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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "American Hostels for Refugees"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 29 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 30 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "American Hostels for Refugees"

Musalo, Karen, e Eunice Lee. "Seeking a Rational Approach to a Regional Refugee Crisis: Lessons from the Summer 2014 “Surge” of Central American Women and Children at the US-Mexico Border". Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, n. 1 (marzo 2017): 137–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500108.

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Executive Summary2 In the early summer months of 2014, an increasing number of Central American children alone and with their parents began arriving at the US-Mexico border in search of safety and protection. The children and families by and large came from the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala — three of the most dangerous countries in the world — to seek asylum and other humanitarian relief. Rampant violence and persecution within homes and communities, uncontrolled and unchecked by state authorities, compelled them to flee north for their lives. On the scale of refugee crises worldwide, the numbers were not huge. For example, 24,481 and 38,833 unaccompanied children, respectively, were apprehended by US Border Patrol (USBP) in FY 2012 and FY 2013, while 68,631 children were apprehended in FY 2014 alone (USBP 2016a). In addition, apprehensions of “family units,” or parents (primarily mothers) with children, also increased, from 15,056 families in FY 2013 to 68,684 in FY 2014 (USBP 2016b).3 While these numbers may seem large and did represent a significant increase over prior years, they are nonetheless dwarfed by refugee inflows elsewhere; for example, Turkey was host to 1.15 million Syrian refugees by year end 2014 (UNHCR 2015a), and to 2.5 million by year end 2015 (UNHCR 2016) — reflecting an influx of almost 1.5 million refugees in the course of a single year. Nevertheless, small though they are in comparison, the numbers of Central American women and children seeking asylum at our southern border, concentrated in the summer months of 2014, did reflect a jump from prior years. These increases drew heightened media attention, and both news outlets and official US government statements termed the flow a “surge” and a “crisis” (e.g., Basu 2014; Foley 2014; Negroponte 2014). The sense of crisis was heightened by the lack of preparedness by the federal government, in particular, to process and provide proper custody arrangements for unaccompanied children as required by federal law. Images of children crowded shoulder to shoulder in US Customs and Border Protection holding cells generated a sense of urgency across the political spectrum (e.g., Fraser-Chanpong 2014; Tobias 2014). Responses to this “surge,” and explanations for it, varied widely in policy, media, and government circles. Two competing narratives emerged, rooted in two very disparate views of the “crisis.” One argues that “push” factors in the home countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala drove children and families to flee as bona fide asylum seekers; the other asserted that “pull” factors drew these individuals to the United States. For those adopting the “push” factor outlook, the crisis is a humanitarian one, reflecting human rights violations and deprivations in the region, and the protection needs of refugees (UNHCR 2015b; UNHCR 2014; Musalo et al. 2015). While acknowledging that reasons for migration may be mixed, this view recognizes the seriousness of regional refugee protection needs. For those focusing on “pull” factors, the crisis has its roots in border enforcement policies that were perceived as lax by potential migrants, and that thereby acted as an inducement to migration (Harding 2014; Navarette, Jr. 2014). Each narrative, in turn, suggests a very different response to the influx of women and children at US borders. If “push” factors predominately drive migration, then protective policies in accordance with international and domestic legal obligations toward refugees must predominately inform US reaction. Even apart from the legal and moral rightness of this approach, any long-term goal of lowering the number of Central American migrants at the US-Mexico border, practically speaking, would have to address the root causes of violence in their home countries. On the other hand, if “pull” factors are granted greater causal weight, it would seem that stringent enforcement policies that make coming to the US less attractive and profitable would be a more effective deterrent. In that latter case, tactics imposing human costs on migrants, such as detention, speedy return, or other harsh or cursory treatment — while perhaps not morally justified —would at least make logical sense. Immediately upon the summer influx of 2014, the Obama administration unequivocally adopted the “pull” factor narrative and enacted a spate of hostile deterrence-based policies as a result. In July 2014, President Obama asked Congress to appropriate $3.7 billion in emergency funds to address the influx of Central American women and children crossing the border (Cohen 2014). The majority of funding focused on heightened enforcement at the border — including funding for 6,300 new beds to detain families (LIRS and WRC 2014, 5). The budget also included, in yet another demonstration of a “pull”-factor-based deterrence approach, money for State Department officials to counter the supposed “misinformation” spreading in Central America regarding the possibility of obtaining legal status in the United States. The US government also funded and encouraged the governments of Mexico, Guatemala, and Honduras to turn around Central American asylum seekers before they ever could reach US border (Frelick, Kysel, and Podkul 2016). Each of these policies, among other harsh practices, continues to the present day. But, by and large they have not had a deterrent effect. Although the numbers of unaccompanied children and mothers with children dropped in early 2015, the numbers began climbing again in late 2015 and remained high through 2016, exceeding in August and September 2015 the unaccompanied child and “family unit” apprehension figures for those same months in 2014 (USBP 2016a; USBP 2016b). Moreover, that temporary drop in early 2015 likely reflects US interdiction policies rather than any “deterrent” effect of harsh policies at or within US own borders, as the drop in numbers of Central American women and children arriving at the US border in the early months of 2015 corresponded largely with a spike in deportations by Mexico (WOLA 2015). In all events, in 2015, UNCHR found that the number of individuals from the Northern Triangle requesting asylum in Mexico, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama had increased 13-fold since 2008 (UNCHR 2015b). Thus, the Obama administration's harsh policies did not, in fact, deter Central American women and children from attempting to flee their countries. This, we argue, is because the “push” factor narrative is the correct one. The crisis we face is accordingly humanitarian in nature and regional in scope — and the migrant “surge” is undoubtedly a refugee flow. By refusing to acknowledge and address the reality of the violence and persecution in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, the US government has failed to lessen the refugee crisis in its own region. Nor do its actions comport with its domestic and international legal obligations towards refugees. This article proceeds in four parts. In the first section, we examine and critique the administration's “pull”-factor-based policies during and after the 2014 summer surge, in particular through the expansion of family detention, accelerated procedures, raids, and interdiction. In section two, we look to the true “push” factors behind the migration surge — namely, societal violence, violence in the home, and poverty and exclusion in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. Our analysis here includes an overview of the United States' responsibility for creating present conditions in these countries via decades of misguided foreign policy interventions. Our penultimate section explores the ways in which our current deterrence-based policies echo missteps of our past, particularly through constructive refoulement and the denial of protection to legitimate refugees. Finally, we conclude by offering recommendations to the US government for a more effective approach to the influx of Central American women and children at our border, one that addresses the real reasons for their flight and that furthers a sustainable solution consistent with US and international legal obligations and moral principles. Our overarching recommendation is that the US government immediately recognize the humanitarian crisis occurring in the Northern Triangle countries and the legitimate need of individuals from these countries for refugee protection. Flowing from that core recommendation are additional suggested measures, including the immediate cessation of hostile, deterrence-based policies such as raids, family detention, and interdiction; adherence to proper interpretations of asylum and refugee law; increased funding for long-term solutions to violence and poverty in these countries, and curtailment of funding for enforcement; and temporary measures to ensure that no refugees are returned to persecution in these countries.

