Articoli di riviste sul tema "Ambler Farm"

In August 1998 the German archaeological world was stunned when two amateur archaeologists found decorated gold-sheet ornaments on a hill in Bavaria north of Munich, near a farm named Bernstorf, in the commune of Kranzberg. A Bronze Age fortified enclosure was known there, local amateurs having excavated it earlier in the 1990s; later, permission was granted for gravel extraction, trees were cleared and it was in this disturbed area that the gold appeared. The authorities were quickly alerted. Both the Staatssammlung in Munich (Bavarian State Archaeological Museum) and the Bayerisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege (BLfD, Bavarian State Office for Monument Care) took part in inspections and, subsequently, excavations. More gold, including a ‘diadem’, appeared and, in late September 1998, perforated lumps of amber. Then in November 2000, on the edge of an area under excavation by the BLfD, came the sensational discovery of two incised pieces of amber hailed as Mycenaean.

A field experiment was conducted during the rainy season of 2013 and 2014 at Instructional Farm, Rajasthan College of Agriculture, Udaipur, to ascertain suitable popcorn (Zea mays everta) variety, its fertility level and plant density. Treatments consisted 3 popcorn varieties, (VL Amber Popcorn, Bajaura Popcorn and Amber Popcorn), 3 fertility levels, viz. (90 + 30 and 110 + 40 kg N + P O /ha) and site-specific nutrient management (SSNM) based 2 5 fertility level, viz. (134 + 52 kg N + P O /ha) and 2 plant densities, viz. (66,666 and 83,333 plants/ha). The soil of 2 5 experimental site was having medium fertility status. Pooled results indicated that highest values of growth, yield- attributing parameters, grain (1.62 t/ha), stover yield (2.47 t/ha), net returns ( 103 65.21/ha and benefit: cost ratio 3.29) were obtained with VL Amber Popcorn. Application of SSNM-based fertility level improved the growth, yield components and consequently the grain (1.68 t/ha), stover (2.65 t/ha) over rest of the fertility levels and proved economically beneficial with the highest net return (103 68.03/ha) and B:C ratio (3.34). Significantly highest grain (1.55 t/ha), stover (2.39 t/ha), net returns (103 61.51/ha) and benefit: cost ratio (3.09) recorded under 83,333 plants/ha, being significantly higher than those with 66,666 plants/ha. At harvesting experimental soil with VL Amber Popcorn had significantly lower N and P status; however, K status of soil did not vary significantly. At

When Amber Borotsik (facilitator, director, performer, choreographer) and her dance theatre company Dammitdance Theatre of Edmonton, Alberta decided to create Scythe, she did not expect the project to become a three-year journey; nor did she plan to engage in an evolving devised theatre process. All she knew was that the piece would be about leaving the family farm, a personal topic for Borotsik, who herself chose theatre over farming. Working from that premise, and from naïve, twenty-something gumption, she and the dancers, actors and musicians she gathered together for Scythe grinned and said, “Let’s do it!”

Triggered data acquisition systems provide only limited possibilities of triggering methods. In our paper, we propose a novel approach that completely removes the hardware trigger and its logic. It introduces an innovative free-running mode instead, which provides unprecedented possibilities to physics experiments. We would like to present such system, which is being developed for the AMBER experiment at CERN. It is based on an intelligent data acquisition framework including FPGA modules and advanced software processing. The system provides a triggerless mode that allows more time for data filtering and implementation of more complex algorithms. Moreover, it utilises a custom data protocol optimized for needs of the free-running system. The filtering procedure takes place in a server farm playing the role of the highlevel trigger. For this purpose, we introduce a high-performance filtering framework providing optimized algorithms and load balancing to cope with excessive data rates. Furthermore, this paper also describes the filter pipeline as well as the simulation chain that is being used for production of artificial data, for testing, and validation.

