous terrains are the main reasons that there were no changes to the balance of power in the frontier conflicts.
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Oddy, Andrew. "Whither Arab-Byzantine numismatics? A review of fifty years' research". Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 28, n. 1 (gennaio 2004): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.2004.28.1.121.
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Chaqoqo, Sri Guno Najib. "ISLAM AND SCIENCE: ITS CONCEPTION AND INSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA". Manarul Qur'an: Jurnal Ilmiah Studi Islam 20, n. 1 (1 giugno 2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32699/mq.v20i1.1611.
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Islam interacts and intersects with its culture either from Arab or outside of Arab. Islam revealed in Arab, in Shahrur view, as a liberation religion which is Arab didn’t introduced as a part of any dominant imperial. It is considered as the strategic role which Islam didn’t abounded which any imperial rule. Islam as a norm and values function considered to be able to interact with any culture and civilization around Arab, even in the world. Most Muslim beliefs that they able to alive in anyways they stay with difference culture. It can be seen in spread up of Muslim outside Arab moreover when they intersect with Persian and Byzantine which both of them more civilized in all of aspects. Islam as a religious value, then, intersect with science in the new culture. Thus how Islam interact with science? This paper tries to elaborate about early intersection of Islam and Hellenism till nowadays era.
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Kuzenkov, Pavel V. "Caliph Al-Mu‘tasim’s Expedition against Amorion in 838 AD: The Chronology Reconsidered". Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 74–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.005.
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This research offers a detailed reconstruction of one of the most famous episodes of Byzantine-Arab relations in the ninth century, the victorious campaign of the Abbasid army led by Caliph al-Mu‘tasim deep into the territory of Byzantium in 838 AD, which ended with the defeat of the army of Emperor Theophilos and the destruction of two most important fortresses in Asia Minor, Ankyra and Amorion, the native place of the ruling dynasty. The accounts of the circumstances and the route of this expedition kept by Arab, Syrian, and Greek sources make it possible to build a detailed chronological map of this military campaign with the use of new methodology created for the project of the comprehensive database of events of Byzantine history. The bringing together chronological and topographic indications of all available sources made it possible not only to make a complete reconstruction of the military operations, but also to revise the date of one of the most important events in the ninth-century history of Byzantium, the battle of Anzen at Dazimon plain, when the Arab-Turkic-Armenian army commanded by Afshin inflicted a crushing defeat on the Byzantine army of Emperor Theophilus, which included the Persian detachments of the ex-Khurramites of Babek. Taking the data in possession into account, there are reasons to date the battle to July 4th, 838 AD. It is proposed to correlate the previously accepted date indicated by at-Tabari, July 22nd, with another key event of the 838 campaign, the destruction of Ankyra. In addition, a comprehensive analysis of the sources makes it possible to clarify the chronology and circumstances of the fall of Amorion, which surrender to the Arabs was resulted by an ethno-religious conflict.
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Bintliff, John. "Changes in Town and Country in Late Antiquity and into the Early Medieval Period in Greece and the Aegean Islands". Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 34, n. 20 N.S. (7 marzo 2024): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.11139.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Greek Aegean in the Late Roman era (5th-mid-7th centuries AD) offers a degree of uniformity, developing further the novel urban and rural patterns that mark the previous Imperial centuries. Characteristically, small towns with fortifications and lavish Christian monuments are surrounded by commercial villa estates, while populations shrink drastically from the mid-6th century. In the 7th-8th centuries fundamental regional divergences appear. Most of mainland Greece is lost to the Eastern Roman (aka Early Byzantine) Empire based at Constantinople, the largest towns and coastal ports excepted, following waves of Slavic settlement. A second model is found on the Aegean Islands, where reduced populations largely survive Arab raids and alien settlement through settlement displacement and negotiation. A third model is represented by the large island of Crete, free from invasion until Arab conquest in the 9th century, ironically when a revived Eastern Roman (Middle Byzantine) Empire regains control of the mainland and remaining Aegean Islands. This paper will present the evidence from archaeology for these scenarios, varying in time and space.
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Barnes, Hugh, e Mark Whittow. "The Oxford University/British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Survey of Medieval Castles of Anatolia (1992) Mastaura Kalesi: a Preliminary Report". Anatolian Studies 43 (dicembre 1993): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642969.
