Articoli di riviste: "Anthropology of citizenship processes"

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Paz, Alejandro I. "Communicating Citizenship". Annual Review of Anthropology 48, n. 1 (21 ottobre 2019): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102317-050031.

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Citizenship has become a major topic in anthropology and the study of language (including sociolinguistics) since the early 1990s, with scholars in these fields especially examining the status and political claims of immigrants, refugees, indigenous groups, and other subaltern populations. This article argues that models of communication lie at the heart of debates about citizenship and explores two fundamentally communicative processes: first, the mutual recognition of citizens as citizens, and second, the interpellation by state apparatuses of citizens. It first discusses the emergence of the question of citizenship within anthropology and the study of language. It then considers the tension that arises as any recognition of difference confronts the normative model of citizenship already institutionalized in the state apparatus. Finally, this article examines the interlacing of these scholarly trajectories in one of the premier sites where citizens communicate as citizens: the public sphere.

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Hartal, Gilly, e Orna Sasson-Levy. "Being [in] the center: Sexual citizenship and homonationalism at Tel Aviv’s Gay-Center". Sexualities 20, n. 5-6 (18 luglio 2016): 738–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460716645807.

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Tel Aviv’s Gay-Center is unique in Israel for being sponsored, managed and controlled by the municipality. This article focuses on the Gay-Center as a material, symbolic and discursive space in order to clarify the relationship between LGBT individuals and the nation. Based on an ethnographic study, we show that since its establishment the Gay-Center has undergone centralization processes as a result of being located in central Tel Aviv and by striving for LGBT mainstreaming, thereby accelerating the achievement of sexual citizenship and urban belonging. However, the expansion of sexual citizenship, which is always based on processes of inclusion and exclusion, reveals homonational practices and homonormative discourses. Since being in the city is the easiest and, at times, the only way to earn sexual citizenship, we argue that LGBT urban citizenship is an indication, a marker and thus a prerequisite of homonationalism.

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Holston, James. "Metropolitan rebellions and the politics of commoning the city". Anthropological Theory 19, n. 1 (27 febbraio 2019): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618812324.

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This article analyzes the remarkable wave of metropolitan rebellions that inaugurated the 21st century around the world (2000–2016). It argues that they fuel an emergent politics of city-making in which residents consider the city as a collective social and material product that they produce; in effect, a commons. It investigates this politics at the intersection of processes of city-making, city-occupying, and rights-claiming that generate movements for insurgent urban citizenships. It develops a critique of the so-called post-political in anthropological theory, analyzes recent urban uprisings in Brazil and Turkey, distinguishes between protest and insurgent movements, evaluates digital communication technologies as a new means to common the city, and suggests what urban citizenship brings to politics that the national does not.

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Akyeampong, Emmanuel K. "Race, Identity and Citizenship in Black Africa: The Case of the Lebanese in Ghana". Africa 76, n. 3 (agosto 2006): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0033.

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AbstractAs we approach the post-colonial half century, transnationalism has become a major reality in Africa and the wider world with the proliferation of immigrants, refugees and displaced persons. But transnationalism is not a new development, and diaspora and globalization – both historical processes – have long served as contexts for the remaking of identity, citizenship and polity. Today, concepts such as ‘cosmopolitanism’ and ‘flexible citizenship’ are in vogue in a globalized world, as transnationalism challenges statist concepts of political citizenship. In this article, using the case of Ghana, I revisit the historic presence of a Lebanese diaspora in west Africa from the 1860s, and the intellectual and political obstacles that have worked against their full incorporation as active political citizens. I seek to understand why the prospect of non-black citizenship was considered problematic in black Africa during the era of decolonization, interrogating the institutional legacies of colonial rule and pan-Africanist thought. The intellectual rigidity of pan-Africanism on race is contrasted with current notions of the constructedness of identity. I probe the ways in which the Lebanese in Ghana constructed their identities, and how these facilitated or obstructed assimilation. As African governments seek to tap into the resources of the new African communities in Europe and North America, the article suggests the timeliness of exploring alternative criteria to indigeneity when defining citizenship in black Africa.

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Sturtevant, Chuck. "Claiming belonging, constructing social spaces: Citizenship practices in an Afro-Bolivian town". Critique of Anthropology 37, n. 1 (22 febbraio 2017): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x16671789.

