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1

Eber, Irene. "Translating the ancestors: S. I. J. Schereschewsky's 1875 Chinese version of Genesis". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 56, n. 2 (giugno 1993): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00005486.

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Partial and complete Bible translations into classical Chinese existed well before Protestant missionaries actually began to work actively among the Chinese. Translation work accelerated once missionaries gained a foothold in the newly opened treaty ports after 1842, and the entire Bible or portions of it were translated into Fuzhou, Amoy, Canton, Hakka, Suzhou, Ningbo and Shanghai dialects. S. I. J. Schereschewsky's (1831–1906) translation of the Old Testament (OT) into the northern vernacular in 1875 opened a new chapter. His translation was accessible to larger numbers of people and, in contrast to the OT in classical Chinese, was readily understood when read to the illiterate. Moreover, unlike previous translations, it was prepared entirely from the Hebrew original.The purpose of this essay is to examine some of Schereschewsky's views on translating and several of the techniques which he employed in rendering into Chinese the Book of Genesis. My basic assumption is that translation is an interpretative activity. When a text is transposed from one language into another, changes are introduced that are consonant with the receiving languages and culture. Translation is affected by interpretations from within the receptor tradition which, in turn, makes possible the acceptance of the translation and the ideas which it contains. Thus the Old (as well as the New) Testament translations represented one of the initial steps in the signification of Protestant Christianity.
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2

Kobayashi, Shigeru. "The gradual reinforcement of Japanese mapping in pre-colonial Taiwan and Korea". Abstracts of the ICA 1 (15 luglio 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-180-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In East Asia, the modern hydrographical survey was promoted during the Opium War (1840&amp;ndash;1842) and the Arrow War (1856&amp;ndash;1860) by Western countries, which demanded the establishment of modern trade relations with this area. However, the application of modern mapping such as triangulation to its inlands was limited even at the end of the nineteenth century, because it required stable and innovative governments for implementation. Keeping this uneven extension of modern cartography in East Asia in mind, we should pay attentions also to various map makings, which had been carried out in most of the inlands, in order to unravel the process of transition from early modern to modern cartography. In this presentation, I would like to follow up Japanese mappings in Taiwan and Korea to scrutinize their role for the preparation of modern survey.</p><p>Japan had little geographical information of neighbouring countries except China at the start of the Meiji Government, because of the long national seclusion during the Tokugawa Era, Accordingly, it depended heavily on foreign source in this period. Concerning Korea, Japanese army printed a large map titled “A complete map of Korea” (Fig. 1), compiling Western charts, native maps of Korea, and maps of China, which were affiliated with the Qing Imperial Atlas of the 18th century. As for Taiwan, various materials including Western charts, maps prepared by an American former consul at Amoy and a Chinese administrative map copied secretly at the residence of a high official of Taiwan were gathered and translated into Japanese for the use of military expedition in 1874.</p><p>However, a stark contrast is found concerning subsequent map making in these two areas. After the treaty of Kanghwa (1876), Japanese navy promoted hydrographical survey of coasts of Korea, which had not been surveyed yet by Western ships under the pretext of the search of new treaty port. In addition, army officers were dispatched to Japanese diplomatic offices in Korea for land survey after the Imo Military Rebellion (1882). Traversing with compass and pacing was commonly conducted by them. Up to the start of the Sino-Japanese War (1894), Japanese army prepared 64 sheets of 1&amp;thinsp;:&amp;thinsp;200,000 maps to cover most of the territory of Korea compiling geographical information accumulated mainly during 1880s. In contrast, only one sheet of 1&amp;thinsp;:&amp;thinsp;200,000 and one sheet of 1&amp;thinsp;:&amp;thinsp;500,000 maps were printed till the end of 1894 for Taiwan, which had been unexpected to be battlefield (Fig.2).</p><p>However, Japanese army concentrated surveyors to Taiwan for plane table surveying after the conclusion of the peace treaty of Shimonoseki (1895), in which the cession of Taiwan was specified. Until 1903, 147 sheets of 1&amp;thinsp;:&amp;thinsp;50,000 and 1&amp;thinsp;:&amp;thinsp;20,000 maps, which covered coastal areas, were completed. Although the same kind of military survey was started in Korea, it took longer time to cover the whole area than that in Taiwan, mainly because of the native people’s resistance movements against it.</p><p>Subsequent cadastral and topographical surveys including triangulation in colonial Taiwan and Korea were carried out on the basis of these preceding mappings. In addition to geographical knowledge summarized in these transitional maps, surveyors who had mastered specialized skills during the wartime mapping played important roles in these colonial projects. It should be also noted native youth were trained and hired for these surveys.</p>
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Serrano, Fernando, Edoardo Traversa, Sophia Piotrowski, Jérôme Monsenego, Jasna Voje, Katerina Perrou, Ekkehart Reimer, Raffaele Petruzzi e Lukasz Stankiewicz. "Towards a Standing Committee Pursuant to Article 10 of the EU Tax Dispute Resolution Directive: A Proposal for Implementation". Intertax 47, Issue 8/9 (1 agosto 2019): 678–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2019068.