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Scribner, Todd. "You are Not Welcome Here Anymore: Restoring Support for Refugee Resettlement in the Age of Trump". Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, n. 2 (giugno 2017): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500203.

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After descending an escalator of his hotel at Central Park West on a June day in 2015, Donald Trump ascended a podium and proceeded to accuse Mexico of “sending people that have lots of problems, and they're bringing those problems with us (sic). They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists” (Time 2015). It was a moment that marked the launch of his bid for president of the United States. From that point forward, Trump made immigration restriction one of the centerpieces of his campaign. Paired with an economically populist message, the nativist rhetoric shaped a narrative that helped launch him to the White House. His effectiveness partly lay in his ability to understand and exploit preexisting insecurities, partly in his outsider status, and partly in his willingness to tap into apparently widespread public sentiment that is uneasy with, if not overtly hostile to, migrants. This paper will try to make sense of the restrictionist logic that informs the Trump administration's worldview, alongside some of the underlying cultural, philosophical, and political conditions that inspired support for Trump by millions of Americans. This paper contends that the Clash of Civilizations (CoC) paradigm is a useful lens to help understand the positions that President Trump has taken with respect to international affairs broadly, and specifically in his approach to migration policy. This paradigm, originally coined by the historian Bernard Lewis but popularized by the political theorist Samuel Huntington (Hirsh 2016), provides a conceptual framework for understanding international relations following the end of the Cold War. It is a framework that emphasizes the importance of culture, rather than political ideology, as the primary fault line along which future conflicts will occur. Whether Trump ever consciously embraced such a framework in the early days of his candidacy is doubtful. He has been candid about the fact that he has never spent much time reading and generally responds to problems on instinct and “common sense” rather than a conceptually defined worldview developed by academics and intellectuals (Fisher 2016). Nevertheless, during the presidential campaign, and continuing after his victory, Trump surrounded himself with high-level advisers, political appointees, and staff who, if they have nothing else in common, embrace something roughly akin to the Clash of Civilizations perspective (Ashford 2016).2 The paper will focus primarily on Trump's approach to refugee resettlement. One might think that refugees would elicit an almost knee-jerk sympathy given the tragic circumstances that drove their migration, but perceptions of refugees are often tied up with geopolitical considerations and domestic political realities. Following 9/11, the threat of Islamic-inspired terrorism emerged as a national security priority. With the onset of the Syrian Civil War and the significant refugee crisis that ensued in its wake, paired with some high-profile terrorist attacks in the United States and Europe, the “Islamic threat” became even more pronounced. The perception that Islamic-inspired terrorism is a real and imminent threat has contributed to a growing antagonism toward the resettlement of refugees, and particularly Muslims. When viewed through the lens of the CoC paradigm, victims of persecution can easily be transformed into potential threats. Insofar as Islam is understood as an external and even existential threat to the American way life, the admission of these migrants and refugees could be deemed a serious threat to national security. This paper will begin by examining some of Trump's campaign promises and his efforts to implement them during the early days of his administration. Although the underlying rationale feeding into the contemporary reaction against refugee resettlement is unique in many respects, it is rooted in a much longer history that extends back to the World War II period. It was during this period that a more formal effort to admit refugees began, and it was over the next half century that the program developed. Understanding the historical backdrop, particularly insofar as its development was influenced by the Cold War context, will help to clarify some of the transitions that influenced the reception of refugees in the decades after the fall of the Soviet Union. Such an exploration also helps to explain how and why a CoC paradigm has become ascendant. The decline of the ideologically driven conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union has, according Huntington's thesis, been superseded by culturally based conflicts that occur when competing civilizations come into contact. The conceptual framework that the CoC framework embodies meshes well with the cultural and economic dislocation felt by millions of Trump supporters who are concerned about the continued dissolution of a shared cultural and political heritage. It is important to keep in mind that the CoC paradigm, as a conceptual framework for understanding Donald Trump and his approach to refugee resettlement and migration more broadly, is at its core pre-political; it helps to define the cultural matrix that people use to make sense of the world. The policy prescriptions that follow from it are more effect than cause.