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1992 was the first season of the Oxford University/British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Survey of Medieval Castles of Anatolia. Over the next five years it is planned to survey and record in as much detail as practicable five Byzantine castles in the area of the Büyük and Küçük Menderes river systems in western Turkey. The five castles will eventually be published in a single monograph where they can be discussed as a group and placed in their historical and geographical context. An annual preliminary report will appear in Anatolian Studies, which we hope will serve as a forum to test ideas, raise problems, and encourage other historians and archaeologists to suggest further ways of obtaining the most from these sites.The five sites—indicated on Fig. 1—are Mastaura kalesi (near Bozyurt, in Aydın ili, Nazilli ilçesi, merkez bucağı); Yılanlı kalesi (on the side of the Boz dağ near Kemer in İzmir ili, Ödemiş. ilçesi, Birgi bucağı); Çardak kalesi (near Çardak in Denizli ili, Çardak ilçesi, merkez bucağı); Yöre kalesi (near Yöre köy in Aydın ili, Kuyucak ilçesi, Pamukören bucağı); and Ulubey kalesi (on the Kazancı deresi near Ulubey in Uşak ili, Ulubey ilçesi). None has received more than brief notice before; none has been planned or studied in any detail. They have been chosen to cover the whole period of Byzantine rule in the area from the seventh century to the early fourteenth, and a variety of the different types and functions of Byzantine castles. Yılanlı is possibly a late seventh-century fortress, built in the context of the Arab attempts to take Constantinople and the consequent struggle to control the western coastlands of Asia Minor. Çardak appears to have been built between the seventh and the ninth century principally to act as a look-out point in the Byzantine defensive system against Arab raids.
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Oddy, W. Andrew. "The "Constans II" Bust type of arab-byzantine coins of Hims". Revue numismatique 6, n. 29 (1987): 192–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.1987.1904.
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Goodwin, Tony. "The Arab-Byzantine coinage of jund Filastin — a potential historical source". Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 28, n. 1 (gennaio 2004): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.2004.28.1.1.
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Casey, P. J. "Justinian, the limitanei and Arab-Byzantine relations in the 6th c." Journal of Roman Archaeology 9 (1996): 214–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400016573.
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Howard-Johnston, J. "Arab-Byzantine Relations in Early Islamic Times * EDITED BY MICHAEL BONNER". Journal of Islamic Studies 18, n. 2 (9 febbraio 2007): 257–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etm010.
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Wolińska, Teresa. "Paulicjanie w Bizancjum – uciekinierzy i przesiedleńcy". Prace Historyczne 148, n. 2 (2021): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.019.13856.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Paulicians in Byzantium: The fleeing and the displaced Paulicians, treated as Manicheans and persecuted in Armenia and the Byzantine Empire, escaped to the Arab-occupied territories where they established a state (843–878) and kept invading Byzantium in alliance with the Emirs of Melitene. Eventually Basil I (867–886) was able to defeat John Chrisocheiros and capture Tefrike. Constantine V, Basil I and John Tzimiskes drafted Paulicians into the Byzantine army and got them relocated to the territory of the empire, hoping to use their military potential to defend the borders against the Bulgarians. Consequently, a substantial group of Paulicians found themselves in the Balkans. According to some scholars they were the predecessors of the Bogomil heresy.
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Missios, Symeon, Kimon Bekelis e David W. Roberts. "Neurosurgery in the Byzantine Empire: the contributions of Paul of Aegina (625–690 AD)". Journal of Neurosurgery 120, n. 1 (gennaio 2014): 244–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2013.8.jns13550.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Paul of Aegina (625–690 AD) was born on the island of Aegina and was one of the most prominent physician-writers of the Byzantine Empire. His work Epitome of Medicine, comprised of 7 books, was a comprehensive compendium of the medical and surgical knowledge of his time and was subsequently translated into multiple languages. Paul of Aegina made valuable contributions to neurosurgical subjects and described procedures for the treatment of nerve injuries, hydrocephalus, and fractures of the skull and spine. His work combined the ancient knowledge of Hippocrates and Galen with contemporary medical observations and served as a bridge between Byzantine and Arabic medicine. He is considered to be one of the great ancient Greek medical writers and his work has influenced the subsequent evolution of Western European and Arab medicine. This paper provides an account of his contribution to the management of neurosurgical pathologies during the Byzantine era, as described in his medical compendium, Epitome of Medicine.
