Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Anti- militarisme"

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Anti- militarisme"

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Taber, Nancy. "Generals, colonels, and captains: Discourses of militarism, education, and learning in the Canadian university context". Canadian Journal of Higher Education 44, n. 2 (31 agosto 2014): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v44i2.183828.

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This article discusses a feminist discourse analysis that explores the ways in which discourses of learning interact with discourses of militarism at four Canadian civilian universities named for military leaders. I discuss how this particular research topic became apparent to me and explore the current national context where it can be argued that Canada is exchanging an identity of a peace-making country for one of war-making. I examine literature that connects education with militarism, taking a feminist anti-militarist approach, and discuss issues relating to academic freedom in critiquing one’s own institution. I explain my methodology and detail my findings, concluding that educators should continue to contest gendered militarism in higher education and society.
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Stavrianakis, Anna. "Controlling weapons circulation in a postcolonial militarised world". Review of International Studies 45, n. 1 (25 luglio 2018): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000190.

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AbstractWhat are the politics of, and prospects for, contemporary weapons control? Human rights and humanitarian activists and scholars celebrate the gains made in the UN Arms Trade Treaty as a step towards greater human security. Critics counter that the treaty represents an accommodation with global militarism. Taking the tensions between arms transfer control and militarism as my starting point, I argue that the negotiating process and eventual treaty text demonstrate competing modes of militarism. Expressed in terms of sovereignty, political economy, or human security, all three modes are underpinned by ongoing imperial relations: racial, gendered, and classed relations of asymmetry and hierarchy that persist despite formal sovereign equality. This means human security is a form of militarism rather than the antithesis of it. Drawing on primary sources from negotiations and participant observation with actors involved in the campaign for the ATT, the argument challenges the idea that human security has scored a victory over militarism. It also complicates our understanding of the nature of the accommodation with it, demonstrating the transformation as well as entrenchment of contemporary militarism. The argument reframes the challenges for controlling weapons circulation, placing the necessity for feminist, postcolonial anti-militarist critique front and centre.
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Kasprzycki, Remigiusz. "Pacyfizm i antymilitaryzm w Europie Zachodniej w latach 1918–1939". Prace Historyczne 148, n. 3 (2021): 535–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.036.14012.

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Pacifism and anti-militarism in Western Europe, 1918–1939 As the consequence of the events of 1914–1918, the pacifism was on the rise in Western Europe. Societies of England, France and Germany as well as other Western European countries, set themselves the goal of preventing another war from breaking out. International congresses and conventions were organized. They were attended by peace advocates representing various social and political views, which made cooperation difficult. These meetings did not prevent the Spanish Civil War, the aggression against Abyssinia and the outbreak of World War II. In addition to moderate pacifists, Western Europe was also home to radical anti-militarists who believed that way to the world peace led through the abolition of military service. The pacifists in Britain and France were satisfied with their politicians’ submissiveness and indecision toward Hitler during the 1930s. Pacifism and radical anti-militarism also fitted perfectly into the plans of the Comintern. With its help, the USSR weakened the military potential of Western Europe.
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Eastwood, James. "Rethinking militarism as ideology: The critique of violence after security". Security Dialogue 49, n. 1-2 (1 gennaio 2018): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617730949.

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This article argues for a reformulation of the concept of ‘militarism’ as ideology. Although existing sociological approaches have been suspicious of an understanding of militarism as ideology, these criticisms have misrepresented the implications of adopting such a concept. By returning to Althusser’s classic study of ideology, and complementing it with more recent psychoanalytic approaches that emphasize the centrality of desire, the article shows that thinking of militarism as ideology can be complementary to existing sociological studies. Moreover, though, it argues that such a reformulation brings with it key advantages. This is because it foregrounds the task of anti-militarist critique in a way that has hitherto been lacking. To demonstrate this point, the article considers the contribution that a concept of militarism as ideology could make to existing debates in critical security studies. Recent debates in this subfield have examined the ethical ramifications of various understandings of security for the pursuit of violence. However, these arguments have frequently reached a deadlock because of an inadequate understanding of the nature of militarism, one that borrows implicitly from prevalent sociological definitions of the concept. Instead, the article presents an understanding of militarism as ideology as a way out of these difficulties, showing how a critique of violence based on this concept of militarism rather than security can be more effective.
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Nikoghosyan, Anna. "Co-Optation of Feminism: Gender, Militarism and the UNSC Resolution 1325". Feminist Critique: East European Journal of Feminist and Queer Studies, n. 1 (dicembre 2017): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.52323/fc1-1.