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The European Union Tax Dispute Resolution Directive 2017/1852 requires Member States to introduce mandatory arbitration for tax treaty disputes. In addition to the standard arbitration procedure laid down in the directive, Member States may also provide for dispute resolution by a Standing Committee. This contribution presents proposals for the implementation of such a Standing Committee.
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Brown, Richmond F. "Charles Lennox Wyke and the Clayton-Bulwer Formula in Central America, 1852-1860". Americas 47, n. 4 (aprile 1991): 411–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006684.

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People here don't care two straws about Central America, or Mosquitia or the Bay Islands or the Honduras boundary,” complained British Foreign Secretary Lord Clarendon to Prime Minister Lord Palmerston in December 1857, “all they wish for is freedom of interoceanic communication and this they believe can be achieved without a quarrel with the U.S.” Clarendon's bitter remark reflected his government's enduring frustration in arranging British holdings in Central America in accord with the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty of 1850. That diplomatic landmark was to have commenced an unprecedented era of Anglo-American cooperation in Central America that would finally fulfill the ancient dream of rapid interoceanic transit through the isthmus. The treaty prohibited colonization or fortification of Central America by either side and provided Anglo-American protection for a U.S. company's canalbuilding venture in Nicaragua. But the unfortunate document had yet to bring about the desired ends. No canal had materialized and the “Central American Question” would not go away. In vain the British government had tried to extricate itself from its embarassingly forward position in Central America. In the meantime, a wave of U.S. filibusters, urged on by the bold words and permissive attitude of their government, threatened to trample underfoot the treaty's prohibitions against foreign colonization. By the end of 1857, the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was in imminent danger of U.S. abrogation, and Palmerston and his cabinet had nearly despaired of ever exiting the isthmian quagmire with British honor intact, without at the same time opening the gates for the “most disageeable” Yankees.
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Kai, Yiu Chan. "COMMODITY TRADE AND SILVER MOVEMENTS : THE SOUTHERN TAIWAN-AMOY ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS UNDER THE TREATY PORT SYSTEM, 1863-1895". Korean Journal of Urban History 9 (30 giugno 2013): 139–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22345/kjuh.2013.6.9.139.

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6

Avtonomov, Alexei. "New Zealand Constitution: a fusion of legislative acts, case law (stare decisis), customs (conventions) and treaties". Sravnitel noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 29, n. 5 (2020): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2020-5-26-38.

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The article examines the genesis of the Constitution of New Zealand, the formation of its constituent parts and the main sources of constitutional law; it generally profiles the Constitution. The article shows the mutual influence and interweaving of the components of the unconsolidated Constitution of New Zealand in contemporary conditions. In particular, the constitutional provisions presented in the Treaty of Waitangi are examined, and attention is focused on the contemporary problems of its current interpretation and application, although the historical context of its drafting and conclusion is shown. The article deals with the interpretation of some basic constitutional terms when using different official languages of New Zealand, first of all Maori and English tongues. In this regard, one of the urgent issues, which are being discussed quite widely in New Zealand, is the discrepancies found in the wording of fundamental constitutional provisions in the official texts of the Treaty of Waitangi in these two languages. The article examines a number of court decisions containing constitutionally significant precedents (stare decisis), including those on the application of the Treaty of Waitangi. The article shows how, as a result of the judicial complex interpretation of the Treaty of Waitangi and the legislation, the principles of the said Treaty have been developed. The article provides a general characterization of the laws and other regulatory legal acts that together form part of the unconsolidated Constitution of New Zealand. Special attention is paid to the 1986 Act of Constitution because of the importance of the constitutional issues regulated by this statute. The development of constitutional provisions in the 1986 Act of Constitution in comparison with the previous 1852 Act of Constitution is presented. At the same time, the laws, which are considered in New Zealand as an integral part of the Constitution, are summarized. The place and role of the laws of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the modern Constitution of New Zealand are determined. Along with this, other regulatory legal acts that form part of the Constitution are being investigated, in particular, the Letters Patent and the Cabinet Manual. The article also presents New Zealand customs, which have constitutional significance, including conventional norms, and the peculiarities of their application.
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Michalik, Piotr. "The Beginnings of the Secularisation of Marriage in Poland". DÍKÉ 7, n. 2 (28 maggio 2024): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2023.07.02.06.