AbstractMycogone perniciosa is the fungal pathogen causing the wet bubble of white button mushrooms (Agaricus bisporus). The main symptoms of disease are undifferentiated, irregular forms of mushroom tissue, cap spotting and development of amber liquid droplets on the distorted mushrooms. The aim of the research was to assess the pathogenicity of M. perniciosa isolates that were obtained from the infected sporophores. Six isolates from Polish mushroom farms as well reference strain of Hypomyces perniciosus CBS 322.52 were used in this study. The pathogenicity of isolates was assessed on the basis of severity of disease symptoms and crop reduction in the first flush. Mushroom crop was infected with different suspensions containing of M. perniciosa aleuriospores. Significant variability was shown between tested isolates. It was stated that the pathogenicity of isolates and concentration of conidia had a significant influence on the mushroom yield. The isolate of high pathogenicity caused significant yield losses, after inoculation with 1.3 × 104·m−2, whereas the isolate with fairly pathogenicity did not produce symptoms of wet bubble disease or caused slight deformation of single sporophores, even when the casing soil was inoculated with 1.3 × 106·m−2 spores.

The most serious rust pathogen of gladiolus (Gladiolus × hortulanus), Uromyces transversalis, has been listed as an exotic pathogen of concern for the United States for more than 80 years (4). Native to South Africa, the pathogen was reported in the Western Hemisphere for the first time in Brazil (2) and Argentina (1). Reports of gladiolus rust in several central Mexican states from 2004 to 2005 (3; http://www.pestalert.org/espanol/oprDetail.cfm?oprID=138 ) and interceptions at Mexican border stations and in Brazilian imports in 2005 at the port of Miami, FL collectively raised the alert level in the United States to high. In April 2006, the Hawaii Department of Agriculture notified the USDA of rust-infected gladiolus in a cut-flower shipment that was traced back to a 1,400-acre (565 ha) farm in Manatee County, FL. Inspection at the farm yielded samples that were quickly confirmed as U. transversalis by FDACS-DPI and USDA plant pathologists. The disease was identified in eight residential gardens near the commercial find and in another 700-acre (285 ha) farm in remote Hendry County, 100 miles to the southeast. In May 2006, gladiolus rust was detected in residential and commercial gladiolus in San Diego County, CA (see companion publication). On the advice of a USDA-assembled panel of experts, strict rust management guidelines and fallow host-free periods were implemented with the ultimate goal of eradication. Subsequent summer, fall, and now winter surveys in the infested commercial and residential areas have uncovered diminishing amounts of rust, with last traces detected on 9 September 2006. Commercial planting resumed at both farms in late summer, and crops remained rust free under weekly inspection until 15 February 2007 in Manatee County and 29 March 2007 in Hendry County. To insure a rust-free product, cut flowers are carefully inspected and foliage stripped at the packinghouse. Eradication will be attempted once more with a fallow host-free period before the 2007 season. U. transversalis is an autoecious rust that mainly infects Gladiolus spp., but has been known to infect other members of the Iridaceae: Anomatheca, Crocosmia, Melasphaerula, Tritonia, and Watsonia. Amphigenous uredinia form in transverse lines across gladiolus foliage and also on flower spikes under heavy disease pressure. The isolate present in Florida fits the literature description of U. transversalis in every respect (uredinia 0.5 to 1.5 mm in diameter, subglobose to ellipsoid verruculose yellow-amber urediniospores, 15 to 28 × 14 to 20 μm with wall 1.5 to 2.5 μm thick; telia also amphigenous, 0.5 to 1.3 μm in diameter, dark brown-black, subglobose to pyriform smooth amber teliospores, 20 to 30 × 15 to 20 μm with wall 1.5 to 2.0 μm thick, 4 to 6 μm thick at apex, pale brown to hyaline pedicel 30 to 40 μm long, yellow-brown paraphyses in pustule) ( http://nt.ars-grin.gov/fungaldatabases/new_allView.cfm?whichone=all&thisName=Uro myces%20transversalis&organismtype=Fungus ). Urediniospores initiated typical foliar lesions on transplanted gladiolus samples kept in the FDACS-DPI quarantine greenhouse during the diagnostic process. References: (1) J. R. Hernandez and J. F. Hennen. Sida 20:313, 2002. (2) G. P. B. Pitta et al. Biologica 47:323, 1981. (3) G. Rodriguez-Alvarado et al. Plant Dis. 90:687, 2006. (4) J. A. Stevenson. Page 82 in: Foreign Plant Diseases. USDA Fed. Hortic. Board Bureau Plant Ind. Government Printing Office, Washington DC, 1926.