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Rocha Romero, David, José Humberto Juárez Márquez e Jimmy Emmanuel Ramos Valencia. "Tijuana at the Crossroads of Migration. Laws, Institutions and Budget to Attend to Migrants in a Violent Region". Política, Globalidad y Ciudadanía 9, n. 18 (30 giugno 2023): 01–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29105/pgc9.18-1.

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The city of Tijuana has become a necessary stopover for thousands of migrants who, in order to avoid violence and legal complexities, must face a hostile environment. Despite the existence of the Migration Law and the Law on Refugees and Complementary Protection, both from 2011, as well as the creation of the Municipal Directorate of Attention to Migrants (DMAM) in 2015, the Law for the Attention, Protection of the Rights and Support of Migrants in the State of Baja California, enacted in 2021, and the Protocol for Attention to the Migrant Population of 2022, the resources and efforts of the local government are limited, making it difficult to achieve the stated objective of protecting the physical integrity of migrants. The objective of this paper is to explore the legal path followed by those who arrive at the southern border in pursuit of the "American dream", within the context of the violence that has grown exponentially in Mexico and the health emergency caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The results of this study highlight the importance of international organizations and local civil associations as valuable allies of local authorities in Tijuana.

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Iriqat, Dalal. "Coercive Diplomacy: Camp David 2000". Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, n. 1 (2 agosto 2022): 625–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i1.1690.

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July 2000 hosted the most significant talks at Camp David bringing the final status issues to the negotiating table. However, no deal was completed; moreover, since then, violence and instability have escalated in the region, with the arrival of President Donald Trump to the White House, the Palestinian/Israeli peace process had taken a dramatic shift mainly because of the decisions that the administration had adopted regarding the final status issues; and more specifically on Jerusalem and refugees, which were finalized with the so called Trump Peace to Prosperity Plan. This paper sheds light on the theory of Coercive Diplomacy and applies it into the Palestinian/Israeli negotiations taking the Camp David 2000 Peace talks as case study and then examining what was presented at those talks in relation to what is now being implemented by the current US administration which dared to translate previous threats into reality. Reviewing past literature and relying on a number of books and conducting interviews with prominent negotiators from the American, Palestinian and the Israeli sides who participated at those peace talks, the study tells the true story of Camp David, demonstrates Coercive Diplomacy in Practice as it illustrates how the third party mediators have strongly crossed their limits by abandoning their role as mediators and by wearing the hats of interveners, the paper also demonstrates how Trump’s arrangement to an extent considered what was discussed at Camp David.

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Somlai, Réka. "Conceptions and misconceptions of hostels worldwide". Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 8, n. 2-3 (30 settembre 2014): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2014/2-3/7.

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Present research is inspired to study the conceptions and misconceptions of hostels in eight different countries (Spain, United States, United Kingdom, Germany, Hungary, Venezuela, China, Australia). The outcome of the research reports that the participants in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany and in Hungary define hostels as youth accommodations, Spanish participants as cheap hotels and Venezuelans call them homeless shelters. The majority of the participants of all the above mentioned countries determine that the most important difference between hostels and hotels is the price. Americans, English, Germans, and Hungarians believe that a night would cost between 10 and 30 Euro in an average hostel, while Spaniards and Venezuelans say it would be under 10 Euro. Most respondents agree that hostels are; located in the city center, great places to socialize, offer safe accommodation, staying in there allows guests to save up money, and they are popular choices among travelers. American and English participants think hostels are only for people who like to party. Spaniards and Venezuelans think, hostels are outside of the city center. Spanish and English participants believe that hostels are too cheap to be able to offer a good service. Most participants say, the low price would be the main reason to stay in a hostel. Americans, English and Germans also think that other values are important besides the price: fun, the opportunity to meet people and atmosphere. In spite of all the above, most participants think people would rather stay in a hotel than in a hostel. Stereotypes evolve in different ways, which also explains how misconceptions about hostels developed.