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The incorporation, under the Treaty of Tilsit of 1807, of part of the Polish lands of the Prussian partition into the Grand Empire of Napoleon as the Duchy of Warsaw, opened the way to the implementation of the post-revolutionary provisions of marriage law of the Napoleonic Code in Poland. In 1810, this code was introduced in the lands of the Austrian partition annexed to the Duchy of Warsaw, with its centre in Cracow. The French secular model of marriage, although contradictory to the centuries-old Polish legal culture and the Catholic religion professed by the vast majority of the city’s inhabitants, was nevertheless accepted by the political and legal elites of the time. Not only did it survive the fall of Napoleon, but under the autonomy of the Free City of Cracow it was maintained in 1818 and functioned until 1852, i.e. until the Austrians restored their mixed marriage model regulated by the Abgb.
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Polenchuk, M. D. "Taxpayer protection standard in international tax disputes". Law Enforcement Review 6, n. 2 (22 giugno 2022): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.52468/2542-1514.2022.6(2).106-119.

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The research project aims to find the most optimal solution to develop the current level of taxpayers' guarantees in the tax treaty disputes resolution procedures.The subject of the article is the analysis of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights on application and interpretation of Article 6 “Right to a fair trial” of the European Convention on Human Rights in the context of the tax treaty disputes resolution procedures.The Author believes that the standard of protection of human right to a fair trial can be used as a starting point for the development of a taxpayer protection standard in the tax treaty disputes resolution procedures.The methodology of the research includes the logical and analytical methods, such as analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, as well as formal legal interpretation of the European Convention on Human Rights and the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.The key findings are the following. Currently, the international tax disputes resolution procedures under tax treaties based on the OECD / UN Model Tax Conventions are contrary to Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The mutual agreement procedure, which provides the taxpayer with the opportunity personal participation, could eliminate such a contradiction.The main results, scope of application. The study showed that two approaches in relation to application of the Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights to tax disputes can be defined – (a) formal and (b) “substantial”.Formally, the guarantees of Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights do not apply to taxpayers in tax treaty disputes resolution procedures, i.e. mutual agreement procedure and arbitration, at least as long as a taxpayer has access to the national court of one of the contracting states to protect the violated rights. Under the case law of the European Court of Human Rights cross-border tax disputes are not typical category of disputes. At the moment the European Court of Human Rights does not express a position on the merits of such disputes with reference to the wide discretion of states in the field of taxation.Nevertheless, according to the “substantial” approach it is necessary to extend guarantees of the right to a fair trial to taxpayers in the tax treaty disputes resolution procedures. This conclusion is based on the fact that the national courts cannot be treated as an effective means of protection of the rights of taxpayers as it is determined by the Article 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. This approach is in line with the trend set by EU Directive 2017/1852 on tax dispute resolution mechanisms in the European Union, as well as the idea of foreign researchers to develop a global standard for protecting the rights of taxpayers.In the Author’s view, compliance with the fair trial guarantees requires provision of direct participation of the taxpayers in the tax treaty disputes resolution procedures. In this case, the taxpayer will receive the opportunity to be heard and to review all the evidence and procedural documents on the case. The participation of the taxpayer will mitigate the key drawback of the mutual agreement procedure - the lack of a guarantee of a final decision on the case. This is especially important for those states that do not use arbitration, such as Russia.The main conclusion is that the application of the standard of protection of human right to a fair trial in relation to the taxpayers in the tax treaty disputes resolution procedures is an efficient way to develop the current mutual agreement procedure and arbitration and to increase the confidence of taxpayers in these mechanisms.
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Anisimov, Alexander L. "Humphrey Marshall, US Commissioner to the Qing Empire (1852-1853): the struggle to revise the Treaty of Wanghia and neutrality towards Taiping rebellion". Гуманитарные исследования на Дальнем Востоке и в Восточной Сибири, n. 2 (luglio 2017): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/1997-2857/2017-2/5-12.