Currently, bee-gathered pollen (bee pollen) is commonly used worldwide as a dietary supplement and is recognized for its curative properties. Floral pollen is also important but is less recognized due to a lack of investigation. This study aims to determine the morphological characteristics and nutritional and phytochemical properties of floral maize pollen. Fresh pollen grains harvested from a farm of maize plants are yellow in colour and spheroid in shape. They change to amber and indented prismatic solid shapes when dehydrated. The main composition of floral maize pollen is carbohydrates (44.30±3.73%), followed by moisture (23.38±5.73%), crude proteins (17.16±3.13%), crude fibres (9.56±0.92%), and ash (4.98±0.11%), while the lowest content is observed for crude fats (0.62±0.06%). The predominant mineral is potassium (768.50±11.40 mg 100 g-1), followed by sodium (695.10±9.70 mg 100 g-1), calcium (147.20±12.60 mg 100 g-1), and magnesium (97.30±2.9 mg 100 g-1). The microelements (with average values) consist of iron (49.50±3.30 mg 100 g-1) and zinc (30.00±3.70 mg 100 g-1). Excellent phytochemical properties add value to floral maize pollen. Maize pollen contains a high total phenolic content (TPC) and total flavonoid content (TFC) of 783.02 mg GAE 100 g-1 and 1706.83 mg QE 100 g-1, respectively, and possesses strong antioxidant activity of 10.54 mg mL-1. Maize floral pollen and derived products can serve as future food resources for human consumption and as a source of functional and bioactive compounds in nutraceutical and pharmaceutical industries.

Developing bread wheat genotypes for terminal heat tolerance is a critical objective for future breeding approaches. The line x tester mating analysis is one of the best approaches to demonstrate the appropriateness of the bread wheat genotypes for selection programs. For this purpose, nine genotypes viz. T.J-83, NIA Sarrang, Khirman, SKD-1, Sehar-2006, Sarsabaz, AS-2002, NIA-Amber, and Nifa Barsat were used in this research. The experiment was planned in a factorial design with two treatments (normal and heat stress) at Botanical Garden Farm, Sindh Agriculture University Tandojam, during 2019-2020. The results depicted that at terminal heat stress, the genotypes were significantly affected by yield and physiological traits at late sowing. During the initial screening, the female parents, T.J-83, Sarsabaz, and Nifa Barsat executed very well under heat stress conditions for nearly all the yield and morphological traits. Similarly,the male parents such as Khirman and SKD-1 also performed well under heat stress conditions for all traits compare to the female parents. Furthermore, through genetic analysis, the mean effects of General Combining Ability (GCA) and Specific Combining Ability (SCA) were significant for all the characters signifying that additive and non-additive variances are important. Further, in heat-stress environments, the GCA was dominant for most characters in contrast to SCA variations. Hence, in this study, under both normal and heat stress conditions, Khirman and SKD-1 proved to be better general combiners for various characters. Therefore, these genotypes are recommended as vigor parents for hybridization and selection programs as emerging terminal heat stress tolerant genotypes.