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Edwards, Beatrice, e Elizabeth Ferris. "The Central American Refugees." International Migration Review 22, n. 2 (1988): 312. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546654.

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Santiago, Gloria Bonilla, e Elizabeth G. Ferris. "The Central American Refugees." International Migration Review 22, n. 2 (1988): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546655.

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Bird, John Wallace, e Elizabeth G. Ferris. "The Central American Refugees." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, n. 1 (febbraio 1988): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516261.

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Bird, John Wallace. "The Central American Refugees". Hispanic American Historical Review 68, n. 1 (1 febbraio 1988): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.1.153.

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Goings, Ramon B., Travis J. Bristol e Larry J. Walker. "Exploring the transition experiences of one black male refugee pre-service teacher at a HBCU". Journal for Multicultural Education 12, n. 2 (11 giugno 2018): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jme-01-2017-0004.

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PurposeThere is limited discussion in the teacher education literature about the experiences of pre-service black male teachers generally and the ethnic diversity among black male pre-service teachers specifically. Thus, this paper aims to explore the experiences of Frank, a black male refugee health education major attending an historically black college and university (HBCU).Design/methodology/approachThis research study is theoretically guided by selected tenets of Bush and Bush’s (2013) African American male theory and Goodman et al.’s (2006) transition framework and uses a qualitative approach to explore Frank’s transition experiences when coming to America, attending college and engaging in his student teaching experience.FindingsFrank experienced some difficulty transitioning to America, as a result of not having a strong financial foundation. During his college transition, Frank believed that the HBCU environment was nurturing; however, he encountered numerous ethnocentrically charged hostile confrontations from US-born black students at his university because of his accent. While he had some disagreements with the US education system in terms of discipline, Frank believed that his accent served as an asset during student teaching.Originality/valueThis study adds to the burgeoning research that explores the intersectional identities among pre-service black male teachers. As we argue in this paper, researchers, policymakers and practitioners cannot treat black male teachers as a monolithic group and must contemplate the unique supports needed that can attend to the racial and ethnic needs of black male teachers.

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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "American Hostels for Refugees"

Luick-Thrams, Michael. "Creating New Americans:WWII-Era European Refugees Formation of American Identities". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/14498.

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Diese Dissertation beschaeftigt sich damit wie die vom Nazi Europa vertriebenen Fluechtlinge in Fluechtlingsheimen in Kuba, Amerika und im noch nicht okupierten Europa aufgenommen wurden, bzw. den Gastlaendern entsprechend ihre Identitaeten aenderten. Die Mehrheit der 13 untersuchten Fluechtlingsheime wurden von Quaekern betrieben, wobei Scattergood Hostel (Iowa/USA) am ausfuerhlichsten in dieser Veroeffentlichung beschrieben wird.
This dissertation examines how refugees from Nazi-occupied Europe were received by refugee centers in Europe, Cuba and the United States and assisted in forming new identities commensurate with the host countries. The majority of the 13 centers reviewed were run by Quakers--Scattergood Hostel (Iowa/USA) being the most extensively presented in this work.

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Alejo, Anna M. "Central American refugees in Costa Rica". FIU Digital Commons, 1990. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1191.

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The conflicts of the past decade in Central America have produced substantial refugee movements into neighboring nations. Costa Rica has had to cope with an influx of refugees and migrants as large as 10 percent of its population. This work presents a case study of the situation in Costa Rica, focusing on the issue of refugee integration into the host society. It draws on qualitative field research conducted in that country during 1986. The study discusses the evolution of the Costa Rican state's response to the refugee crisis and analyzes the characteristics and impact of policies undertaken by various state bureaucracies. It also describes the assistance efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and private voluntary organizations, along with their interaction with the Costa Rican state. The study concludes that the government's need to maintain firm control of refugee programs has overshadowed its commitment to refugee integration. In so doing, the humanitarian purpose of refugee assistance has been compromised.

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Davies, John. "Class, culture, and color Black Saint-Dominguan refugees and African-American communities in the early republic /". Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 239 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1663044001&sid=7&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Bonilla, Angela P. "Integration of Colombian refugees in Costa Rica : an ethnographic approach to the refugees' legal, economic, and social experiences". FIU Digital Commons, 2006. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1728.

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This qualitative study, based on interviews to 17 refugee families, attempts to identify the reasons behind the lack of integration of Colombian refugees in Costa Rica. The model of Immigrant Modes of Incorporation and the studies of Alejandro Portes and Julia Sensenbrenner about the sources of social capital on migrant communities provided the theoretical framework used to identify the roots of the integration challenges. The findings suggest that Costa Rican policies towards the reception and integration of Colombian refugees are exclusionary. The host labor market is marked by sentiments of xenophobia towards the sample population while reported cases of persecution in the country also inhibit this population's economic integration. The lack of social capital sources contributes to inhibit this community's development, despite their participation in informal networks. There were signs of collective action. Yet, the refugee community fails to come together, while it also seems alienated from the community of Colombian entrepreneurs in Costa Rica.