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10

Kim, Jong-geun. "An Analysis on the Shape Changes of the Korean Peninsula on the British Charts of the 19th Century and identification of Factors that Influence the Changes". Abstracts of the ICA 1 (15 luglio 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-173-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Modern nautical charts, the result of scientific coastal research and survey, had been made from late 18th century, and at the end of 19th century almost of the world had been charted. Different to the neighbouring countries such as China and Japan, Korean peninsula had not been accurately charted until the end of 19th century. Moreover, during the 19th century, the shape of Korean peninsula had been changed several times in the Western nautical charts. However, in the academic circle of the history of cartography, this case was scantly examined. In this presentation, this author, firstly, analyse the changes in the shape of the Korean Peninsula on the British Charts in the 19th Century and, secondly, identifies factors that influence the changes. For this research, British nautical charts, which are the representative and finest charts during the 19th century in the world, are selected. Examined charts are ‘Map of the Islands of Japan Kurile &amp; C.’ (Year of 1811, 1818) of Aaron Arrowsmith (1750&amp;ndash;1823), the hydrographer to his majesty, ‘The Peninsula of Korea (No.1258)’ (year of 1840, 1849) and ‘(Preliminary Chart of) Japan, Nipon Kiusiu and Sikok and a part of the coast of Korea (No. 2347)’ (Year of 1855, 1862, 1873, 1876, 1892, 1898, 1902, 1914) of the British hydrographic office. According to the analysis, major shape changes of the Korean Peninsula were occurred in 1818, 1840, 1849, 1855, 1862, 1873, 1876, 1892, and the shape of the Peninsula became perfect in the chart of the year 1914.</p><p>Meanwhile, the factors of the shape changes of the Korean peninsula in these nautical charts were various voyages, expeditions, and military surveys to Korea. For example, the change in the map of 1818 was initiated by the voyage of the captain Basil Hall in 1816 to the west coast of Korea, and the change in the map of 1840 was made by the map of Korea of A.J. von Krusenstern (1770&amp;ndash;1846) and the voyage of H.H.Lindsay (1802&amp;ndash;1881) to the west coast of Korea in 1832. Moreover, the modification of 1849 was made by the outcome of E. Belcher’s scientific survey around Jeju Island and other southern islands of Korea. In 1852, French admiral G. de Roquemaurel (1804&amp;ndash;1878) surveyed eastern coast of Korea and drew nautical chart and this chart became the source of the British chart of the year 1855. A Russian admiral, Yevfimy Putyatin (1803&amp;ndash;1883), also surveyed east side of the peninsula and triggered the change of nautical chart of eastern part of Korea. During French campaign against Korea in 1866 and United States expedition to Korea in 1871, French and American navy surveyed west-middle part of the peninsula and added detailed coastline of it and British chart also reflected these changes. The Japan-Korea treaty of 1876 enabled coastal survey of the Korean peninsula by the Japanese navy by the article 7, which permitted any Japanese mariner to conduct surveys and mapping operations at will in the seas off the Korean Peninsula's coastline. By virtue of the treaty, Japan could directly surveyed coastline of Korea and could make updated nautical charts of Korea. These Japanese charts were circulated to the Western countries and British hydrographers made the best use of them. Thanks to this situation, the British admiralty could update the chart of Korean peninsula and the perfect one published in 1914.</p><p>This analysis contribute not only to understand how and why the shape of Korean peninsula changed in British nautical charts during the 19th century, but also to add the historical case of the map trade and geographical knowledge circulation in East Asia.</p>
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Moruzzi, Andrea Braga. "A pedagogização do sexo da criança: do corpo ao dispositivo da infância (The pedagogization of sex and children: from the body to the childhood device)". Revista Eletrônica de Educação 13, n. 2 (10 maggio 2019): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.14244/198271993355.