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United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 is often referred to as a landmark resolution. Despite its revolutionary potential, I argue that the Resolution was developed through gendered discourses that allowed its use for militarist purposes. Informed by poststructuralist international relations feminist theory, I refer to the Resolution as a discursive practice and claim that the ways in which the UN conceptual apparatus understands and interprets gender and security open up possibilities for states to co-opt the very radical meaning of the Resolution by legitimising and normalising militarist practicing and silencing anti-militarist critique. In order to show this, I examine the gendered discourses behind the creation of the Resolution and address two major ways (including the ongoing militarisation processes in the Republic of Armenia) by which the Resolution is being militarised. (The full text is available in English and in translation into Ukrainian).
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Ziadah, Rafeef. "Circulating Power: Humanitarian Logistics, Militarism, and the United Arab Emirates". Antipode 51, n. 5 (27 giugno 2019): 1684–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/anti.12547.

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Freedman, David. "Teaching anti‐militarism during war". Theory Into Practice 35, n. 2 (marzo 1996): 132–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00405849609543713.

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Massie, Justin, e Jean-Christophe Boucher. "Militaristes et anti-impérialistes". Études internationales 44, n. 3 (10 gennaio 2014): 359–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021127ar.

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Est-ce que le Québec subit un processus de militarisation sociétale ? La question peut paraître farfelue, puisqu’il est couramment accepté que les Québécois partagent des valeurs antimilitaristes, voire pacifistes. Dans cet article, les auteurs examinent rigoureusement la question. Ils dressent d’abord une typologie des attitudes potentiellement partagées par les Québécois en matière de sécurité internationale. Il vérifient ensuite, à l’aide de dizaines de sondages d’opinion publique réalisés au cours des 25 dernières années, la nature et l’ampleur des préférences québécoises vis-à-vis des enjeux de politique étrangère et de défense. Il se dégage de l’article un portrait, plutôt paradoxal, selon lequel les Québécois maintiennent des préférences durablement anti-impérialistes, tout en exprimant de fortes opinions militaristes.
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Weldemichel, Teklehaymanot G. "Othering Pastoralists, State Violence, and the Remaking of Boundaries in Tanzania’s Militarised Wildlife Conservation Sector". Antipode 52, n. 5 (19 maggio 2020): 1496–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/anti.12638.

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Sayim, Burak. "Communist Anti-Militarism in France and Anti-Colonial Wars in Morocco and Syria". Twentieth Century Communism 24, n. 24 (28 giugno 2023): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864323837280544.

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This article explores the intersection of Middle Eastern anti-colonialism and European anti-militarism in the interwar period through a case study focusing on French communist activities within the army during almost simultaneous anti-colonial revolts in Morocco and Syria. It argues that the interaction between revolutionary militancy in these two regions was not unilinear. Just as the impact of European revolutionary traditions was instrumental in shaping Middle Eastern communist militancy, so Middle Eastern anti-colonialism had an – underappreciated – impact on European communism. Through this case study it shows how the Communist International strove to give anti-militarism in the global north and anti-colonialism in the global south a common political language through which the two aspirations could converge. Instead of focusing on high-level decisions, this study takes a tentative step towards situating this alliance – or lack thereof – in the trenches of colonial wars.
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Tesi sul tema "Anti- militarisme"

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Rossdale, Chris. "Anarchism, anti-militarism, and the politics of security". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57615/.

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This thesis seeks to conceptualise an anarchist response to the politics of security. Understanding security as a discourse of conceptual and political mastery, and as therefore resistant to incorporation within a framework of emancipation, it argues that anarchism offers theoretical and practical resources through which creative insurrections in the political-metaphysical fabric of security might be made. The thesis is built around an ethnography of UK-based anti-militarist activism, interpreting a variety of practices, tactics and strategies through a conception of anarchism which emphasises prefigurative direct action and a ceaseless resistance to relations and discourses of domination and hegemony. Three central interventions in the logics of security are identified. The first involves the subversion of the hegemonic ontology of agency which can be identified across both traditional and critical understandings of security; those anti-militarists under examination do not appeal to „the state‟ to redress their grievances and insecurities, preferring instead to „directly‟ engage in practices of security. The second intervention emphasises those forms of anti-militarism which can be seen to subvert the security/insecurity binaries themselves, and to open spaces and possibilities beyond the totalising frameworks which constitute our contemporary politics of security. The third examines those moments and movements where, as they subvert these binaries, anti-militarists prefigure forms of subjectivity which displace those forms of rationality and relationality which underpin the politics of security (and militarism). Together these three interventions destabilise the politics of security in ways which offer powerful opportunities for rethinking and resisting contemporary forms of political domination and violence. This also functions as an argument about the politics of resistance, which is conceptualised here not as a programmatic, strategic or confrontational posture, but a tactical, prefigurative and anarchic exploration of becoming otherwise.
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Mahon, Penny. "Towards a peaceable kingdom : women writers and anti-militarism, 1790-1825". Thesis, University of Reading, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388582.