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Wasserman, Jason Adam. "American refugees an ethnographic study of the street homeless /". Birmingham, Ala. : University of Alabama at Birmingham, 2007. https://www.mhsl.uab.edu/dt/2009r/wasserman.pdf.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Alabama at Birmingham, 2007.
Title from PDF title page (viewed Sept. 23, 2009). Additional advisors: Kenneth L. Wilson, Jeffrey Hall, Christopher Taylor, Max Michael. Includes bibliographical references (p. 275-284).

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Hernandez, Patricia. "Understanding the lifeworlds of three Central American refugees in Vancouver, British Columbia". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26838.

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The purpose of this study was to understand the meaning of "opportunity" as expressed in the experiences of three recent refugee youth from Central America (Guatemala and El Salvador). The setting of the study was MOSAIC'S Youth Job Corps programme in Vancouver, Canada. This four-month voluntary programme was designed to give immigrant Canadian youth language skills to facilitate their entry into the work force. Data for the study were obtained through a twenty-week field study at the Job Corps site followed by the construction of three case studies based upon a series of interviews. Among the findings of the study were the following: the three refugees used a notion of opportunity as the overriding theme in defining their situation in Canada. This theme contained two aspects. First, the "what" of opportunity was future-oriented and contained a social dimension of "wanting to become someone," a material dimension concerned with "wanting to have things," and a familial dimension of "wanting to maintain the family unit." Second, the "how" of opportunity referred to the way the three refugees defined opportunity in terms of their past experiences, their initial difficulties since coming to Canada, the support networks available to them in Canada, their perception of the lives of other immigrants, and finally, the age factor. There was a strong awareness among the refugees studied that their attainment of personal goals (the "what" of opportunity) was dependent on acquiring fluency in the English language and in their finding secure employment with career mobility. The study also found that many of the refugees' future aspirations were related to their own past experiences in their countries of origin.
Education, Faculty of
Graduate

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Fiederlein, Suzanne Leone. "Responding to Central American refugees: Comparing policy design in Mexico and the United States". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185924.

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The dissertation analyzes and compares the responses of governmental policymakers in Mexico and the United States as they confronted a growing influx of Central American migrants in the 1980s. The study examines how two countries with contrasting political systems, economic capabilities, and international positions approached the issue of refugee policy relating to Central Americans. A central objective of the analysis involves identifying the set or sets of independent variables--domestic policy concerns, foreign policy interests, and international law considerations--that exert the most influence over the design of refugee policy and assessing how their influence changes depending on the characteristics of the refugee population, the capabilities of the two countries, and the degree of openness of their political systems. While the study shows that the process of designing refugee policy involves accommodating competing goals shaped by all three sets of independent variables, it concludes that national capabilities determine the set of independent variables dominating the process, with foreign policy interests exerting more influence over the United States and domestic policy and international legal considerations affecting Mexican policy to a greater extent. The set of variables that dominates shapes the generosity or restrictiveness of the policy and determines other features of the policy design. The degree of political openness further influences the policy design process by allowing for the participation of domestic interest groups. In the United States with its open political system, domestic opponents forced the government to adopt a more generous policy over time, although domestic interest groups affected policy implementation to a limited extent in Mexico as well. The study examines the relationship among the variables by comparing case studies that detail the policy responses of Mexico and the United States through the use of a policy design framework. This framework identifies the core elements of each country's policy--its goals, targets, agents, and instruments--and then traces the policy's development through its several implementation and revision stages. The use of a policy design framework facilitates a systematic comparison of the two cases and promotes an evaluation of policy outcomes both in terms of the fulfillment of goals and the impact of policy on the refugee population.

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Voge, Monica. ""Eventually, They Become Us": Discourse on Refugees and Community in Contemporary American Newspapers". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/145110.

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Mccool, Jane A. "Life experiences of Cambodian-American refugee women : segmented life stories /". View online ; access limited to URI, 2003. http://0-wwwlib.umi.com.helin.uri.edu/dissertations/dlnow/3115634.

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Woodward, Laura Lynn 1961. "Central Americans in Tucson, Arizona". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277068.

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Citizens of El Salvador and Guatemala have experienced life-threatening situations in their native lands that have forced them to make choices in order to survive. Those choices include coming to the United States in search of political asylum. Travelling through Mexico and arriving and settling in the United States require the use of a variety of adaptive strategies. By employing kinship and friendship networks, using community services, organizing voluntary associations, learning English, and compartmentalizing their own culture while being absorbed into the larger Mexican and Anglo cultures, they are able to meet their needs. Of those who come to Tucson, many leave due to difficulties in finding jobs and the lack of affordable legal aid. Those who stay do so because they are awaiting court dates, desire to remain close to their families or have been successful in finding work.