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What is pedagogization? What is childhood? And, what is the device? This article is based on a doctorate research which links these three concepts from a Foucault analysis. The starting point is the notion that the 18th century invests specifically in the body of the child, producing a series of practices which register into a pedagogization process of their sex. This process first occurs through silencing and denial of the existence of a child´s sexuality, but at the following moment, it will trigger off an explosion of practices which will exalt, explain, incite, “liberate”, treat, cure, etc, all the manifestations around their body. There is a hypothesis which crosses this debate and preconizes it is from the moment the child becomes one of the strategic groups of the sexuality device. According to Foucault, a heterogeneous set of regimes of truth and practices is also produce don’t of his child, in such way that, a specific manner of childhood living is shown to them. This way, childhood constitutes itself, as well as sexuality, as a historical power device. By corresponding to the characteristics of the device, the article shows the practices which framed the modern childhood, such as: Pedagogical Practices, Divider and gender an didentity Practices and Medical Practices. Through such practices, it is possible to observe the visibility and enunciation lines, as well as the strength and subjectivation ones, converging to frame the body of the child and to configure them as a way of living, behaving, playing, and expressing themselves. A movement which is precise and micropolitical: from the practices of discipline from the body to the childhood device. Resumo O que é a pedagogização? O que é a infância? E o que é o dispositivo? Este artigo se deriva de uma pesquisa de doutorado que entrelaça estes três conceitos a partir de uma analítica foucaultiana. O ponto de partida é a noção de que o século XVIII investe de maneira específica no corpo da criança, produzindo uma série de práticas que se inscrevem em um processo de pedagogização de seu sexo. Esta pedagogização, por sua vez, ocorre primeiramente por meio de um silenciamento e de uma negação da existência da sexualidade da criança, mas que em momento seguinte desencadeia uma explosão de práticas que irão, por outro lado, exaltar, explicar, incitar, “liberar”, tratar, curar etc., todas as suas manifestações em torno de seu corpo. Há uma hipótese que atravessa esse debate que entende que é a partir do momento em que a criança se torna um dos grupos estratégicos do dispositivo da sexualidade, tal como pressupõe Foucault, um conjunto heterogêneo de regimes de verdades e práticas é também produzido sobre esta criança, de maneira tal, que se desenha para ela um modo específico de viver a infância. Dessa maneira, a infância vai se constituindo, tal como a sexualidade, como um dispositivo histórico do poder. De forma correspondente às características do dispositivo, o artigo desenha as práticas que emolduraram a infância moderna, tais como: as Práticas pedagógicas, as Práticas divisórias e identitárias de gênero e de sexualidade e as Práticas médicas. Observa-se, nessas práticas, as linhas de visibilidade e de enunciação, as de força e as de subjetivação, todas convergindo de maneira a esquadrinhar o corpo da criança e a configurar para ela um modo de viver, de se portar, de se vestir, de habitar, de brincar, de se expressar. Um movimento que é preciso e micropolítico: das práticas de disciplinamento do corpo ao dispositivo da infância. Keywords: Childhood, Sexuality, Device, Pedagogization.Palavras-chave: Infância, Sexualidade, Dispositivo, Pedagogização.ReferencesAGAMBEN, Giorgio. O que é um dispositivo? Outra travessia, número 5, ISSN 2176-8552, Florianópolis, Santa Catarina, Brasil. 