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Askham, Marie. "Gendering the peace : anti-militarism in British women's writing between the Wars". Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491169.

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The inter-disciplinary study interrogates how British, feminist, anti-militarist writers sought, through their literary output, to influence their readership and bring about consensual change during the inter-war period, so that the country would anticipate and plan for peace rather than anticipating further war. Through their writings, they denounced the militarist principles that underpinned the First World War and aimed to secure lasting peace. Some of the writers believed that this responsibility fell to women. The topic was investigated through examination of a wide range of primary and secondary source material. Secondary material included historical research into women's lives during the inter-war period and studies of British women's literature during and between the wars that focused on issues of war and peace. Primary material included investigation of archive material and the literary output between the wars of the writers with whom I am mainly concerned, considering various gemes and taking account ofhistorical context. The writers occupied a range of anti-militarist and pacifist positions, although they all sought peace. During the 1920s they pursued their quest with confidence. Disarmament seemed possible and the League of Nations offered hope in its implementation. However, during the 1930s, following Hitler's rise to power, when Fascism increasingly threatened cultural and intellectual freedoms and democracy in mainland Europe, their confidence wavered. The Spanish Civil War demonstrated the ruthlessness of the European dictators working in unison to crush democracy, causing some of them to further question the legitimacy of their enterprise. As the probability of war with Germany increased, the majority of writers endorsed a military response to Hitler in order to restore peace and democracy. This did not represent an abandonment oftheir values since they retained their core anti-militarist principles and only endorsed war for the sake of protecting cultural and intellectual freedoms and restoring peace and democracy.
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Stargardt, Edward Nicholas Raymond. "The practice and theory of anti-militarism in German Social Democracy, 1871-1914". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272517.

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ZANLORENZI, SILVIA. "Diplomazia e alleanza tra Italia e Giappone negli Anni Trenta del Secolo Breve". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Trieste, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11368/2908484.

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Nell’ambito dell’alleanza nazi-fascista dell’Asse tra Roma, Berlino e Tokyo, il “segmento” italo-giapponese è quello che fino ad oggi, ha ricevuto minor attenzione, con una relativa scarsità di titoli anche da parte di studiosi italiani e giapponesi. Tramite l’analisi di fonti documentarie conservate presso l’Archivio storico-diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano e l’Archivio Centrale dello Stato a Roma, l’indagine è stata svolta con lo scopo di delineare un quadro più dettagliato, più complesso ma sostanzialmente più aggiornato, di un fase storica, che fa risaltare con particolare rilievo, il prestigio politico della diplomazia fascista in Estremo Oriente
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Cruz, Vergari Elena de la. "Édition critique d'une traduction française anonyme en prose du XIIIe siècle de l'Epitoma rei militaris de Végèce". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/392731.