The field experiment was laid out in split plot design with three replications, assigning in 27 treatment combinations i.e. three sowing dates of Pop corn (Zea mays everta Sturt.)cv. V.L. Amber (15 Dec, 30 Dec and 15 Jan) arranged in main plots and three level of plant population (60000, 80000 and 100,000 plants ha-1) in sub plot. Three level of fertility (100:50:50, 150:65:65 and 200:85:85 kg of N: P2O5: K2O ha-1) apportioned in sub-sub plots at the Research farm, Institute of Agricultural Sciences, BHU, Varanasi (U.P.) during late winter (rabi) seasons of 2009-10 and 2010-11 to study the influenced of planting time, fertility level and plant population on yield attributes, grain yield and economics of winter popcorn (Zea mays everta Sturt.) under late sown condition. The popcorn sown on 15th December recorded highest plant height, leaf-area index, dry matter, popcorn growth rate, yield attributes and yield of pop corn were significantly (P<0.05) affected and recorded highest benefit cost ratio (3.78). While, the maintenance of 80,000 popcorn plants/ha proved optimum for pop corn as it significantly (P<0.05) recorded highest number of kernel cob-1,grain yield (32.61 q/ha) and shelling percentage against density of 60,000 plants, while remained at par in straw yield over 100,000 plants. Application of 200: 85: 85 kg N: P2O5: K2O/ha significantly (P<0.05) increased growth, yield attributes and grain yield over 100: 50: 50 and 150: 65: 65 kg N: P2O5: K2O/ha and fetched the highest B: C ratio (3.14).

The purpose of the current work was to develop and introduce into production a spring durum wheat variety adapted to the climatic conditions of the Lower Volga region, which meets the modern requirements of the raw material market for pasta producers to productivity and grain quality. Grain quality is the most important criterion by which durum wheat is evaluated. For modern pasta production, there is a great need in grain with a grain unit of at least 770 g/l; with kernel hardness of at least 80.0%; with high quality of gluten (gluten index of at least 80 u.); with carotenoid pigments of 7.0–8.0 mg/kg, where the yellowness index (semolina color) is not less than 22.0 c.u. The new spring durum wheat variety ‘Tamara’ meets all the requirements. The variety was developed by the method of complex hybridization between the best varieties and lines of the laboratory for spring durum wheat breeding and seed production of the “FARC of South-East” and selected samples from the collections of the breeding centers of the Russian Federation, VIR, and ICARDA. The variety is middle-maturing, with 50 days from a germination to heading stage, with plant height of 96 cm. On average, through three years (2019–2021), the productivity of the variety exceeded that of the standard variety ‘Krasnokutka 13’ on 0.3 t/ha, and the variety ‘Saratovskaya zolotistaya’ on 0.5 t/ha. In 2020 in the production sowing of the Krasavskoye OPH the maximum productivity was 3.14 t/ha. The variety is characterized by a high percentage of carotenoid pigments, gluten elasticity and strength, an amber-yellow shade of spaghetti, their low digestibility, delicious taste and nutritional value. The new spring durum wheat variety ‘Tamara’ has been included in the State List of Breeding Achievements since 2022. The variety has been recommended for cultivation in the 8th region of the Russian Federation.

Amaranthus hybridus has been identified as an important alternative vegetable crop with potential for increased commercial production in South Africa (1). In summer 1999, severe losses occurred in a large plot of 2-month-old A. hybridus plants on an experimental farm near Bloemfontein, South Africa. More than 90% of the plants were severely stunted, with chlorotic foliage that was wilted in most cases. Root rot was present in all symptomatic plants and was clearly visible as an amber to brown discoloration of tap and secondary roots; in severe cases, white mycelium was clearly visible on diseased root tissue. Isolations from symptomatic roots were made on potato dextrose agar (PDA) amended with streptomycin sulfate. Isolates (N = 121) were recovered from diseased roots (n = 89). The two most frequently isolated fungi were transferred to carnation leaf agar and identified as Fusarium oxysporum (n = 90, 74%) and F. sambucinum (n = 29, 24%). Pathogenicity tests with one isolate of each species were performed in the greenhouse on 1-month-old potted A. hybridus seedlings (10 plants per treatment). A single hyphal tip of each isolate was transferred to PDA and incubated at 25°C for 7 days in the dark. Five 4-mm-diameter mycelial plugs were taken and placed directly on the taproot of each plant, halfway along the length and ≈30 mm below the soil surface. Control plants were treated with uncolonized PDA plugs. Seedlings inoculated with either fungus exhibited wilting within 7 days; stunting, chlorosis (pale green to yellow), and root necrosis after 2 weeks; and mortality after 4 weeks. Inoculated plants were removed from pots after 3 weeks, roots were washed free of potting soil, and necrotic lesion length was measured. Necrosis and discoloration of root tissue were similar to those observed in field plants. The mean length of tissue necrosis induced by the fungi was 22.5 and 34.8 mm for F. oxysporum and F. sambucinum, respectively. F. sambucinum, thus, was more pathogenic than F. oxysporum despite being recovered significantly less often from field plants. Control plants inoculated with noninfested PDA plugs remained healthy. The presence of both pathogens was confirmed by reisolation from artificially inoculated taproots of all plants. No Fusarium spp. were recovered from the 10 control treatments. F. oxysporum has been reported on diseased red root pigweed (A. retroflexus) in the United States (2), but this is the first report of both F. oxysporum and F. sambucinum as causal agents of root rot in A. hybridus. These pathogens, therefore, must be considered a potential threat to commercial production of A. hybridus in South Africa and elsewhere. References: (1) W. J. Swart et al. S. Afr. J. Sci. 93:22, 1997. (2) R. M. Harveson and C. M. Rush. Plant Dis. 81:85, 1997.