2005.AGAMBEN, Giorgio. Qu´est-ce qu´um dispositif? Paris: Éditions Payot&Rivages, 2007.ANJOS, Gabriele dos. Maternidade, cuidados do corpo e “civilização” na Pastoral da Criança. Estudos Feministas, Florianópolis, 15(1): 280, jan.-abr./2007.ARIÈS, Philippe. História social da criança e da família. 2ª. Ed. Rio de janeiro: LTC, 1981.BADINTER, Elizabeth. O mito do amor materno. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1985.BOTO Carlota. Crianças à prova da escola: impasses da hereditariedade e a nova pedagogia em Portugal da fronteira entre os séculos XIX E XX. Revista Brasileira de História. São Paulo, v. 21, nº 40, p. 237-264. 2001.BUJES, Maria Isabel Edelweiss. A invenção do eu infantil: dispositivos pedagógicos em ação. Revista Brasileira de Educação. Set/Out/Nov/Dez, nº 21, 2000a.BUJES, Maria Isabel Edelweiss. O fio e a trama: as crianças nas malhas do poder. Educação e Realidade, 4(1), 25-44, 2000b.BUJES, Maria Isabel Edelweiss. Infância e maquinarias. Rio de Janeiro: DP&A, 2002.BUJES, Maria Isabel Edelweiss. Artes de governar a infância: Linguagem e naturalização da criança na Abordagem de educação infantil da Réggio Emília. Educação em revista | Belo Horizonte | N. 48 | p. 101-123 | Dez. 2008.BUTLER, Judith. Corpos que pesam: sobre os limites discursivos do “sexo”. In: LOURO, Guacira Lopes. O corpo educado: pedagogias da sexualidade. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica, 2007, p. 153-172. 176p.BUTLER, Judith. Problemas de gênero – feminismo e subversão da identidade. Rio de janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2008. 236p.CARVALHO, Marília Pinto de. O fracasso escolar de meninos e meninas: articulações entre gênero e cor/raça. Cadernos Pagú (22) 2004, pp.247-290.CARVALHO, Marília Pinto de. O conceito de gênero: uma leitura com base nos trabalhos do GT Sociologia da Educação da ANPed (1999-2009). In: Revista Brasileira de Educação, Rio de Janeiro, v.16, no. 46, jan/abr, 2011, p.99-118.CÉSAR, Maria Rita de Assis; DUARTE, André. Governo dos corpos e escola contemporânea: pedagogia do fitness. Educação e Realidade. Maio/agosto, p. 119-134, 2009.CORAZZA, S. Mara. História da infância sem fim. 1ª. Ed. Ijuí- RS: UNIJUÍ, 2000. V. 1. 392 p.CORAZZA, S. M. Infância & Educação – Era uma Vez... Quer que Conte Outra Vez? Petrópolis: Vozes, 2002.CORAZZA, S. M. O que faremos com o que fizemos da infância? Apresentação de trabalho/Palestra. Universidade Federal do Rio grande do Sul – texto disponível em <http://www.grupalfa.com.br/arquivos/eventos_trabalhos/TEXTOS%20SIMP%C3%93SIO%20(SANDRA%20MARA%20CORAZZA).pdf>. Acesso em 25 de setembro de 2011.CRUZ, Tânia Mara; CARVALHO, Marília Pinto de. Jogos de gênero: o recreio numa escola de ensino fundamental. Cadernos Pagu (26), janeiro-junho de 2006: pp.113-143.DANZELOT, Jacques. A polícia das famílias. 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ISSN 0104-8333. doi: 10.1590/S0104-83332009000200010.
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Bhandari, Sudhir, Ajit Singh Shaktawat, Bhoopendra Patel, Amitabh Dube, Shivankan Kakkar, Amit Tak, Jitendra Gupta e Govind Rankawat. "The sequel to COVID-19: the antithesis to life". Journal of Ideas in Health 3, Special1 (1 ottobre 2020): 205–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47108/jidhealth.vol3.issspecial1.69.