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Filatov, Alexey. "On the question of the term “ἀμερμουμνῆς” in «Theophanes Continuatus»". Metamorphoses of history, n. 30 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s241436770028683-1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Through the centuries, Arab-Byzantine interactions developed in different ways. There was an amount of military conflicts, embassies, dense intercultural and interreligious cooperation. All these factors created the specific view on Islam and the image of Muslim world from Eastern Roman perspective. This view frequently found its place on pages of Byzantine historical and literary works, predominantly chronicles and tractates, and was expressed towards different details of Arabian world’s milieu. One of the most curious of them is a question of religious and civil authority, its significance in eyes of the authors who represented antagonistic outlook. As a continuation of previous research, devoted to the problem of perception of supreme political power of Caliphate in Byzantine literature, this article considers the same question within one definite historical source, namely the chronicle of Theophanes Continuatus. This author is less well-known in comparison with his contemporaries like Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus. Nevertheless he uses the same strait and specific terminology for denotation of upper secular power in Caliphate. The article deals with this terminology which is analyzed as a tool of understanding of Byzantine consciousness and its attitude to the phenomenon of Eastern despotism.
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Kaya, Tülin. "Understanding the Use of Byzantine Routes in Central Anatolia (ca. 7TH–9TH Centuries)". Studia Ceranea 9 (30 dicembre 2019): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.14.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper mainly focuses on the impact of the change in the political equilibrium in the East caused by the effects of the Arab invasions on the main communication routes in Byzantine Central Anatolia. Beginning in the 640s and continuing for over 150 years, these incursions had an impact on the ways in which major routes in and through the new frontier zone were used, reflecting in part the fact that during this period the Taurus mountain range constituted the natural frontier between the Byzantines and the Arabs. The main communication routes in Central Anatolia, which lie on the northwest-southeast axis, were of importance in terms of the changing role of the main urban centres established along them, since Arab attacks were directed at both major and minor urban and fortified centres in Central Anatolia, as the Byzantine and Arab sources mention. Although the main centres such as Ancyra and Dorylaion were affected by the attacks, these and most other major cities continued to exist throughout the period in question. In this regard, the continued existence of such centres determined the ways in which the major routes of communication were used. A study of the changes in the role and functions of the cities in central Anatolia may thus help to understand the use of the main routes, based on the archaeological, i.e. building structures, ceramics, etc., and textual evidence, including that from narrative sources.
31
Al, P. "De Kloosters van Kreta". Het Christelijk Oosten 46, n. 4 (7 aprile 1994): 231–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-04604001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The monasteries of Crete The history of Cretan monasteries follows the course and fortunes of the island’s political and ecclesiastical history and can be divided into six periods: the first Byzantine period, the Arab occupation, the second Byzantine period, the Venetian occupation, the Turkish occupation, the period of autonomy and union with Greece. Today there are forty-two monastic communities in the island, thirty of them comprised of monks and twelve of nuns. These monasteries and the aged hermits that inhabit them carry centuries of tradition forward into our own day. Many of them are threatened by dereliction and decay. Nevertheless some of the communities are still vigorous and flourishing, especially the nunneries, and keep alive the hope for the new future.
32
Noble, Samuel. "Byzantine Adab and Falsafah in 11th Century Antioch". Journal of Arabic Literature 53, n. 3-4 (21 settembre 2022): 246–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341460.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Both medieval Arab historians and modern Byzantinists have generally ignored the Arabophone cultural life of Antioch during its period under Byzantine rule from 969–1084 CE, preferring to equate Christian rule with Greek culture. Nevertheless, lay intellectuals closely connected to the Melkite Patriarchate of Antioch were active in promoting the translation of Greek patristic works into Arabic during this period. This article examines the career of the deacon ʿAbd Allāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī, whose translations, compilations, and original works evince close familiarity with contemporary intellectual trends in Baghdad and a desire to produce translations of high literary quality. Moreover, in Ibn al-Faḍl’s criticisms of local philosophers who had strayed from Christian dogma, we find further evidence for Byzantine Antioch as a center of Arabic literary and philosophical activity.