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Recent literature on citizenship practices and discourses highlights processes of ‘subjectification’ or ‘self-making’ in relation to a local community rather than the rights and responsibilities associated with the legal status bestowed on full members of a national community. In this paper, set in the town of Chicaloma in the Yungas region of Bolivia, I argue that this self-making is not simply a response to hegemonic national norms, nor to a communally defined image of its ideal member, but rather is bound up in simultaneous processes of ‘community-making’. Further, I argue that community-making is itself a hotly contested process. Access to specific social and economic resources is differentially available to those members of the community who are able to make more convincing claims to belonging. In this context, community members are engaged in an on-going process of making claims to belonging which work by constructing the social space in the image of the claimant as much as by producing the subject. They constitute an important citizenship practice through which subjects assert their rights in various instances of local governance, but they work by constructing the community as well as the citizen-subjects who populate it. Rather than yield clear categories of included and excluded, though, these practices and discourses result in fluid and unstable differentiations among actors, and, in fact, a fluid and unstable constitution of the community as a social space.

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Taylor, Mary N. "Intangible heritage governance, cultural diversity, ethno-nationalism". Focaal 2009, n. 55 (1 dicembre 2009): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.550104.

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Since the early 1990s, language used to speak of cultural practices once thought of as "folklore" has become increasingly standardized around the term intangible heritage. Supranational intangible heritage policies promote a contradictory package that aims to preserve local identity and cultural diversity while promoting democratic values and economic development. Such efforts may contribute to the deployment of language that stresses mutual exclusivity and incommensurability, with important consequences for individual and group access to resources. This article examines these tensions with ethnographic attention to a Hungarian folk revival movement, illuminating how local histories of "heritage protection" meet with the global norm of heritage governance in complicated ways. I suggest the paradoxical predicament that both "liberal" notions of diversity and ethno-national boundaries are co-produced through a number of processes in late capitalism, most notably connected to changing relations of property and citizenship regimes.

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Shah, Alpa, e Sara Shneiderman. "The practices, policies, and politics of transforming inequality in South Asia". Focaal 2013, n. 65 (1 marzo 2013): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2013.650101.

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This is the introduction to a special section of Focaal that includes seven articles on the anthropology of affirmative action in South Asia. The section promotes the sustained, critical ethnographic analysis of affirmative action measures adopted to combat historical inequalities around the world. Turning our attention to the social field of affirmative action opens up new fronts in the anthropological effort to understand the state by carefully engaging the relationship between the formation and effects of policies for differentiated citizenship. We explore this relationship in the historical and contemporary context of South Asia, notably India and Nepal. We argue that affirmative action policies always transform society, but not always as expected. The relationship between political and socioeconomic inequality can be contradictory. Socioeconomic inequalities may persist or be refigured in new terms, as policies of affirmative action and their experiential effects are intimately linked to broader processes of economic liberalization and political transformation.

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Peralta, Elsa, Morgane Delaunay e Bruno Góis. "Portuguese (Post-)Imperial Migrations: Race, Citizenship, and Labour". Journal of Migration History 8, n. 3 (10 ottobre 2022): 404–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08030004.

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Abstract This article examines the connected histories of (post)colonial migration and labour within the scope of the Portuguese empire and its aftermath. Presenting a long-term analysis, ranging from the abolition of slavery in the first half of the nineteenth century until today’s debates over the Portuguese nationality law, it focuses on the many continuities between the colonial past and the postcolonial present, in particular with respect to citizenship rights and the racialised boundaries of the Portuguese national community. Through its focus on the less well-known case of Portugal, the article highlights the processes of ethno-homogenisation and the related exclusions woven by Western European (post-)imperial nation states, which, until this day, fail to recognise full citizenship rights for millions of racialised people living within Europe’s borders.

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Garcia, Jonathan, e Richard Parker. "From global discourse to local action: the makings of a sexual rights movement?" Horizontes Antropológicos 12, n. 26 (dicembre 2006): 13–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-71832006000200002.

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This paper focuses on the development of discourses around sexual rights, linking tendencies in official global dialogues with national and local realities. Recognizing some of the factors that have facilitated or impeded discourses and action to promote sexual rights around the world, we explore the principles and processes of framing sexual rights and sexual citizenship. We consider political opportunity and the mobilization of resources as important as cultural and emotional interpretations of sexual rights in conceptualizing a "sexual rights movement". Throughout the paper we question whether a movement based on solidarity can be forged between different social movements (i.e., feminist movements, HIV/AIDS movements, LGBT movements, etc.) that are advocating for distinct sexual rights. While theoretically sexual rights range from protection from sexual violation to the celebration of sexual pleasure, in reality the agendas of sexual rights movements are still largely fragmented, heteronormative, and focused on negative rights.

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Satta, Caterina, e Giuseppe Scandurra. "Sport and public space in contemporary Italian cities: processes of citizenship construction through body-related practices". Modern Italy 20, n. 3 (agosto 2015): 229–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014617.

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Bellè, Elisa, Caterina Peroni e Elisa Rapetti. "One step up and two steps back? The Italian debate on secularization, heteronormativity and LGBTQ citizenship". Social Compass 65, n. 5 (9 ottobre 2018): 591–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768618800750.