Kærgård, Daugbjerg– a Late Iron Age settlement with a workshop areaExcavations carried out in 2007‑09 on the edge of a meadow at the farm of Kærgård, about 15 km west of Viborg (figs. 1-2) revealed evidence of houses and activities dating from the Germanic Iron Age and Viking Age (c. AD 400‑950). Even though an area of about 14,000 m2 was uncovered, the site has not been fully excavated. But even so, 19 houses, 20 pithouses, 27 fences, 40 wells and waterlogged pits and four drying pits were located.The housesOnly a few of the 19 houses will be mentioned here. House K2/K3 (fig. 5) is presumed to be a longhouse with dwelling and byre that was rebuilt once or twice on the same site. The house dates from the Early Germanic Iron Age or perhaps slightly earlier. House K8 (fig. 6) has a special extension to the north and is dated to the Late Germanic Iron Age or Early Viking Age. House K45 (fig. 7) is a smaller building and could be some kind of workshop; it is dated to the Viking Age. The rest of the houses that were fully uncovered are smaller, being either two-aisled or three-aisled workshop buildings.Twenty pithouses have been identified even though not all of them were very well preserved. The finds from them are quite varied and include spindle whorls, a whetstone, bronze tweezers, an iron needle, an amber bead, a glass bead, an arrowhead and an iron knife (fig. 8). One pithouse was found to contain potsherds from at least 26 different hemispherical vessels; nine of these had a hole for a repair (fig. 9), indicating that this building was probably used for repairing pots.Wells and waterlogged pitsThe 40 structures can be divided into five groups: natural ponds, smaller waterlogged pits (10), wells without a lining (10), wells with a lining (13) and basins (3). The latter three groups in particular have yielded some interesting information.Dendrochronological analysis of the wood has been carried out at Wormanium and the Danish National Museum, resulting in some cases in very precise dates.The wells with a lining vary in construction: Four have a woven wattle lining (fig. 10‑11), two are lined with branches (fig. 12), two have planks and reused timber, two comprise hollow tree trunks (fig. 13) and a third has half a tree trunk.The basins are rather shallow ponds, with logs laid out to walk on (fig. 14); one even has a layer of small branches at its base (fig. 15).Some of the wells without a lining probably originally had one that was removed when the well was demolished. A ladder was found in each of two smaller wells without a lining; one had just a single step, the other had three (fig. 16).A further type of structure should be mentioned: pits used for heating. Four of these contained heat-damaged stones and charcoal, a fifth held a large charred tree trunk, while another two were reused wells, almost completely backfilled, then lined with red-burnt clay. The purpose of these structures could have been for heating or drying.FindsThe waterlogged conditions have resulted in excellent preservation, with numerous wooden artefacts being preserved. A small spoon, parts of a wooden bowl, small clubs and various items of unknown function have been found (fig. 18). There is also building timber, several wagon axles and an arrow-shaped ard share (figs. 19 and 20). Pieces of rope (fig. 21) were found in one well and another contained pieces of rolled birch bark (fig. 22).Two wooden lures (fig. 23) represent quite unique finds. One is 50 cm long and made of willow wood. Its mouthpiece is very well preserved and has a binding of lime bast. The second lur is about 80 cm long and broader than the first. Only five other examples are known from Denmark: one from Herning Torv, three from Holing and one from Nydam.Scientific analysesExamples of animal bones from the site are shown in figure 24. Cattle are fairly dominant, but horse is also surprisingly common. The wood used for various purposes was also investigated. Figure 25 shows the species used for well