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Libri sul tema "American Hostels for Refugees"

Luick-Thrams, Michael. Creating "new Americans": WWII-era European refugees' formation of American identities. Berlin: M. Luick-Thrams, 1997.

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Luick-Thrams, Michael. Out of Hitler's reach: The Scattergood Hostel for European refugees 1939-1943. Mason City, Iowa: M. Luick-Thrams, 1996.

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inc, American Youth Hostels, a cura di. American youth hostels handbook 1990-91: A directory of hostels in the USA. Washington, D.C: American Youth Hostels, 1990.

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Ferris, Elizabeth G. The Central American refugees. New York: Praeger, 1987.

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Kent, Deborah. Cuban refugees: Cuban roots, American freedoms. Chanhassen, MN: Child's World, 2005.

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Purcell, James N. Refugees, the need for continuing support. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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Purcell, James N. Refugees, the need for continuing support. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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Purcell, James N. Refugees, the need for continuing support. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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Levine, Ivory Waterworth. Becoming American. Harriman, NY: New Day Films, 2005.

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Pipher, Mary Bray. The middle of everywhere: Helping refugees enter the American community. Orlando, FL: Harcourt, 2003.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "American Hostels for Refugees"

Glazer, Nathan. "The Second Wave and the American-Jewish Community". In Helping Young Refugees and Immigrants Succeed, 51–59. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230112964_5.

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Dupree, Nancy Hatch. "The Demography of Afghan Refugees in Pakistan". In Soviet-American Relations with Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, 366–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08553-8_18.

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Perlmann, Joel. "The Importance of Raising Mexican American High School Graduation Rates". In Helping Young Refugees and Immigrants Succeed, 167–75. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230112964_13.

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Deli, Volkan. "The Limits of Integration: From “Iraqi-American” Identity to Citizenship". In Iraqi Refugees in the United States, 187–212. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-38793-7_6.

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Chen, Xuewei, Ming Li e Gary L. Kreps. "Addressing the Health Communication Challenges facing Chinese American Immigrants". In Global Health Communication for Immigrants and Refugees, 35–47. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003230243-3.

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Farias, Pablo. "Central and South American refugees: Some mental health challenges." In Amidst peril and pain: The mental health and well-being of the world's refugees., 101–13. Washington: American Psychological Association, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/10147-004.

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Höglund, Johan. "The Displaced". In The American Climate Emergency Narrative, 131–57. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-60645-8_6.

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AbstractThis chapter discusses the question of climate migration and reads a series of texts that follow climate refugees as they cross, or are prevented from crossing, heavily guarded US national or state borders. The chapter shows how some American Climate Emergency Narratives employ allegory to cast the racialized climate refugee as a border-scaling monster, but it also reveals how even texts that seek to critique the racist ideology that informs extractive capitalist border-thinking focus on the future plights of the white majority.

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Ganser, Alexandra. "Going Nowhere: Oceanic Im/Mobilities in North American Refugee Fiction". In Maritime Mobilities in Anglophone Literature and Culture, 211–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91275-8_11.

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AbstractIn philosophy and theory, the terms flight and territorialization are tightly connected to Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s A Thousand Plateaus. Through “lines of flight”—unpredictable routes defying spatial control—they conceptualize the breakup of a hegemonic spatial semantics through the mobility of the nomad. These lines make the paths of “deterritorialization,” contravening normative spatial structures (“striated” space) and producing “smooth space” that escapes structuration and control. Postcolonial critics such as Gayatri Spivak have held Deleuzian philosophy accountable for reaffirming a universal (white male) subject, but rarely debate lines of flight and deterritorialization, which appear somewhat romantic if applied to refugees subjected to involuntarily deterritorialization. In my essay, I ask how literature can perform the work of a conceptual corrective to such blind spots by reading Edwidge Danticat’s 1991 short story “Children of the Sea” and the novel Dogs at the Perimeter by the Chinese-Malaysian Canadian Madeleine Thien (2011). Danticat’s story focuses on the Haitian “boat people” that attempted to reach Florida shores in the 1980s and 1990s, while Thien examines the Cambodian genocide and its consequences for the children that came to Canada as refugees. Both texts, I argue, articulate what Achille Mbembe has called the necropolitics of genocide and demographic control and perform a grueling critique of the necropolitical structures that continue to produce transoceanic death.

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Söllner, Alfons. "“Agents” of “Westernization”?: The Impact of German Refugees of the Nazi Regime". In European and Latin American Social Scientists as Refugees, Émigrés and Return‐Migrants, 111–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99265-5_5.

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Johnson, James H. "Voting with Their Feet: Coronavirus Pandemic Refugees and the Future of American Cities". In COVID-19 and a World of Ad Hoc Geographies, 1027–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94350-9_57.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "American Hostels for Refugees"

Vladymyr, Olha. "INFLUENCE OF THE UKRAINIAN REFUGEES ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF HOTEL AND RESTAURANT BUSINESS IN THE COUNTRIES OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE". In Innovative Solutions for Managing the Economy in an International Crisis Scenario. Oikos Institute – Research Center, Bijeljina, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61432/cpne0101064v.