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Nous présentons l'édition critique de la traduction française anonyme en prose médiévale de l'Epitoma rei militaris de Végèce du XIIIe siècle (VegLev) à partir des deux témoins conservés, un à la Bibliothèque Nationale de Saint-Pétersbourg, Fr. F. y. IX, 1, et l'autre à Wolfenbüttel, Bibliothèque Herzog August, Blankenburg 111. L'analyse codicologique, qui accompagne l'édition, a permis de situer les manuscrits et leurs enluminures au XIII siècle, au Levant. L'établissement de sa source latine en a facilité l'édition et montre les procédés de la traduction médiévale car il permet de la mettre en rapport avec la traduction anglo-normande de maître Richard. Cette traduction de l'Epitoma rei militaris, considérée la plus ancienne qui nous est parvenue, est conservé dans un codex unicus et contient aussi une copie latine dont le colophon fait référence à la ville d'Acre. De même, l'analyse de la langue et de la scripta a signalée quelques structures, formes et mots, qui se retrouvent reliés au Levant dans d'autres études ou outils lexicographiques, ainsi que des barbarismes reliés au domaine gallo-roman méridional et italique. L'étude des interventions du traducteur a permis d'insére ce projet au sein d'une société guerrière au Levant pendant le XIIIe siècle. Ces interventions touchent la structure de l'oeuvre, les destinataires, ses habitudes sociales avec lesquelles le traducteur a mis à jour le bréviaire, telles que l'âge et l'origine des combatants, leurs habitudes dans l'exercice de la guerre, etc. Cette traduction, servile â la phrase latine, présente un texte souvent difficile à comprendre. Néanmoins, cette ancienne traduction a pu donner accès à une chaste guerrière incapable de comprendre le latin à un des textes militaires latins les plus célèbres, et aider ensuite à la réalisation d'autres traductions postérieures de l'Epitoma rei militaris. Enthousiaste des maximes, le traducteur devient soudainement autonome au texte latin lorsqu'il se consacre à la confection et la multiplication de sentences por enseignemens et en remembrance de l'art de la chevalerie.
We present the critical edition of the anonymous 13th-century French translation in medieval prose of the Epitoma rei militaris by Vegetius (VegLev) based on two manuscripts conserved in the National Library of Russia in Saint Petersburg, Fr. F. v. IX, 1, and the Herzog August Library in Wolfenbiittel, Blankenburg 111. The codicological analysis, which is part of the edition, has dated the manuscripts and their miniatures to the 13th century Levant. Determining its Latin source made it easier to prepare the edition and also revealed the procedures of medieval translation because it could be compared with the Anglo-Norman translation by Master Richard. This Anglo-Norman translation of the Epitoma rei militaris, regarded as the oldest in existence, has been preserved in a codex unicus and there is also a Latin copy, which names the city of Acre. Likewise, the analysis of the language and the scripta reveals some structures, forms and words that have been associated with the Levant by other studies and lexicographical tools, and the use of loan words from the southern Gallo-Roman empire and Italy. The analysis of the translator's interventions has effectively framed this translation within the warfaring society of the 13th-century Levant. The interventions affect the structure of the work and inform us about the readers, such social customs of the time as the age and origin of the combatants, warfaring habits, etc. This translation faithfully follows the Latin phrasing and is often difficult to follow. However, the aim of the translation was to make one of the most famous military texts available to a warring caste unable to understand Latin and, perhaps, to be the basis on which subsequent translations of the Epitoma rei militaris could be made. The translator, an enthusiastic user of maxims, moves away from the Latin text when he devotes himself to devising numerous aphorisms por enseignements et en remembrance of the art of chivalry.
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Tomaim, Cássio dos Santos. "Entrincheirados no tempo : a FEB e os ex-combatentes no cinema documentário /". Franca : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103113.