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The aim of this article is to furnish insights of the Italian public debate on the recognition of LGBTQ rights, which can be understood as an interesting case study of the complex relationship between (multi)secularisation processes and re/definition of citizenship models. More specifically, the article analyses two political events related to this debate that took place in Rome in June 2015. The first is the Family Day demonstration, promoted by conservative Catholic groups; the second is the LGBTQ Pride parade, promoted by various gay, lesbian and transsexual/gender associations. We analyse the official statements issued by the two organising committees of the demonstrations, adopting the framework and methods of the Critical Discourse Analysis. Above and beyond an evident political conflict between the two discourses, we try to shed light on their mutual construction on the basis of what we call ‘naturalization’ and ‘universalization’ processes.

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Bloemraad, Irene. "UNITY IN DIVERSITY?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, n. 2 (2007): 317–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x0707018x.

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This article considers how well the existing sociological literature on immigrant integration and assimilation responds to public fears over multiculturalism. The current backlash against multiculturalism rests on both its perceived negative effects for immigrants' socioeconomic integration and its failure to encourage civic and political cohesion. I offer a brief review of multiculturalism as political theory and public policy, demonstrating that multiculturalism addresses questions of citizenship and political incorporation, not socioeconomic integration. We have growing evidence that multiculturalism does not hurt immigrant citizenship or political integration, and might facilitate such processes. We know much less about the relationship between multiculturalism and socioeconomic outcomes. I discuss how sociologists have developed useful models of immigrants' socioeconomic assimilation but have paid scant attention to civic or political outcomes. They also have not adequately addressed the relationship between socioeconomic and political integration. We can, nonetheless, extrapolate from existing scholarship, and I outline two models of political integration that seem to emerge from the sociology of U.S. immigration: one of individual-level political assimilation, another of group-based political incorporation. I conclude by offering a number of hypotheses about the importance of “groupedness” for politics and the relationship between political action, multiculturalism, and socioeconomic integration.

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Barber, Pauline Gardiner, e Winnie Lem. "Introduction". Focaal 2008, n. 51 (1 giugno 2008): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2008.510102.

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This issue brings together the work of researchers who seek to illuminate the class configurations of contemporary global diasporas. Contributions proceed by problematizing the relationship between political mobilization and the class locations of women and men as they negotiate and renegotiate the social conditions under which they make a living as émigrés, people who are subject to and participants in the processes of global change. Although class and culture, as well as mobility and fixity, are often presented as oppositional lenses though which to view global transformations, articles in this issue explore the possibilities for translation of particularized local or cultural concerns into broader collective mobilizations of class activism, nationalist claims, or struggles for entitlement in the circumscribed political spaces migrants seek to create. The gender, ethnic, local, national, and other cultural components of identity and class formation are made explicit as contributors question how and why political struggles and activism may, or indeed may not, be carried forward in geographic and social border crossings as well as citizenship and migration scenarios. It is the contention of each contributor that any instance of activism, and also its absence, requires sustained critical examination of the politics and economics of its production and reproduction.

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Campagnaro, Cristian, Nicolò Di Prima e Sara Ceraolo. "Co‐Design and the Collective Creativity Processes in Care Systems and Places". Social Inclusion 9, n. 4 (30 novembre 2021): 130–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i4.4503.

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This article examines the topic of participatory design processes (co‐design, co‐creativity, co‐creation, and co‐production) as tools to promote models of inclusion that benefit people experiencing marginality, and as means to solicit the public dimension of the spaces in which they live and where they have access to their health and welfare services. The topic is addressed through four case studies drawn from the experience of participatory action research aiming at social inclusion and cohesion through an approach based on design anthropology. Following Jones and VanPatter’s (2009) four design domains (DD), the projects discussed in this article are the following: participatory design of devices for people with multiple sclerosis (DD 1.0); participatory renovation of shelters for homeless people (DD 2.0); design and craft led lab aiming at social inclusion (DD 3.0); and innovation of public services for a city homeless population (DD 4.0). All these projects are driven by stakeholders’ demands for a transformation that improves the quality of users’ lives, the quality of caring services, and that they modify, temporarily or permanently, the venues where they take place. In order to support and facilitate this “desire for change,” the projects are based on wide participation and collaboration between many different stakeholders in every phase of their design processes. Methods, tools, and results will be analysed from the points of view of both users (beneficiaries and social operators/caregivers) and designers. Furthermore, the interaction between spaces, co‐design processes, and attendees will be investigated to determine how they contribute to turning those venues into citizenship environments, permeated with greater care and attention.

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Jungar, Katarina, e Salla Peltonen. "Acts of homonationalism: Mapping Africa in the Swedish media". Sexualities 20, n. 5-6 (18 luglio 2016): 715–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460716645806.