33
Garnczarska, Magdalena. "The Iconographic Motif of a Griffin and a Hare on the So-called Saracenic-Sicilian Casket from the Wawel Cathedral Treasury in Cracow". Studia Ceranea 5 (30 dicembre 2015): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.05.04.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article examines a kind of community of aesthetic tastes that was connecting Arab and Byzantine courtly culture. This community concerned the secular and luxurious works of art. The silver casket, called a Saracenic-Sicilian, from the Wawel Cathedral Treasury in Cracow will serve as the starting point to gain a true appreciation of the complex artistic relationship between the Byzantine Empire and the Islamic world in the Middle Ages. It appears highly probable that the casket was created in the twelfth century. It was published at once after the discovery (8th March 1881) and since then, researchers argue about the place of origin of the box. Some suggest that the casket could be a product of Arabic or Persian art, while others propose either Byzantine or Sicilian workshops. What is more, even an thorough stylistic and iconographic analysis does not allow for an unambiguous resolution of the problem of provenance of the Wawel box. Lack of a resolution suggests that this piece of art was directed to a member of the cosmopolitan elite of – Arabic or Byzantine – court, which took delight in sophisticated and expensive luxury items. It is worth noting that in this case, matter of religion did not play a crucial role. For this reason, the depicted scenes and decorative details have an universal character. In order to present this specific synthesis of Arabic and Byzantine secular art, the motifs of a griffin and a hare, decorating the casket will be considered.
34
Harrison, R. M., e N. Christie et al. "Excavations at Amorium: 1992 Interim Report". Anatolian Studies 43 (dicembre 1993): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642972.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
August 1992 marked the sixth season of survey and excavation at the east Phrygian site of Amorium, located 170 km. south-west of Ankara. Excavation has so far sampled only a tiny part of what was in Roman and Byzantine times an extensive urban site, but results have consistently revealed that an exciting range of data can be drawn from this largely unexplored centre. Indeed, despite evident modern robbing for stone, the trenched areas have revealed that substantial zones may remain archaeologically intact.The ancient site of Amorium comprised two distinct fortified zones: a compact upper town, and a larger lower town, part of which is now overlain by the modern village of Hisarköy. A particular aim of the excavations so far carried out at Amorium has been to define the relationship between these two urban areas in the overall occupational sequence, with special interest placed on elucidating the transitional phase from the Early to Middle Byzantine period—a period in Amorium's long history which is fairly well documented by both Byzantine and Arab sources.
35
Cecota, Błażej, e Konrad Figat. "Islam, the Arabs and Umayyad Rulers According to Theophanes the Confessor’s Chronography". Studia Ceranea 2 (30 dicembre 2012): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.02.09.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
As the Chronography of Theophanes the Confessor includes a lot of information about the foreign states and tribes which were connected with the Byzantine Empire. It is legitimate, in the Author’s view, to analyse the account concerning Islam and the Arabs by this Byzantine author. Theophanes possessed detailed knowledge of the Arabs, Islam and Umayyad caliphs. He used, although presumably indirectly, some Muslim sources in his work. The argument which strongly proves this hypothesis is his precise description of inner clashes between the members of the ruling house, as well as of Arab civil wars. The article discusses how Theophanes (and presumably his sources) depicted not only the Arabs as an entity, but also the prophet Muhammad and some of the Umayyad caliphs (Muawiya, Walid I, Umar II, Hisham, Marwan II).
36
Komatina, Predrag. "The Byzantine Concept of “Syria” as Arab Empire and its Ancient Roots". Journal of Near Eastern Studies 79, n. 1 (1 aprile 2020): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707615.
Testo completo
37
Gurbanov, Abbas. "ARAB ADMINISTRATION AND SETTLEMENT POLICY IN AZERBAIJAN". Islamic History and Literature 2, n. 2 (3 maggio 2024): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.62476/ihl22.87.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, the caliphs who came to power continued the conquests started with the aim of spreading Islam. Some of these activities were related to Azerbaijan. Like every state, the Arab caliphate had its own administrative system, which was more or less the same in all regions. The Arab armies governed the newly conquered territories by appointing governors. From the first day of its capture, Azerbaijan began to be governed by governors appointed here. The first governor who adopted Ardabil as his center, as it was during the Sassanid period, was Hüzeyfa b. al-Yaman has been. We can say that the Arab caliphate aimed to reduce the influence of the Byzantine and Khazars, the leading states of that time, in the region by attracting the local people to their side and forming a unified power unit relying on the support of the local people in the future struggle against them.