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Orientador: Márcia Regina Capelari Naxara
Banca: Jacy Alves Seixas
Banca: Josette Maria Alves de Souza Monzani
Banca: Luiz Carlos Ribeiro
Banca: Tania da Costa Garcia
Resumo: Neste trabalho procurei refletir como se deu a representação da FEB e dos ex-combatentes brasileiros no cinema documentário contemporâneo, dos anos de 1990 e 2000, compreendendo a relação destes filmes com a memória da FEB e da participação do Brasil na Segunda Guerra Mundial. Nestes 60 anos de pós-guerra, o passado destes ex-combatentes foi submetido a quatro articulações que encontraram de uma maneira ou de outra ressonância no cinema: a memória "enquadrada" de 1944/45; a memória "emprestada" de 1960/70; a memória "atacada" de 1980/90 e a memória "em combate" de 2000. No fim da guerra foi forjada a imagem de uma FEB vitoriosa e de heróis nacionais, elegendo a conquista de Monte Castelo como o principal feito do soldado brasileiro na "Campanha da Itália". O inverno europeu e os quatro ataques mal sucedidos ao Apenino transformaram Monte Castelo no maior mito da participação brasileira no conflito mundial. Mas os anos que se seguiram ao retorno da FEB ao Brasil foram acompanhados de um descaso total do Estado e da sociedade civil pelas experiências de guerra daqueles homens e mulheres que ainda mesmo na Itália já tinham sido desmobilizados. Foram nos anos de 1960/70 que a memória dos ex-combatentes assumiu nova conotação, tomada emprestada pelos militares no poder a "Campanha da Itália" passou a ser o horizonte para qual a sociedade civil e os militares deveriam olhar no tocante a uma nova luta que se configurava no cenário político nacional e internacional da época: a luta contra o comunismo foi a continuação da luta da FEB na Itália contra o nazi-fascismo. No entanto, este (res)sentimento de anticomunismo, que teve origem em 1935 com a Intentona Comunista e que veio sendo articulado e atualizado pelos militares ao longo dos anos, gerou um contra-sentimento de antimilitarismo em uma ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: In this work I tried to reflect on how the representation of FEB and Brazilian former combatants at the contemporary documentary cinema was in the years of 1990 and 2000, understanding the relationship of those films with the recollection of FEB and the participation of Brazil in the Second World War. During the 60 after-war years, the past of these former combatants has been submitted to four connections which encountered, somehow or other, success at the cinema: the "framed" memory of 1944/45; the "lent" memory of 1960/70; the "attacked" memory of 1980/90 and the memory "in combat" of 2000. At the end of the war, an image of an victorious FEB and of national heroes was fabricated, electing the conquest of Monte Castelo (Mount Castle) as the main deed of the Brazilian soldier at the "Italian Campaign". The European winter and the four badly-succeeded attacks to the Appennines transformed Monte Castelo into the biggest myth of the Brazilian participation in the world conflict. However, the years after the return of FEB to Brazil were followed by a total negligence from the State and the civil society by the war experiences of those men and women who, even in Italy, had already been demobilized. It was in the years of 1960/70 which the memory of the former combatants assumed a new connotation, borrowed by the militaries in the power. The "Italian Campaign" started being the horizon at which the civil society and the militaries should look when it comes to a new fight which was being formed at the national and international political scenario of such time: the fight against the Communism was the continuation of FEB's fight in Italy against the nazi-fascism. However, this feeling/resentment of anti-communism, which started in 1935 with the Communist Intentona and which was being articulated and updated by the militaries along the years, provoked a counter-feeling of ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: En este trabajo busqué reflexionar como se dio la representación de FEB y de los ex combatientes brasileños en el cine documentario contemporáneo, de los años 1990 y 2000, comprendiendo la relación de estas películas con la memoria de FEB y de la participación de Brasil en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En esos 60 años de posguerra, el pasado de esos ex combatientes fue sometido a cuatro articulaciones que encontraron de una manera o otra, resonancia en el cine: la memoria "encuadrada" de 1944/45; la memoria "prestada" de 1960/70; la memoria "atacada" de 1980/90 y la memoria "en combate" de 2000. En el fin de la guerra fue forjada la imagen de una FEB victoriosa y de héroes nacionales, eligiendo la conquista de Monte Castelo como el principal hecho del soldado brasileño en la "Campaña de Italia". El invento europeo y los cuatros ataques sin éxito al Apenino transformaron Monte Castelo en el mayor mito de la participación brasileña en el conflicto mundial. Pero los años que se siguieron al retorno de FEB al Brasil fueron acompañados de un descaso total del Estado y de la sociedad civil por las experiencias de guerra de aquellos hombres y mujeres que todavía mismo en Italia ya habían sido desmovilizados. Fueron en los años de 1960/70 que la memoria de los ex combatientes asumió nueva connotación, tomada prestada por los militares en el poder la "Campaña de Italia" pasó a ser el horizonte para lo cual la sociedad civil y los militares deberían mirar en el tocante a una nueva lucha que se configuraba en el escenario político nacional e internacional de la época: la lucha contra el comunismo fue la continuación de la lucha de FEB en Italia contra el nazifascismo. Entretanto, este (re)sentimiento de anticomunismo, que tuvo origen en 1935 con la Intentona Comunista y que vino siendo articulada y actualizada por los militares a lo largo de los años, ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletronico abajo)
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Humphries, David. "Peace and Mind: Religion, Race, and Gender among Progressive Intellectuals and Activists". unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08062007-121143/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.
Title from file title page. Ian Fletcher, committee chair; Jared Poley, Hugh Hudson, committee members. Electronic text (110 [i.e. 105] p.) : digital, PDF file. Pages 18, 45, 76, 77 and 95 blank. Description based on contents viewed Jan. 16, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-110).
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Tomaim, Cássio dos Santos [UNESP]. "Entrincheirados no tempo: a FEB e os ex-combatentes no cinema documentário". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103113.