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The Russian aggression against Ukraine has had a significant negative impact on both socio-economic and humanitarian indicators within Ukraine and within Europe. Therefore, the study of the impact of Ukrainian refugees on the development of the economies of Central and Eastern Europe is an urgent problem. Scientific publications on the trends of migration flows of refugees from Ukraine reflect not only the negative impact of these processes, but also outline positive economic changes in the host countries. The purpose of the study is to examine the impact of Ukrainian refugee flows on the development of the hotel, restaurant and tourism business in Central and Eastern Europe in order to determine the role of refugees in the development of the housing market in the host countries. The article presents the results of using the methodology of a questionnaire survey of Ukrainian refugees and owners of hotels and hostels from host countries. The survey helped to identify the main items of expenditure of Ukrainian refugees, as well as the sources of their coverage. It was found that Ukrainians spent not only the aid allocated to them by the host government, but also their savings from their own bank cards. Thus, the study confirms the positive impact of the sudden increase in refugee flows on the development of the accommodation and catering industry.

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Moore, M., C. Kozik, M. Tracy e K. Moser. "Immigrants and Refugees with Tuberculosis Notifications, San Diego County, 2003-2008." In American Thoracic Society 2009 International Conference, May 15-20, 2009 • San Diego, California. American Thoracic Society, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1164/ajrccm-conference.2009.179.1_meetingabstracts.a5285.

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Yu, Qi. "“Again, Dozens of Refugees Drowned”: A Computational Study of Political Framing Evoked by Presuppositions". In Proceedings of the 2022 Conference of the North American Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics: Human Language Technologies: Student Research Workshop. Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/2022.naacl-srw.5.

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Shanks, David R. "New Americans’ Pavilion: A Community Farming Hub for Refugees in Syracuse, NY". In 2021 AIA/ACSA Intersections Research Conference. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.inter.21.1.

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Salt City Harvest Farm (SCHF) has provided farmland and job training programs for new American refugees in Syracuse for more than five years, but has lacked built infrastructure to support its mission. The New Americans’ Pavilion under construction at SCHF will provide facilities for refugee farmers to wash and pack the produce they grow on the community farm, as well as net-zero-energy refrigeration where produce can be kept fresh before it is consumed or brought to market. Furthermore, the pavilion will include flexible community spaces which will be used for teaching, learning, socializing, and dining. This paper describes the collaborative, community-driven design and construction process used in the project. The pavilion was designed and constructed by a combination of community volunteers, professional contractors, and paid student Research Interns. As such, the process and built project serve as a model for how architects can collaborate with community organizations to serve their localities while also educating students of architecture.

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Al Kady, C., K. Moussally, S. Caluwaerts, W. Chreif, J. Dibiasi, D. Soukarieh, A. Farra, F. Gordillo Gomez e AD Lenglet. "Are antibiotics being over-prescribed for the treatment of urinary tract infections? A prospective study among pregnant refugees in Beirut, Lebanon". In MSF Scientific Day International 2023. NYC: MSF-USA, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.57740/73jr-dg45.

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INTRODUCTION Inappropriate use of antibiotics is widespread, and one of the main drivers for antimicrobial resistance (AMR). In pregnant women with suspected urinary tract infection (UTI), studies have suggested antibiotic over-use in up to 96%; use may be particularly high in settings with limited diagnostic resources and where reliant on symptomatic approaches. In south Beirut, specifically within camps where refugees settle and living conditions are poor, MSF has been operational since 2014 as the main provider of free primary healthcare services as well as sexual and reproductive health (SRH) care. Current MSF protocols operational in this setting recommend the use of urine dipsticks for UTI screening in pregnant women, followed by empirical antibiotic treatment for those with a positive result (positive for nitrites and/or leucocytes). METHODS In 2021, around 6,300 (24%) of the total 26,300 antenatal care (ANC) consultations conducted had a suspected UTI, based on urine dipstick results, and all those suspected with UTI were prescribed antibiotics. A prospective study was conducted between April and July 2022, to determine if adding urine culture, following positive urine dipstick, to the protocol would reduce the use of unnecessary antibiotics. We used descriptive statistics to describe the population and compare positive and negative urine cultures. We calculated the proportion of patients receiving appropriate or inappropriate antibiotics. ETHICS This study was approved by the MSF Ethics Review Board, and by the ethics committee of the Lebanese American University. RESULTS A total of 449 pregnant women with suspected UTI were included in this study; all received urine culture. 81 (18%) were culture-positive. Under usual practice, 368 women (82%) would have been overprescribed antibiotics, based solely on urine dipstick results. 197 (44%) of the cohort were symptomatic, and were given empirical antibiotic treatment, with cefixime administered to 42 (21%) women and fosfomycin to 155 (79%). Escherichia coli (79%) was the most common bacterial species isolated, followed by Proteus (11%). In addition, among the 81 positive cultures, 4 (5%) were found resistant to fosfomycin and 39 (48%) to cefixim CONCLUSION These study findings reinforce concern around potential over prescription of unnecessary antibiotics in such populations, which could contribute to a potential rise in AMR. In addition, resistance to cefixime, one of the recommended antibiotics to treat UTI’s, is relatively high in this community. In contexts where urine culture is feasible, not costly, accessible, and results rapidly available, particularly with large cohorts of patients, urine culture should be the main method used to diagnose UTI; treatment should be based on microbiology/antibiotic sensitivity results. CONFLICTS OF INTEREST None declared.