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Abstract (sommario):
The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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Factors associated with mental health outcomes among health care workers exposed to coronavirus disease 2019. JAMA Netw Open 2020;3(3): e203976. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2020.3976. Lancee WJ, Maunder RG, Goldbloom DS, Coauthors for the Impact of SARS Study. Prevalence of psychiatric disorders among Toronto hospital workers one to two years after the SARS outbreak. Psychiatr Serv. 2008;59(1):91-95. https://dx.doi.org/10.1176%2Fps.2008.59.1.91. Tam CWC, Pang EPF, Lam LCW, Chiu HFK. Severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) in Hongkong in 2003: Stress and psychological impact among frontline healthcare workers. Psychol Med. 2004;34 (7):1197-1204. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0033291704002247. Lee SM, Kang WS, Cho A-R, Kim T, Park JK. Psychological impact of the 2015 MERS outbreak on hospital workers and quarantined hemodialysis patients. Compr Psychiatry. 2018; 87:123-127. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.comppsych.2018.10.003. Koh D, Meng KL, Chia SE, Ko SM, Qian F, Ng V, et al. Risk perception and impact of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) on work and personal lives of healthcare workers in Singapore: What can we learn? Med Care. 2005;43(7):676-682. https://doi.org/10.1097/01.mlr.0000167181.36730.cc. Verma S, Mythily S, Chan YH, Deslypere JP, Teo EK, Chong SA. Post-SARS psychological morbidity and stigma among general practitioners and traditional Chinese medicine practitioners in Singapore. Ann Acad Med Singap. 2004; 33(6):743e8. Yeung J, Gupta S. Doctors evicted from their homes in India as fear spreads amid coronavirus lockdown. CNN World. 2020. Available at: https://edition.cnn.com/2020/03/25/asia/india-coronavirus-doctors-discrimination-intl-hnk/index.html. [Accessed on 24 August 2020] Violence Against Women and Girls: the Shadow Pandemic. UN Women. 2020. May 3, 2020. Available at: https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2020/4/statement-ed-phumzile-violence-against-women-during-pandemic. [Accessed on 24 August 2020]. Gearhart S, Patron MP, Hammond TA, Goldberg DW, Klein A, Horney JA. The impact of natural disasters on domestic violence: an analysis of reports of simple assault in Florida (1999–2007). Violence Gend. 2018;5(2):87–92. https://doi.org/10.1089/vio.2017.0077. Sahoo S, Rani S, Parveen S, Pal Singh A, Mehra A, Chakrabarti S, et al. Self-harm and COVID-19 pandemic: An emerging concern – A report of 2 cases from India. Asian J Psychiatr 2020; 51:102104. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.ajp.2020.102104. Ghosh A, Khitiz MT, Pandiyan S, Roub F, Grover S. Multiple suicide attempts in an individual with opioid dependence: Unintended harm of lockdown during the COVID-19 outbreak? Indian J Psychiatry 2020; [In Press]. The Economic Times. 11 Coronavirus suspects flee from a hospital in Maharashtra. March 16 2020. Available at: https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/11-coronavirus-suspects-flee-from-a-hospital-in-maharashtra/videoshow/74644936.cms?from=mdr. [Accessed on 23 August 2020]. Xiang Y, Yang Y, Li W, Zhang L, Zhang Q, Cheung T, et al. Timely mental health care for the 2019 novel coronavirus outbreak is urgently needed. The Lancet Psychiatry 2020;(3):228–229. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2215-0366(20)30046-8. Van Bortel T, Basnayake A, Wurie F, Jambai M, Koroma A, Muana A, et al. Psychosocial effects of an Ebola outbreak at individual, community and international levels. Bull World Health Organ. 2016;94(3):210–214. https://dx.doi.org/10.2471%2FBLT.15.158543. Kumar A, Nayar KR. COVID 19 and its mental health consequences. Journal of Mental Health. 2020; ahead of print:1-2. https://doi.org/10.1080/09638237.2020.1757052. Gupta R, Grover S, Basu A, Krishnan V, Tripathi A, Subramanyam A, et al. Changes in sleep pattern and sleep quality during COVID-19 lockdown. Indian J Psychiatry. 2020; 62(4):370-8. https://doi.org/10.4103/psychiatry.indianjpsychiatry_523_20. Duan L, Zhu G. Psychological interventions for people affected by the COVID-19 epidemic. Lancet Psychiatry. 2020;7(4): P300-302. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2215-0366(20)30073-0. Dubey S, Biswas P, Ghosh R, Chatterjee S, Dubey MJ, Chatterjee S et al. Psychosocial impact of COVID-19. Diabetes Metab Syndr. 2020; 14(5): 779–788. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.dsx.2020.05.035. Wright R. The world's largest coronavirus lockdown is having a dramatic impact on pollution in India. CNN World; 2020. Available at: https://edition.cnn.com/2020/03/31/asia/coronavirus-lockdown-impact-pollution-india-intl-hnk/index.html. [Accessed on 23 August 2020] Foster O. ‘Lockdown made me Realise What’s Important’: Meet the Families Reconnecting Remotely. The Guardian; 2020. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/keep-connected/2020/apr/23/lockdown-made-me-realise-whats-important-meet-the-families-reconnecting-remotely. (Accessed on 23 August 2020) Bilefsky D, Yeginsu C. Of ‘Covidivorces’ and ‘Coronababies’: Life During a Lockdown. N. Y. Times; 2020. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/27/world/coronavirus-lockdown-relationships.html [Accessed on 23 August 2020]
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Welch, John. "“United States shall so legislate and act as to secure the permanent prosperity and happiness of said Indians”: Policy Implications of the Apache Nation’s 1852 Treaty". International Indigenous Policy Journal 12, n. 4 (18 marzo 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.18584/iipj.2021.12.4.14181.