38
Kislinger, Ewald. "Erster und zweiter Sieger. Zum Byzantinisch-Karolingischen bündnis bezüglich Bari 870-871". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, n. 50-1 (2013): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350245k.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The growth of Arab power in Southern Italy and even Dalmatia menaced the Byzantine Empire as well as Carolingian Italy and led both to an alliance in 869/870. Their attempt, however, to conquer Bari in a joint attack failed in 870 (not 869) due to a lack of coordination. An exchange of letters, which followed between Basil I and Louis II, reveals cultural and ideological alienation between christian East and West.
39
Kirabaev, Nur S., e Olga V. Chistyakova. "Anthropological Tradition: Byzantine Orthodoxy and Islam". Voprosy Filosofii, n. 6 (2023): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2023-6-164-175.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article examines the formation of religious-anthropological traditions formed within the framework of Byzantine Christianity and medieval Arab-Muslim philosophy. The views of the Greek-Byzantine theologian and thinker Maximus the Confessor (580–662) regarding man in the Church Fathers’ theological development of the main Christian dogma of the Divine Incarnation of Jesus Christ are presented. In terms of philosophical comparativism, the anthropological concepts of St. Maximus and the most outstanding representative of Islam, the founder of the Sufi philosophical-theological system of the Middle Ages, Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (1058–1111) are compared. Both the common features of the theology and philosophy of these thinkers and the differences in their anthropological doctrines are demonstrated. One point of intersection is the philosophical idea of the perfect man, which was formed by the Greek-Byzantine Church Fathers and al-Ghazali and based on which they created a broader philosophical-theological understanding of man in his relationship to the Creator. The authors indicate how the idea of human perfection was realized in the relation God-man-world ontologically and epistemologically from the perspectives of Eastern Patristics and Sufism. The integrity of the spiritual-bodily man in the orthodox doctrine of Byzantine Christianity is shown. Al-Ghazali’s doctrine of man is substantiated as a conceptual comprehension of man’s place as a caliph – the deputy of God on earth – in the world’s system created by the deity.
40
Brzozowska, Zofia Aleksandra. "The image of a muslim arab woman in medieval rus’ literature". Studia Historica. Historia Medieval 39, n. 2 (12 novembre 2021): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/shhme392131152.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Rus’ medieval authors drew information about the history and culture of the Arabs mainly from Byzantine sources, translated into Old-Church-Slavonic. The image was supplemented by observations made by residents of medieval Rus’ in the course of direct contacts with the Arabs (e.g. during their travels to the Holy Land) or ideas about other Islamic peoples, whose customs could be known to old Rus’ authors from personal experience (e.g. Turks or Mongols/Tatars). The aim of this paper is to analyze the image of Arab women emerging from old Rus’ works. We will be interested in people from Muhammad’s closest surroundings (e.g. his first wife Khadija or Fatima, the daughter of the prophet), as well as selected figures of Muslim Arab women from later centuries. The question will also be raised as to how the authors of the examined texts perceive and evaluate the position of women in Arab Medieval societies.
41
Garrood, William. "The Byzantine conquest of Cilicia and the Hamdanids of Aleppo, 959–965". Anatolian Studies 58 (dicembre 2008): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006615460000870x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractBetween 959 and 965, Byzantine forces, directed and most often led by Nikephoros Phokas, launched a series of successful campaigns of conquest, particularly in the east. Although little studied, these conquests are significant. The subject of this article, the conquest of the Cilician plain in 965, represents the culmination of a century of Byzantine pressure on the Arab border states, of which Tarsos was the last. Simultaneously, the elimination of the Hamdanid emirate of Aleppo as a threat to the Empire helped to lay the groundwork for further successes in Syria after 965. It is the contention of this article that these objectives were intertwined and that Nikephoros Phokas followed a concerted and structured strategy through this period, aimed primarily at the conquest of Cilicia. Other objectives, though dramatic, should thus be seen as subordinate to this underlying objective.