linings and figure 26 the wood dropped or thrown into a pool. Ten different species have been identified. Two pollen analyses are shown in figure 27.Analyses of plant remains from the wells were carried out to examine whether there was specialised production of textiles of nettle and/or flax. However only a few flax seeds were found and although there were fairly numerous nettle seeds, this was insufficient to prove that retting had been carried out in the wells and ponds. Neither was any evidence of other functions found (fig. 28).Plant macro-remains from the pithouses include various cereals and weeds (figs. 30 and 31). House K45 also yielded several different cereals, mostly from the middle of the house where activities may have been concentrated.Functions of the wells, pithouses and other structuresThere seem to be too many wells just to provide drinking water, so other possible functions have been considered. The Viking Age settlement excavated at Næs on Zealand also had quite a large number of pithouses and wells, and in some of the latter were found bundles of flax stems. These wells had been used as retting pits for flax and the pithouses were small textile workshops. Only a few seeds of flax were found at Kærgård, but there were some nettle seeds. The botanical remains are consequently very sparse, but the archaeological features indicating textile production are more numerous (fig. 32). The many wells and waterlogged pits, ladders and logs giving access to the basins all indicate the presence of retting pits, and some drying pits could have been used for drying the plant stems before breaking them. Spindle whorls in the pithouses indicate that these could have been used for textile production.The way the site is structured is also rather unusual. In the southern part there appear to be three typical farm units (fig. 33), while the concentration of pithouses in the north seems more likely to represent a workshop or production area. Smaller working units (all outside the fences) can be seen in at least three places at the site: These comprise a retting pit, clean water wells, drying pits and smaller workshop buildings (fig. 34).Perspectives and conclusionsA workshop area like that located at Kærgård has not been found at any other site in Viborg Museum’s area. At Duehøj SV there were three wells and pithouses, but no retting or drying pits, at Højlund Spangsdal there was a drying pit and a waterlogged area but no pithouses, and at Spangsbjerg the retting pits, drying pits and pithouses were distributed among the farm buildings.Other sites, such as Næs at Zealand and Seden Syd at Funen, show a greater similarity to Kærgård. However, both of these sites also have evidence of trade, of which there is no sign at Kærgård.Iron production sites represent another type of specialised site. They are well known in southwest Jutland where the large numbers of iron-smelting furnaces at some sites indicate that the production was greater than for the village’s own consumption. Such sites have also been found closer to Kærgård at sites excavate by Silkeborg and Herning Museums. However, these sites also lack evidence of trade.These specialised sites indicate that it is necessary to understand the organisation of the Late Iron Age settlement in a more complex way.The excavation at Kærgård has revealed an agrarian settlement with a workshop area indicating that there was specialised production, probably of textiles, that was intended for trade with other settlements. The fact that trade and exchange became increasingly important during the Germanic Iron Age and Viking Age has been known for a long time, but we do not know of many specialised sites as that at Kærgård. We do not know whether they were controlled by a chieftain at the site or located further away, but these specialised sites are yet another piece in the jigsaw puzzle of Late Iron Age settlement structure.Kamilla Fiedler TerkildsenViborg MuseumMarianne Høyem AndreasenMoesgaard Museum