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Neste trabalho procurei refletir como se deu a representação da FEB e dos ex-combatentes brasileiros no cinema documentário contemporâneo, dos anos de 1990 e 2000, compreendendo a relação destes filmes com a memória da FEB e da participação do Brasil na Segunda Guerra Mundial. Nestes 60 anos de pós-guerra, o passado destes ex-combatentes foi submetido a quatro articulações que encontraram de uma maneira ou de outra ressonância no cinema: a memória “enquadrada” de 1944/45; a memória “emprestada” de 1960/70; a memória “atacada” de 1980/90 e a memória “em combate” de 2000. No fim da guerra foi forjada a imagem de uma FEB vitoriosa e de heróis nacionais, elegendo a conquista de Monte Castelo como o principal feito do soldado brasileiro na “Campanha da Itália”. O inverno europeu e os quatro ataques mal sucedidos ao Apenino transformaram Monte Castelo no maior mito da participação brasileira no conflito mundial. Mas os anos que se seguiram ao retorno da FEB ao Brasil foram acompanhados de um descaso total do Estado e da sociedade civil pelas experiências de guerra daqueles homens e mulheres que ainda mesmo na Itália já tinham sido desmobilizados. Foram nos anos de 1960/70 que a memória dos ex-combatentes assumiu nova conotação, tomada emprestada pelos militares no poder a “Campanha da Itália” passou a ser o horizonte para qual a sociedade civil e os militares deveriam olhar no tocante a uma nova luta que se configurava no cenário político nacional e internacional da época: a luta contra o comunismo foi a continuação da luta da FEB na Itália contra o nazi-fascismo. No entanto, este (res)sentimento de anticomunismo, que teve origem em 1935 com a Intentona Comunista e que veio sendo articulado e atualizado pelos militares ao longo dos anos, gerou um contra-sentimento de antimilitarismo em uma...
In this work I tried to reflect on how the representation of FEB and Brazilian former combatants at the contemporary documentary cinema was in the years of 1990 and 2000, understanding the relationship of those films with the recollection of FEB and the participation of Brazil in the Second World War. During the 60 after-war years, the past of these former combatants has been submitted to four connections which encountered, somehow or other, success at the cinema: the “framed” memory of 1944/45; the “lent” memory of 1960/70; the “attacked” memory of 1980/90 and the memory “in combat” of 2000. At the end of the war, an image of an victorious FEB and of national heroes was fabricated, electing the conquest of Monte Castelo (Mount Castle) as the main deed of the Brazilian soldier at the “Italian Campaign”. The European winter and the four badly-succeeded attacks to the Appennines transformed Monte Castelo into the biggest myth of the Brazilian participation in the world conflict. However, the years after the return of FEB to Brazil were followed by a total negligence from the State and the civil society by the war experiences of those men and women who, even in Italy, had already been demobilized. It was in the years of 1960/70 which the memory of the former combatants assumed a new connotation, borrowed by the militaries in the power. The “Italian Campaign” started being the horizon at which the civil society and the militaries should look when it comes to a new fight which was being formed at the national and international political scenario of such time: the fight against the Communism was the continuation of FEB’s fight in Italy against the nazi-fascism. However, this feeling/resentment of anti-communism, which started in 1935 with the Communist Intentona and which was being articulated and updated by the militaries along the years, provoked a counter-feeling of ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
En este trabajo busqué reflexionar como se dio la representación de FEB y de los ex combatientes brasileños en el cine documentario contemporáneo, de los años 1990 y 2000, comprendiendo la relación de estas películas con la memoria de FEB y de la participación de Brasil en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En esos 60 años de posguerra, el pasado de esos ex combatientes fue sometido a cuatro articulaciones que encontraron de una manera o otra, resonancia en el cine: la memoria “encuadrada” de 1944/45; la memoria “prestada” de 1960/70; la memoria “atacada” de 1980/90 y la memoria “en combate” de 2000. En el fin de la guerra fue forjada la imagen de una FEB victoriosa y de héroes nacionales, eligiendo la conquista de Monte Castelo como el principal hecho del soldado brasileño en la “Campaña de Italia”. El invento europeo y los cuatros ataques sin éxito al Apenino transformaron Monte Castelo en el mayor mito de la participación brasileña en el conflicto mundial. Pero los años que se siguieron al retorno de FEB al Brasil fueron acompañados de un descaso total del Estado y de la sociedad civil por las experiencias de guerra de aquellos hombres y mujeres que todavía mismo en Italia ya habían sido desmovilizados. Fueron en los años de 1960/70 que la memoria de los ex combatientes asumió nueva connotación, tomada prestada por los militares en el poder la “Campaña de Italia” pasó a ser el horizonte para lo cual la sociedad civil y los militares deberían mirar en el tocante a una nueva lucha que se configuraba en el escenario político nacional e internacional de la época: la lucha contra el comunismo fue la continuación de la lucha de FEB en Italia contra el nazifascismo. Entretanto, este (re)sentimiento de anticomunismo, que tuvo origen en 1935 con la Intentona Comunista y que vino siendo articulada y actualizada por los militares a lo largo de los años, ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletronico abajo)
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Wang, Szukai, e 王思凱. "Studies on anti-inflammatory and anti-PRRSV by Cordyceps militaris hot water". Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/33181918253523033384.