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As binding contracts among sovereigns, treaties between Indigenous and Western Nations set parameters for and guide policies that recognize Indigenous Peoples’ rights and that harmonize those rights with non-Indigenous interests. Because treaties engage specific terms, parties, and geographies, detailed analyses of treaty texts and historical contexts are required foundations for understanding Treaty Rights and for proposing policy reforms. The litigious “Save Oak Flat” battle over the Resolution Copper mine proposed for Apache Nation Treaty Territory in present day Arizona prompts close scrutiny of the 1852 Treaty between the United States and the Apache Nation. Because the 1852 Treaty guarantees rights to both parties, it provides mandates and suggests co-management mechanisms to safeguard Apache Nation Treaty Territory and Apache rights to religious practice free from threats of sacred site destruction.
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Larkin, Thomas M. "The Only Girl in Amoy: Gender and American Patriotism in a Nineteenth‐Century Treaty Port". Gender & History, 24 giugno 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.12629.

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King, Emerald L., e Denise N. Rall. "Re-imagining the Empire of Japan through Japanese Schoolboy Uniforms". M/C Journal 18, n. 6 (7 marzo 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1041.

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Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Cumming, Valerie, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. “Mao Style.” The Dictionary of Fashion History. Eds. Valerie Cumming, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Dalby, Liza, ed. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. London: Vintage, 2001.Davis, Edward L., ed. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. London: Routledge, 2005.Dees, Jan. Taisho Kimono: Speaking of Past and Present. Milan: Skira, 2009.Ferguson, N. Civilization: The West and the Rest. London: Penguin, 2011.Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. London: Penguin, 1997. Gerth, Karl. China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge: East Asian Harvard Monograph 224, 2003.Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan. The Mikado or, The Town of Titipu. 1885. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://math.boisestate.edu/gas/mikado/mk_lib.pdf›. Hillsborough, Romulus. Samurai Revolution: The Dawn of Modern Japan Seen through the Eyes of the Shogun's Last Samurai. Vermont: Tuttle, 2014.Jones, Anne R., and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000.Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.King, Emerald L. “Schoolboys and Kimono Ladies.” Presentation to the Un-Thinking Asian Migrations Conference, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 24-26 Aug. 2014. Kinsella, Sharon. “What’s Behind the Fetishism of Japanese School Uniforms?” Fashion Theory 6.2 (2002): 215-37. Kuechler, Susanne, and Daniel Miller, eds. Clothing as Material Culture. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Landow, George P. “Liberty and the Evolution of the Liberty Style.” 22 Aug. 2010. ‹http://www.victorianweb.org/art/design/liberty/lstyle.html›.Martin, Richard, and Harold Koda. Orientalism: Vision of the East in Western Dress. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.McVeigh, Brian J. Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling, and Self-Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg, 2000.Molloy, John. Military Fashion: A Comparative History of the Uniforms of the Great Armies from the 17th Century to the First World War. New York: Putnam, 1972.Peoples, Sharon. “Embodying the Military: Uniforms.” Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1.1 (2014): 7-21.Rall, Denise N. “Costume & Conquest: A Proximity Framework for Post-War Impacts on Clothing and Textile Art.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture, ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 157-74. Tipton, Elise K. Modern Japan: A Social and Political History. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.Tucker, Spencer C., ed. A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013.V&A Kimono. Victoria and Albert Museum. “A History of the Kimono.” 2004. 2 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/h/a-history-of-the-kimono/›.V&A Victorian. Victoria and Albert Museum. “The Victorian Vision of China and Japan.” 10 Nov. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/t/the-victorian-vision-of-china-and-japan/›.Vincent, Susan J. The Anatomy of Fashion: Dressing the Body from the Renaissance to Today. Berg: Oxford, 2009.Wilde, Oscar. “The Decay of Lying.” 1889. In Intentions New York: Berentano’s 1905. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://virgil.org/dswo/courses/novel/wilde-lying.pdf›. Wilk, Richard. “Consumer Goods as a Dialogue about Development.” Cultural History 7 (1990) 79-100.
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