42
Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Church–State Relations in Palestine: Empires, Arab Nationalism and the Indigenous Greek Orthodox, 1880–1940". Holy Land Studies 10, n. 1 (maggio 2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0003.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The need to negotiate and resolve ethno-nationalistic aspirations on the part of dependent and subject communities of faith-believers is a complex issue. The Ottoman Empire formed a classic case in this context. This article is a historical-political reflection on a small group of Christians within the broader Arab and ‘Greek’ Christian milieu that once formed the backbone of the earlier Byzantine and later Ottoman empires. The native Arab Orthodox of Palestine in the twilight years of the Ottoman Empire found themselves in a struggle between their religious affiliations with Mediterranean Greek Orthodoxy and Western Christendom as opposed to the then ascendant star of nationalist pan-Arabism in the Middle East. The supersession of the Ottoman Empire by the British colonial Mandatory system in Palestine and the loss of imperial Russian support for the Arab Orthodox in the Holy Land naturally meant that they relied more on social and political cooperation with their fellow Palestinian Muslims. This was to counter the dominance extended by the ethnic Greek ecclesiastical hierarchy in the Holy Land over the historically Arab Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem with support from elements within the Greek Republic and the British Mandatory authorities.
43
Wolińska, Teresa. "Synowie Hagar. Wiedza bizantyńczyków o armii arabskiej w świetle traktatów wojskowych z IX i X wieku". Vox Patrum 63 (15 luglio 2015): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3571.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Arab military expansion was a real challenge to the Byzantine Empire. The defeats sustained in wars with the Arabs, whom the Byzantines called sometimes Hagarenes to refer to Biblical Hagar, forced new method of war waging. That knowledge was taken predominantly directly from battlefield. The Arab menace increased during the reign of Leo VI the Wise (886-912). Albeit not a soldier himself, he took an attempt to reorganize the Byzantine army and navy. Although it did not bring an immediate effect, the Empire gradually began to initiative. The situation changed for better during the reign of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (911-959) and Romanos I Lekapenos (919-959). A peace with the Bulgarians allowed to collect substantial forces on the eastern border of the empire. The weakening of the Abbasids gave way to the Hamdanid dynasty from northern Iraq and Syria to grow to the most serious Byzantine adversary in mid- 10th century, particularly during the reign of Sayf al-Dawla (945-967), who recorded some remarkable victories over the Byzantine forces. In 955 Nikephoros II Phokas took over the post of domesticos of the East. Along with his brother Leo, Strategos of Cappadocia and John Tzimiskes, they were able to change the course of war, winning some battles in northern Syria. The struggle with the Muslims resulted in a number of military treatises, the most known of which were attributed to emperors Leo VI and Nikephoros II Phokas. Although it is not certain if they were written by them themselves, they were certainly created on their behalf. Among several treatises of Leo VI, the Tactica seems to be the most interesting. The work divided in 20 chapters was meant as a handbook for military commanders. It discussed the organization of infantry, cavalry and navy, and their use in war, as well as that of sieges, ambushes etc. Much attention was paid to Arab logistics. Remarkably little, if any attention was paid to religious grounds as a reason for expansion. Not too surprisingly, much of the work was dedicated to the methods of efficient struggle against Muslims; the author correctly identified both strong and week sides of the Byzantine army. Some points clearly suggest a desire to take over certain elements of organization and war art from the adversary. Also the treatise by Nikephoros Phokas represents equally good value as Tactica. In this work we find a number of details regarding both military and non-military customs of the Arabs, which is not surprising, as the author was a military commander, experienced in battles against the Muslims. For this reason we should respect even more the military knowledge of Leo’s Tactica, if we remember that the author was not a professional soldier. Interestingly enough, with the notable exception of Nikephoros Phokas, the authors of other treatises added little to the information contained in Leo’s work. The reason for that was explicitly laid out by an anonymous author of still another treatise, Βιβλίον τακτικόν, who wrote that the chiefs knew so much about the raids on the lands of the Hagarenes that there was no use to discuss them in detail.
44
Beylot, Robert. "Du Kebra Nagast". Aethiopica 7 (22 ottobre 2012): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.7.1.281.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Starting from the reflexion on the legend of the Queen of Sheba’s hairy leg, the author tries to disentangle the inextricable network of traditions – Egyptian, Jewish, Byzantine and Arab – and to find an historical thread which may explain the many syncretic rehandlings that lead to the original redaction of Kebra Nagast, the «Glory of the Kings», the Ethiopian dynasty’s founding text. All this network of traditions seems to converge towards the gulf of Akaba and the Nubian border of the Red Sea.