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Abstract (sommario):
碩士
國立宜蘭大學
生物技術研究所碩士班
100
Cordyceps militaris is a rare and exotic Chinese medicinal mushroom. This traditional medicine has long been used by Chinese for thousands of years. Its chemical composition and pharmacological effects were similar to Cordyceps sinensis. Secondary metabolites of biologically active compounds – cordycepin (3’-deoxyadenosine). In recent years, cordycepin has many pharmacological effects, such as immune regulation, anti-cancer, anti-inflammation, and anti-virus.The objectives of this study were tried extract cordycepin from Cordyceps militaris solid fermentative, and determine the possible anti-inflammation mechanism, porcine reproductive and respiratory syndrome virus and secondary bacterial infection whether the inhibition of pro-inflammatory cytokine mRNA expression with that of PRRSV replication by hot water extract from Cordyceps militaris (CMHW) in porcine alveolar macrophage (PAM). The results demonstrate that CMHW inhibit COX-2 expression, which will reduce the downstream expression of NO. In addition, CMHW could inhibit the MAPK and IKK casades via suppress the phosphorylation extent in JNK, p38 and IкB ultimately inactivate the transcription factor such as activation protein 1 (AP-1) and nuclear factor кB (NF-кB), and further inhibition of pro-inflammatory cytokines (TNF-α、IL-1β、IL-6). In simulation experiments, PRRSV infection or secondary bacterial infection, CMHW can significantly reduce TNF-α、IL-1β mRNA expression and the replication of PRRSV. The CMHW exert high potential in feed additives development which could applied in swine inflammatory related diseases caused by PRRSV and bacteria infection, and blocking the replication of PRRSV. Reduce the economic losses of pig industry.
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Libri sul tema "Anti- militarisme"

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Mundey, Lisa M. American militarism and anti-militarism in popular media, 1945-1970. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2012.

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Rozanov, A. A. Antikommunizm na sluzhbe militarizma. Minsk: Vyshėĭshai͡a︡ Shkola, 1987.

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Rivera, Alejandro Torres. Militarismo y descolonización: Puerto Rico ante el siglo 21. [San Juan. P.R.?]: Congreso Nacional Hostosiano, 1999.

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4

Liddington, Jill. The long road to Greenham: Feminism and anti-militarism in Britain since 1820. London: Virago, 1989.

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Liddington, Jill. The road to Greenham Common: Feminism and anti-militarism in Britain since 1820. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 1991.

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6

David, Grant. Field punishment no. 1: Archibald Baxter, Mark Briggs & New Zealand's anti-militarist tradition. Aotearoa, N.Z: Steele Roberts, 2008.

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7

Fiedor, Karol. Militaryzmowi i faszyzmowi-- nie: Carl von Ossietzky, życie i walka. Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawn. Naukowe, 1986.

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Yuste, Juan Carlos. Los jóvenes ante las FF.AA: Análisis de la Encuesta "Juventud y FF.AA.'93". Asunción, Paraguay: Servicio Paz y Justicia, 1996.

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N, Kravchenko I., Manusevich A. I͡A︡ 1913- e International Congress of Historical Sciences (16th : 1985 : Stuttgart, Germany), a cura di. Dvizhenie soprotivlenii͡a︡ v gody Vtoroĭ mirovoĭ voĭny: Borʹba protiv fashizma v Evrope i i͡a︡ponskogo militarizma v Azii (sovetskai͡a︡ istoriografii͡a︡) : k XVI Mezhdunarodnomu kongressu istoricheskikh nauk, Shtutgart, FRG 1985 : sbornik obzorov. Moskva: Akademii͡a︡ nauk SSSR, In-t nauch. informat͡s︡ii po obshchestvennym naukam, 1985.