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Gay-friendliness and gender equality have been taken as signs of modern Western superiority over other cultural spheres and geographical spaces, particularly those of the Muslim world. In a similar manner, the promotion and defense of gay rights has become the crucible of othering discourses in relation to Africa. Across different cultural and national spaces, the meanings of citizenship, nationalism, modernity, colonialism and sovereignty are being negotiated in debates about anti-homosexuality on the continent. The focus of this article is the politics of mapping anti-homosexuality legislation in Africa in Swedish daily newspapers . Drawing on the work of Jasbir Puar and other feminist and queer scholars theorizing race and sexuality in relation to processes of nation-building, the authors analyze the mapping of the regulation of homosexuality in Africa as an instance of imaginative geographies. They investigate how journalistic rhetoric about homophobia on the African continent in Swedish daily newspapers relies on a politics of homonationalism and sexual exceptionalism in ‘gay liberation’ discourses.

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Wilson, Rita. "‘Pens that confound the label of citizenship’: self-translations and literary identities". Modern Italy 25, n. 2 (28 gennaio 2020): 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.73.

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The linguistic and cultural identity of transnational writers who choose to write in an adopted language or to self-translate, has gained increasing interest among researchers over the last decade. Approaches to the topic have ranged from textual analyses of translingual narratives and language memoirs to more ontological investigations of the processes of identity-formation in transcultural frameworks. Acknowledging that there is no one-to-one correspondence between linguistic units and ethnic, social or cultural formations, this paper considers the relationship between the literary practices of contemporary translingual writers and the role of language both in the formation of personal identities and in the reconfiguration of constructions of national identity and literary belonging. Specifically, I examine how two contemporary women writers, Francesca Marciano and Jhumpa Lahiri, who each represent a remarkable case of self-conscious linguistic transformation, interrogate the traditional construct of a monolingual, mono-ethnic and mono-cultural national identity. I argue that their autofictions reflect the multilingual and transcultural reality of contemporary transnational literature and instantiate broader issues connected with the definition, categorisation and consequent evaluation of literary canons and literary citizenship.

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Kabuldinov, Ziyabek E., Akmaral R. Beisembayeva, Yerkin A. Abil e Anar S. Tylakhmetova. "Некоторые аспекты из истории взаимоотношений ханов Абылая и Уали с Цинской империей (на основе архивных источников)". Oriental Studies 15, n. 6 (29 dicembre 2022): 1202–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-64-6-1202-1216.

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Introduction. In the 1740s–1780s, decentralization processes within the Kazakh Khanate led to that it was involved into somewhat troubled foreign policy relations. The period of struggle for political independence witnessed the emergence of Abylai — among most authoritative leaders of the Kazakh Khanate — as a key political decision-maker of the Great Steppe. His son Uali joined and continued the process of developing diplomatic relations between the Kazakh Khanate and the Qing Empire. In the future, it was a balanced strategy of diplomatic maneuvers under conditions of dual citizenship that constituted the basis of the latter ruler’s administrative agenda across Kazakh lands. Goals. Thus, the study aims to examine Abylai and Uali’s diplomatic relations with the Qing Empire. The paper shall also explore archival materials for data pertaining to diplomatic endeavors of Uali which are scarce enough as compared to those on Abylai’s activities. Materials and methods. The work focuses on documents stored at the Historical Archive of Omsk Oblast, Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, and Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. Quite a number of the documents from the Historical Archive of Omsk Oblast have been declassified only in 2019, and were never introduced into wide scholarly circulation. The newly obtained records reveal certain historical facts, including about certain diplomatic endeavors definitely adding to the little-known personality of Khan Uali. The currently available documentary evidence dealing with the events of the 18th–19th centuries virtually shed no light on Uali’s role in historical processes. Our search for information about activities of this historical figure shows how poorly investigated the latter is. The study employs the principles of scientific and historical knowledge, with due regard the value approach. Results. The Kazakh-Qing land-related negotiations after the collapse of the Dzungar Khanate continued with the establishment of trade and economic relations — to witness an increase in mutual diplomatic missions. So, Abylai faced an opportunity to obtain the Qing citizenship as a basis for further development of ties with the Manchu imperial palace. The Qing citizenship of Kazakh rulers Abylai and Uali did significantly expand room for political maneuver of theirs. Abylai is still considered to be a key figure in establishing Kazakh-Qing diplomatic relations, he who had taken the bulk of the responsibility — in this matter — among the then individuals of power and influence in the Steppe. Whereas, the role and activities of Uali remain little-known when it comes to discuss diplomatic relations between the Kazakhs and neighboring states.

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Sánchez Molina, Raúl. "From Adoption to Transnational Surrogacy: Family Formation among Non-Heterosexual Parents in Spain". Human Organization 81, n. 4 (1 dicembre 2022): 380–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/1938-3525-81.4.380.