45
Cutler, Anthony. "Gifts and Gift Exchange as Aspects of the Byzantine, Arab, and Related Economies". Dumbarton Oaks Papers 55 (2001): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1291821.
Testo completo
46
Bonner, Michael. "Some Observations concerning the Early Development of Jihad on the Arab-Byzantine Frontier". Studia Islamica, n. 75 (1992): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595619.
Testo completo
47
Cvetkovic, Milos. "The settlement of the Mardaites and their military-administrative position in the themata of the West: A chronology". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, n. 54 (2017): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1754065c.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper discusses questions about the chronology of the settlement of Mardaite soldiers in the Balkans and their military-administrative position in the themata of the West: Peloponnesus, Cephalonia and Nicopolis. It presents arguments in favor of the hypothesis of the Mardaite settlement in Peloponnesus as the result of the colonization policy of Nicepho?rus I in the early 9th century. This view largely rests on information contained in the Chronicle of Monemvasia, a source hereto unused in discussions about the Mardaites. The Mardaites were moved in the territory of the themata of Nicopolis and Cephalonia at the close of the same century in a bid to reinforce Byzantine positions on the eastern coast of the Ionian Sea at the time of the Arab threat to this region. Finally, in the concluding passages the author touches on the military-administrative status of Mardaites in the themata of the West, who operated in units headed by tourmarchai, comparing them to other ethnic tourmai in the Byzantine Empire.
48
Myers, Eugene N., John Lascaratos e Dimitrios Assimakopoulos. "Surgery on the larynx and pharynx in Byzantium (AD 324–1453): Early scientific descriptions of these operations". Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery 122, n. 4 (aprile 2000): 579–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1067/mhn.2000.94249.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
We present the techniques of various operations on the larynx and pharynx (incision of abscesses of the tonsils, tonsillectomy, tracheotomy, uvulectomy, and removal of foreign bodies) found in the Greek texts of Byzantine physicians. The techniques of these operations were the first to be so meticulously described and were compiled from the texts, now lost, of the ancient Greek physicians. These medical texts, which followed and enriched the Hippocratic, Hellenistic, Roman, and Galenic medical traditions, later influenced medieval European surgery, either directly through Latin translations or indirectly through works of Arab physicians.
49
Dore, J. N., e M. van der Veen. "ULVS XV: Radio-Carbon Dates from the Libyan Valleys Survey". Libyan Studies 17 (1986): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900007056.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractThis short note presents a preliminary list of 21 radio-carbon dates obtained from field samples. The samples came from a variety of types of context (charcoal from hearths or middens, fragments of original timbers) from different types of site (farms, gsur, villages) of varying date (Roman, Byzantine/early Arab, Medieval). The results have been calibrated to present the dates in calendar years to one and two standard deviations. Some preliminary comments are advanced on the comparison between these dates and those derived from the study of the fineware pottery assemblages from the sites.
50
Metcalfe, Alex. "ORIENTATION IN THREE SPHERES: MEDIEVAL MEDITERRANEAN BOUNDARY CLAUSES IN LATIN, GREEK AND ARABIC". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 22 (dicembre 2012): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440112000059.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the development of land registry traditions in the medieval Mediterranean by examining a distinctive aspect of Latin, Greek and Arabic formularies used in boundary clauses. The paper makes particular reference to Islamic and Norman Sicily. The argument begins by recalling that the archetypal way of defining limits according to Classical Roman land surveyors was to begin ab oriente. Many practices from Antiquity were discontinued in the Latin West, but the idea of starting with or from the East endured in many cases where boundaries were assigned cardinal directions. In the Byzantine Empire, the ‘Roman’ model was prescribed and emulated by Greek surveyors and scribes too. But in the Arab-Muslim Mediterranean, lands were defined with the southern limit first. This contrast forms the basis of a typology that can be tested against charter evidence in frontier zones – for example, in twelfth-century Sicily, which had been under Byzantine, Muslim and Norman rulers. It concludes that, under the Normans, private documents drawn up in Arabic began mainly with the southern limit following the ‘Islamic’ model. However, Arabic descriptions of crown lands started mainly in the ‘Romano-Byzantine’ way. These findings offer a higher resolution view of early Norman governance and suggest that such boundary definitions of the royal chancery could not have been based on older ones written in the Islamic period.