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Smith, Valance, James Smith-Harvey e Sebastian Vidal Bustamante. "Ako for Niños: An animated children’s series bridging migrant participation and intercultural co-design to bring meaningful Tikanga to Tauiwi". In LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.142.

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This presentation advances a case study for an ongoing intercultural animation project which seeks to meaningfully educate New Zealand Tauiwi (the country's diverse groups, including migrants and refugees) on the values, customs and protocols (Tikanga) of Māori (the indigenous people of Aotearoa New Zealand). Ako For Niños (‘education for children’), implemented by a migrant social services organisation and media-design team, introduces Latin American Tauiwi to Tikanga through an animated children’s series, developed with a community short story writing competition and co-design with a kaitiaki (Māori guardian/advisor). Māori are recognised in Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the founding document of New Zealand) as partners with Pākeha (European New Zealanders), and Māori knowledge and Tikanga are important to society and culture in Aotearoa. Notwithstanding, there has been a historic lack of attention paid to developing meaningful understandings of Māori perspectives for New Zealand Tauiwi. Ako For Niños endeavours to address current shortages of engaging resources on Māori worldviews for Tauiwi communities, create opportunities for Tauiwi to benefit from Māori epistemologies, and foster healthy community relationships between Māori and Latin American Tauiwi. Through the project’s short story competition, Tauiwi were given definitions of Tikanga through a social media campaign, then prompted to write a children’s tale based on one of these in their native language. This encouraged Tauiwi to gain deeper comprehension of Māori values, and interpret Tikanga into their own expressions. Three winning entries were selected, then adapted into stop-motion and 2D animations. By converting the stories into aesthetically pleasing animated episodes, the Tikanga and narratives could be made more captivating for young audiences and families, appealing to the senses and emotions through visual storytelling, sound-design, and music. The media-design team worked closely with a kaitiaki during this process to better understand and communicate the Tikanga, adapting and co-designing the narratives in a culturally safe process. This ensured Māori knowledge, values, and interests were disseminated in correct and respectful ways. We argue for the importance of creative participation of Tauiwi, alongside co-design with Māori to produce educational intercultural design projects on Māori worldviews. Creative participation encourages new cultural knowledge to be imaginatively transliterated into personal interpretations and expressions of Tauiwi, allowing indigenous perspectives to be made more meaningful. This meaningful engagement with Māori values, which are more grounded in relational and human-centred concepts, can empower Tauiwi to feel more cared for and interconnected with their new home and culture. Additionally, co-design with Māori can help to honour Te Tiriti, and create spaces where Tauiwi, Pākeha and Māori interface in genuine partnership with agency (rangatiratanga), enhancing the credibility and value of outcomes. This session unpacks the contexts informing, and methods undertaken to develop the series, presenting current outcomes and expected directions (including a screening and exhibition). We will also highlight potential for the methodology to be applied in new ways in future, such as with other Tauiwi communities, different cultural knowledge, and increased collaborative co-design with Māori.

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "American Hostels for Refugees"

Fernández de la Reguera Ahedo, Alethia. Working paper PUEAA No. 17. Asylum seeking African families in transit through Mexico: between border controls and international protection. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Programa Universitario de Estudios sobre Asia y África, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/pueaa.002r.2023.

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African migrants in Mexico are migratory flows that have been less studied than migration from Latin America (Cinta Cruz, 2020). In the last five years, migrants from 35 different African countries were detained in Mexico. Although arrests of African persons are much lower than in the case of Central American countries, on average, between 6 and 19 African persons are detained per day. It is essential to know their mobility patterns, identify their international protection needs, and the main obstacles they face, whether to cross into the United States or to remain in Mexico as refugees (Narváez Gutiérrez, 2015). In addition, these populations are often highly stigmatized and exposed to face racism and institutional violence when they contact Mexican authorities (Immigration, 2021). In this working paper, my objective is to present some data on the migration of African people in Mexico after the arrival of caravans in 2018 and to reflect on the impact of a global discourse that stereotypes migrants as criminals or sick people in the access to human rights of African asylum seekers in Mexico and on the effects of a growing tendency to treat migrants as beneficiaries of temporary humanitarian aid rather than as subjects of rights.

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Point of No Return: The Fear and Criminalization of Central American Refugees. Center for Migration Studies and Cristosal, giugno 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.14240/cmsrpt0617n2.

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