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Americas Social Forum (2004 Quito, Ecuador). La cultura de paz en las alternativas al neoliberalismo. Quito, Ecuador: Servicio Paz y Justicia del Ecuador, 2004.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Anti- militarisme"

1

Brailsford, Henry N., e Peter Cain. "Socialism and Anti-Militarism". In The War of Steel and Gold, 174–97. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003101215-7.

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Dogliani, Patrizia. "The Anti-Militarist Struggle". In Marx, Engels, and Marxisms, 53–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20694-8_3.

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Cypher, James M. "U.S. Militarism and U.S. Hegemonic Power". In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_47-1.

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Cypher, James M. "US Militarism and US Hegemonic Power". In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 2826–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_47.

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Kühl, Richard. "5 »Erotische Revolution«. Sexuelle Emanzipation und (Anti-)Militarismus". In Histoire, 227–40. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839464595-005.

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Duncanson, Claire. "Anti-Militarist Feminist Approaches to Researching Gender and the Military". In The Palgrave International Handbook of Gender and the Military, 39–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51677-0_3.

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Davidann, Jon Thares. "“America Is Very Difficult to Get Along with”: Anti-Americanism, Japanese Militarism, and Spying, 1934–1937". In Cultural Diplomacy in U.S.-Japanese Relations, 1919–1941, 159–77. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230609730_10.

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Turan, Ömer. "Return to the Status Quo Ante: Reloading Militarism Before and After 15 July Coup Attempt". In The Dubious Case of a Failed Coup, 189–241. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1141-3_9.

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Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi e Tomoaki Honda. "Introduction: The Pursuit of “Integration” and “Robustness” in Japan’s Peacekeeping Policy". In Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads, 1–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_1.

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Abstract (sommario):
AbstractHere we will present two research questions: first, why did Japan suddenly discontinue a quarter-century history of troop contribution to United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) in 2017; second, is there any possibility of resuming large-scale military deployment. Hypothetically, we will argue that Japan’s retreat from South Sudan in 2017 should be regarded not as the revival of old anti-militarism but as a recent tendency of reluctance among the Global North countries, concerning the personnel deployment to the UNPKOs. Since the start in 1992, Japan had deployed only the limited personnel contribution under the strict constitutional ban. To overcome this situation, Japan had tried to trace the global trends of “robustness” and “integration”: the former encourages more proactive use of arms for peacekeepers to remove obstacles for the UNPKOs, while the latter promotes peacebuilding-like military roles along with the cooperation with civilians. In the late 2010s, however, Japan could no longer accommodate the recent international trends, mainly due to the increasing insecurity in the UNPKOs today. Likewise, the other Global North countries had also become hesitant for the personnel contribution to the UNPKOs. We will argue that Japan’s retreat falls in the common trend among the Global North countries.
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Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi e Tomoaki Honda. "The Historical Background to Japan’s Peacekeeping Policy from the Early Postwar Era to the Establishment of the PKO Act 1945–1992". In Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads, 21–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_2.

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Abstract (sommario):
AbstractIn this chapter, we will review the evolution of Japan’s peacekeeping policy from the immediate aftermath of Japan’s defeat in 1945 to the enactment of the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act in 1992. In the first section, we will look at the historical background during the postwar period (in this book, the term “postwar” denotes the period in Japan from its defeat in World War II in 1945 to the end of the Cold War in around 1990), including the rise of anti-militarism, the hidden rearmament, the establishment of the de facto ban on overseas military dispatch, the rejection of the UN’s request for the Self-Defense Forces’ (SDF’s) deployment to a United Nations Peacekeeping Operation (UNPKO) and the aborted plan to dispatch a minesweeper to the Persian Gulf. This section will also examine the Government of Japan’s legal standpoint about the possibility of SDF deployment to a UNPKO. In the second section, we will clarify how the Gulf Crisis/War in 1990–1991 made Japan abandon the taboo against overseas military dispatch. Then, we will review the course of the challenging lawmaking process of the PKO Act, which was finally passed in June 1992. Lastly, we will see the restrictions inserted into the PKO Act, such as the so-called Five Principles.
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