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Non-heterosexual families have emerged as a distinct social group since the Spanish Government approved same-sex marriage in 2005, including the right to adoption. While some same-sex couples have their children through intercountry adoption, legal restrictions limiting non-heterosexual families in most sending countries, among other factors, push same-sex couples to have their children through Assisted Reproduction Techniques (ARTs) and transnational surrogacy, particularly in the United States. However, once non-heterosexual Spanish people make the decision to become parents, they must face homophobic attitudes and policies in their processes of becoming parents, which contributes to delaying their family formation. Based on ethnographic data, this paper focuses on how national and transnational conditions affect non-heterosexual family formation in Spain. In doing so, global/local economies, national/international policies, as well as gender, class, citizenship, and legitimacy are considered.

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Deplano, Valeria. "Within and outside the nation: former colonial subjects in post-war Italy". Modern Italy 23, n. 4 (16 agosto 2018): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.27.

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After Mussolini’s regime collapsed, Italy rebuilt itself as a nation and a democracy. The Republican Constitution approved in 1948 rejected the ideologies of both racism and racial discrimination, which had been strengthened and made harsher by Fascism since the mid-1930s. Yet, despite this, racism and racialisation continued in the post-Fascist years. The article analyses how the presence of former colonial subjects in Italy between the 1940s and 1960s was perceived, represented and managed, and demonstrates that the hegemonic discourse of the post-war period still considered Italy to be a white and ethnically homogeneous nation. It considers the stories of people from Libya and Eritrea who applied for Italian citizenship and the life in Italy of some Somali students in the 1960s. From different perspectives, these case studies show how in republican Italy inclusion and exclusion, as well as concepts of identity and otherness, were the consequence of processes of racialisation and ideas inherited from the previous period.

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Shivaprasad, Madhavi, e Shubhangani Jain. "Anti-caste Memes as Cultural Archives of Resistance". Culture Unbound 14, n. 2 (7 luglio 2022): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.3956.

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In this article, we make a case for looking at memes as potential digital cultural heritage artefacts to counter hegemonic narratives around the caste system in India. We reflect on this potentiality of memes by evaluating how three anti-caste Facebook meme pages responded to protests against the Indian Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens (CAA-NRC) from December 2019 to March 2020. These pages simultaneously archived and critiqued key moments of the protests as well as the anti-caste movement through memes, playing a significant role in amplifying the voices of the Bahujans, the marginalised caste groups in India. Focusing on the protest memes created by these pages, we look at the contexts in which the protest memes could be considered carriers, preservers, and transmitters of cultural knowledge. We argue that memes could be understood as cultural heritage,not only as objects but as processes and practices that constitute the building of cultural narratives. We illustrate how the protest memes hold and demonstrate potential to become digital cultural heritage as they simultaneously provided a much-needed alternative account of the way the resistance played out on the streets as opposed to how mainstream media portrayed them and archived and highlighted key moments of the protests and the anti-caste movement.

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Shchedrovitskiy, Petr G. "Social and Cultural in the Pedagogy of Sergey Gessen". Voprosy Filosofii, n. 8 (2023): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2023-8-26-34.

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The article presents an analysis of philosophical ideas of Sergey Iosiphovich Hessen, that set the framework for his anthropological pedagogy and pedagogy of culture. According to Sergey I. Hessen, pedagogy cannot be reduced to a description of teaching techniques and methods. It should be considered as an applied science, the most important section of which is the typology of possible and necessary goals of educational activity. In turn, the definition of goals of pedagogical practice should be based on a complex of representations of human, a certain philosophical and pedagogical anthropology. The being of a human, according to Sergey I. Hessen, can be likened to the geological structure of the Earth’s crust: ontologically, “human” is not only natural (the first level) and social (the second level), but also a cultural being. The laws of cultural and intellectual existence of a human are fundamentally different from biological and social laws. Therefore, the main goal of pedagogical practice is the inclusion of an empirical individual into the processes of transmission and deployment of cultural values. At the same time, culture should be understood as an activity aimed at achieving ultimate, inexhaustible goals, objectives that stand before humanity in various fields of practice. In his book The Foundations of Pedagogy, published in 1923, Sergey I. Hessen identifies three types of cultural values: civilization, citizenship, and education. Opposing the cultural level of human existence to the biological and social ones, Sergey I. Hessen formulates a number of cultural tasks for the spheres of economy, politics and education.

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Kaderka, P. "Book review: HEIKO HAUSENDORF and ALFONS BORA (eds), Analysing Citizenship Talk: Social Positioning in Political and Legal Decision-Making Processes. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins, 2006. Vii + 368 pp". Discourse Studies 10, n. 5 (1 ottobre 2008): 695–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461445608097297.

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van Dijk, Rijk. "Localisation, Ghanaian Pentecostalism and the Stranger's Beauty in Botswana". Africa 73, n. 4 (novembre 2003): 560–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.4.560.

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AbstractThis contribution considers the current position of the Ghanaian migrant community in Botswana's capital, Gaborone, at a time of rising xenophobic sentiments and increasing ethnic tensions among the general public. The article examines anthropological understandings of such sentiments by placing them in the context of the study of nationalisms in processes of state formation in Africa and the way in which these ideologies reflect the position and recognition of minorities. In Botswana, identity politics indulge in a liberalist democratic rhetoric in which an undifferentiated citizenship is promoted by the state, concealing on the one hand inequalities between the various groups in the country, but on the other hand defending the exclusive interests of all ‘Batswana’ against foreign influence through the enactment of what has become known as a ‘localisation policy'. Like many other nationalities, Ghanaian expatriate labour has increasingly become the object of localisation policies. However in their case xenophobic sentiments have taken on unexpected dimensions. By focusing on the general public's fascination with Ghanaian fashion and styles of beautification, the numerous hair salons and clothing boutiques Ghanaians operate, in addition to the newly emerging Ghanaian-led Pentecostal churches in the city, the ambiguous but ubiquitous play of repulsion and attraction can be demonstrated in the way in which localisation is perceived and experienced by the migrant as well as by the dominant groups in society. The article concludes by placing entrepreneurialism at the nexus of where this play of attraction and repulsion creates a common ground of understanding between Ghanaians and their host society, despite the government's hardening localisation policies.

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Simahate, Tessa, Donni Yudha Prawira, Siti Nurbaidah, Elsya Fitri Utami e Cut Lidya Mutia. "Bibliometric Analysis of Social Sciences". JUPIIS: JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ILMU-ILMU SOSIAL 14, n. 2 (22 dicembre 2022): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/jupiis.v14i2.39526.

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This study aims to determine the outcomes of research conducted by students in the Faculty of Social Sciences between the academic years of 2018 and 2020, as well as the suitability of those results, which includes: the scientific field studied, what topics are saturated and no longer in demand, and the trend of topic distribution growing. At this study, the Deway Decimal Classification (DDC) standard was used to map out the distribution of research fields among students in the Faculty of Social Sciences. In order to develop the roadmap for each study program at the Faculty of Social Sciences, State University of Medan for the upcoming student research, this research combines quantitative and qualitative methods to determine the distribution of thesis research topics. The thesis sample data obtained from the Medan State University Repository was processed using the VosViewer program by means of the data first tabulated with the help of M.S. Excel and the Open Refine Application then analyzed descriptively qualitatively. According to the study's findings, Medan State University's Faculty of Social Sciences will have graduated 1,341 theses between 2018 and 2020 consisting of the History Education Study Program, Geography Education, Anthropology Education and Civics Education. According to data from a mapping of scientific fields based on DDC that depicts the research areas of each study program in the Faculty of Social Sciences, education, research, related historical topics, geography education, national and ethnic groups, and citizenship and related topics are the ones that students are most interested in researching.

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Afonasieva, Alina V. "Overseas Chinese Policy of the PRC in the Era of Deng Xiaoping (1977-1992)". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n. 6 (2021): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080014264-7.

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From both theoretical and practical points of view, the contemporary Overseas Chinese policy of the PRC is largely based on the experience gained during the de facto reign of Deng Xiaoping (1977–1992). In the shortest possible time after the end of the "cultural revolution (1966-1976)" Deng was succeeded to carry out restoration work on interaction with the diaspora and include it in the strategic development plan of the PRC for decades ahead. Talking about the PRC's Overseas Chinese policy, the author minds both the foreign policy – towards overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren: emigrants and ethnic Chinese with foreign citizenship, and the internal policy – towards re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants in the PRC (guiqiao-qiaojuan), who are directly connected with Overseas Chinese. The article analyzes the first steps of Deng Xiaoping's team to restore work with the Chinese diaspora before the official announcement of the policy of reform and opening-up: reconstruction of the administrative structure for Overseas Chinese Affairs, planning the main directions of work with diaspora, including it in the strategic development plan of the PRC. The author explains the legal details and examines the main theoretical approaches to the work with the diaspora in the first years of reform and opening-up. The paper deals with the processes of creating the basis for long-term cooperation between the PRC and the Chinese diaspora. It concludes that Deng Xiaoping completely restored external and internal work with the diaspora and created conditions for further comprehensive cooperation with it in the short, medium, and long term.

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Neveu, Catherine. "Discussion: Anthropology and citizenship*". Social Anthropology 13, n. 2 (19 gennaio 2007): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2005.tb00007.x.

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Rapport, Nigel. "Discussion: Anthropology and citizenship". Social Anthropology 13, n. 2 (19 gennaio 2007): 203–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2005.tb00008.x.

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Ouroussoff, Alexandra, e Christina Toren. "Discussion: Anthropology and citizenship". Social Anthropology 13, n. 2 (19 gennaio 2007): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2005.tb00009.x.

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NEVEU, CATHERINE. "Discussion: Anthropology and citizenship". Social Anthropology 13, n. 2 (3 giugno 2005): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0964028205001230.

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RAPPORT, NIGEL. "Discussion: Anthropology and citizenship". Social Anthropology 13, n. 2 (3 giugno 2005): 203–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0964028205001242.

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OUROUSSOFF, ALEXANDRA, e CHRISTINA TOREN. "Discussion: Anthropology and citizenship". Social Anthropology 13, n. 2 (3 giugno 2005): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0964028205001254.

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Werbner, Pnina. "Exoticising Citizenship: Anthropology And The New Citizenship Debate". Canberra Anthropology 21, n. 2 (ottobre 1998): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03149099809508364.

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Volk, Lucia. "Enacting Citizenship". Anthropology of the Middle East 16, n. 1 (1 giugno 2021): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2021.160106.

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Abstract (sommario):

In June and July 2015, a group of Syrian asylum seekers and local refugee supporters organised a protest camp in Dortmund, Germany. For 53 days, about 50 protesters at a time slept under open tarps on the pavement in front of the city’s main train station, demanding a quicker asylum review process and reunification with their families. This article focusses on the refugees’ interactions with different state actors on the municipal and state levels, and illustrates how the Syrian refugees were able to enact citizenship subjectivities. Through sustained and well-organised public protest, refugees claimed their place within the host community. Importantly, they became active contributors to the debate over Germany’s response to the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ and proved that political activism can help promote political and legal change.

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Jaoul, Nicolas. "Beyond citizenship". Focaal 2016, n. 76 (1 dicembre 2016): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2016.760101.

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Does the dominant, statist conception of citizenship offer a satisfying framework to study the politicization of subaltern classes? This dialectical exploration of the political movements that emerge from the suppressed margins of Indian society questions their relationship to the state and its outcomes from the point of view of emancipation. As this special section shows, political ethnographers of “insurgent citizenship” among Dalits and Adivasis offer a view from below. The articles illustrate the way political subjectivities are being produced on the ground by confronting, negotiating, but also exceeding the state and its policed frameworks.

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Zhang, Li. "Cities and Citizenship". American Ethnologist 27, n. 1 (febbraio 2000): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2000.27.1.227.

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Richardson, Diane. "Claiming Citizenship? Sexuality, Citizenship and Lesbian/Feminist Theory". Sexualities 3, n. 2 (maggio 2000): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136346000003002009.

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Jaoul, Nicolas. "Citizenship in religious clothing?" Focaal 2016, n. 76 (1 dicembre 2016): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2016.760104.

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B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) advocated the religious conversion of Dalits to Navayana Buddhism as the pillar of the future struggle against caste. This article examines the implications of this turn to religion for the Dalit movement. As shown by its convergence with Marx’s critique of bourgeois citizenship, Navayana exceeds the framework of political liberalism. It is argued, though, that Navayana is neither an orientalized version of liberal politics, nor is it fully contained by Marxism. The ethnography highlights the revival of Navayana in the 1990s in a context of disillusion with institutional politics. With the rise to political power of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in this period, Uttar Pradesh emerged as the new center of Dalit politics. However, the BSP government also disappointed many former activists, who then turned to the Navayana movement. What spaces and possibilities did Navayana open up to further the task of Dalit emancipation that political power failed to achieve? The ethnography highlights the Navayana movement’s practical difficulties and dilemmas, caused by its being advocated and practiced by secular minded activists hostile to popular religiosity.

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Neveu, Catherine. "Of ordinariness and citizenship processes". Citizenship Studies 19, n. 2 (17 febbraio 2015): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2015.1005944.

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Craith, Máiréad Nic. "Discussion: Anthropology and citizenship. A rejoinder". Social Anthropology 13, n. 2 (19 gennaio 2007): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2005.tb00010.x.

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CRAITH, MÁIRÉAD NIC. "Discussion: Anthropology and citizenship. A rejoinder". Social Anthropology 13, n. 2 (3 giugno 2005): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0964028205001266.

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Kipnis, Andrew. "Anthropology and the theorisation of citizenship". Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 5, n. 3 (dicembre 2004): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1444221042000299592.

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Schwittay, Anke. "Ethical citizenship and global development". HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 10, n. 3 (1 dicembre 2020): 1082–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/712056.

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Richardson, Diane. "Sexuality and citizenship". Sexualities 21, n. 8 (25 giugno 2018): 1256–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460718770450.

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Nilsen, Alf Gunvald. "“Real, practical emancipation”?" Focaal 2016, n. 76 (1 dicembre 2016): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2016.760103.

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Th is article explores the articulations of citizenship in subaltern politics in contemporary India. Departing from Karl Marx’s acknowledgment that, despite its limitations, political orders founded on the modern democratic conception of citizenship had propelled “real, practical emancipation,” I argue that citizenship has to be understood as simultaneously enabling and constraining radical political projects and popular social movements. I flesh out this argument through a detailed analysis of Adivasi mobilization in western Madhya Pradesh, India. My analysis shows how the Adivasi Mukti Sangathan, a local social movement in the region, democratized local state-society relations by appropriating basic democratic idioms and turning these against local state personnel and the violent extortion they engaged in. Drawing on James Holston’s work on “insurgent citizenship,” I argue that claims making around such democratic idioms inflected citizenship with new and potentially emancipatory meanings centered on local sovereignty and self-rule. I then detail how this mobilization provoked a substantial coercive backlash from the state and discuss the lessons that can be gleaned from this trajectory in terms of the possibilities and limitations that citizenship offers to progressive popular politics in India today.

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Carter, Donald Martin. "Navigating Citizenship". Anthropological Quarterly 75, n. 2 (2002): 403–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2002.0028.

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Rivkin-Fish, Michele. "Life Exposed: Biological Citizenship after Chernobyl:Life Exposed: Biological Citizenship after Chernobyl". Medical Anthropology Quarterly 17, n. 4 (dicembre 2003): 503–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/maq.2003.17.4.503.

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Ibrahim, Farhana. "“We got citizenship but nothing else”". HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 10, n. 3 (1 dicembre 2020): 750–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/711893.

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Sánchez-López, Luis. "Policing the Pueblo: Vagrancy and Indigenous Citizenship in Oaxaca, 1848–1876". Ethnohistory 70, n. 3 (1 luglio 2023): 385–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-10443483.

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Abstract This article explores the politics of citizenship in Zapotec communities in nineteenth-century Oaxaca, Mexico. Several studies discuss how Indigenous peoples were incorporated into the Mexican nation-state during this period, but few have examined how state law and Indigenous customs meshed to produce modern Mexican citizenship. This study examines the construction of Mexican citizenship through Zapotec people’s experiences with vagrancy laws. For Indigenous peoples, two forms of citizenship existed: a republican citizenship that was reserved for all adult males and upheld by Mexican law, and an unwritten Indigenous citizenship that included both adult males and females. Based on close readings of criminal records, government reports, and correspondence between state officials and local Zapotec authorities in the Tlacolula Valley, this article demonstrates that, unlike Mexican citizenship, membership in Indigenous communities, which the author calls “Indigenous citizenship,” rested on members’ payment of state taxes and provision of financial and labor contributions for the pueblo (community). Those who refused to pay their state taxes or rejected the gendered customs of their pueblo were punished by the community: females were punished by the patriarchs of the family while males were punished through state institutions. As the state’s repressive institutions expanded throughout the course of the nineteenth century, Indigenous leaders found more recourse to punish males who failed to live “honorably” as members of Indigenous communities. Considering the interplay between Mexican and Indigenous citizenship, this article explores how Zapotec communities utilized vagrancy laws, in particular, to police and criminalize males who threatened Indigenous social life by behaving in dishonorable ways.

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Giordano, Christian. "Governing ethnic diversity in rainbow nations". Focaal 2004, n. 44 (1 dicembre 2004): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012904782311290.

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The present article analyzes how, after its independence in 1957, Malaysia has been able to manage the difficult coexistence among its three numerically most relevant ethnic groups (Malay, Chinese and Indian). This complex situation, a legacy of the British colonial-like plural society, has been governed via a specific model of multi-racial citizenship, which is significantly unlike the Western European ones in which, as a rule, the equivalence between nationality and citizenship predominates. Starting from the specific example of Penang in Peninsular Malaysia, the article intends to highlight two points. Firstly, that citizenship must be perceived as an agonistic process with competition, tensions and conflicts as well as permanent negotiations. Secondly, that the Occidental agenda, based on liberal principles, can no longer be regarded as the only valid one. Therefore, believing that the Western type of citizenship could be a universalistic institution exportable anywhere is misleading. Consequently, citizenship ought to be analyzed instead as a 'concrete abstraction' that is set up in strict correlation with the specific historical contexts and with particular circumstances of a sociological nature, relative to the characteristics of each society.

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Schramm, Katharina. "Diasporic Citizenship under Debate". Current Anthropology 61, S22 (1 ottobre 2020): S210—S219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/709745.

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