Sacrificial Tradition and Religion during the Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia – with Special Reference to Settlement SacrificesSacrificial customs and religion during the Early Iron Age (500 BC–400 AD) has occupied archaeologists from the infancy of archaeology. Most would probably agree that the religion was primarily fertility related, originating as it was in the existing peasant society. The literature does not reflect any disagreement about the religion of the Early Iron Age being polytheistic and consequently concerned a variety of gods. However, it is still unknown how the religion was integrated in the everyday life, and under which conditions it was practiced.The research interest and the overall synthesis framework have especially addressed sacrifices in bogs and wetlands (for instance weapon sacrifices, bog bodies, deposited earthenware, anthropomorphic wooden figures, domestic animals, cauldrons, ring sacrifices, etc.). Strongly simplified, the existing consensus may be expressed in one single sentence: The overall society-related sacrificial traditions develop from being almost exclusively connected with wetland areas during the Early Iron Age (until c.400 AD) to being primarily connected with dry land after this time, cf. Fig. 1.The question is whether – based on the intense data collection over the recent decades – archaeology can or should maintain this very simple picture of the development of the sacrificial traditions and the religions during the Iron Age? Is it possible that we – rooted in for instance narrow definitions of sacrificial finds, habitual thinking, and a “delusion” consisting of the numerous well-preserved, well-documented, spectacular, and impressive finds of bog sacrifices – fail to see numerous forms of deposits, which (as opposed to the impressive finds of sacrifices in bogs) are hidden in the archaeological material?The settlements of the Iron Age have been excavated in large numbers over the recent decades, and it is the ritual finds from these localities that provide the background for this article.The ritual deposits from the settlements can be divided into two superior groups distinguished by the physical context. One comprises sacrifices made to constructions, which are characterized by being directly connected to a specific structure; the other encompasses settlement sacrifices that are to a higher degree characterized by an overriding affiliation to the settlement. The establishment of a sacrifice definition suitable for scanning the archaeological material for relevant finds is of vital importance. As the definition should not beforehand restrict the search through the material, it is important not to narrow the basis by concentrating only on the physical characteristics of the individual artefacts. The general idea behind the present presentation is that the different ritual dimensions of a society are internally connected as they function within the same overall conventions and, as a consequence, make up parts of a general mental structure, which can leave physically recognizable traces across the different ritual dimensions, cf. Fig. 2. This principal viewpoint creates a theoretical starting point for my work and the established definition of sacrificial finds: All intentionally deposited objects, which analytically show significant similarities as regards their physical appearance and/or their deposition context with other recognized ritual objects/contexts, and which are closely connected to these in time and space, should, when analysed, be considered sacrificial finds.The British religious historian, Ninian Smart, describes religion as consisting of seven thematically describing situations, which – albeit not completely unconnected – may be described individually:1) A dogmatic and philosophical dimension, comprising doctrine systems.2) A mythical and narrative dimension, comprising tales of the deities, of the creation, etc.3) An ethical and judicial dimension, comprising the consequences of the religion in relation to the shaping of the life of the individual.4) A social and institutional dimension comprising organisations and institutions that tie together the individual religious society.5) An empirical and emotional dimension comprising the individual’s experience of god and the divine.6) A ritual and practical dimension comprising prayer, sacrifices, worship, etc.7) A materiel dimension comprising architecture, art, sacred places, buildings, and iconography.As archaeologists, we have a very limited possibility of investigating the very thoughts behind the practiced religion. It is therefore natural to concentrate to a higher extent on the overall setting for it – the ritual dimension and the materiel dimension respectively. The ritual dimension and in particular its sacrificial aspect is traditionally divided into groups characterised by their significance level within the religion as such.1) The first and most “important” group consists of cult rituals. These are characterized by being calendar rites based on the myths of the religion or the history of the people, and by playing a part in the events of the year.2) The next group comprises transition rites (rite de passage), which follow the life cycle of the individual.3) The last group comprises rites of crises, which serve the purpose of averting danger, illness, etc.It is important to realize that the two first ritual groups are predictable cyclic rituals addressing the gods, the myths, and/or the people/the individual respectively. Only the third and least central group of rituals is determined by non-predictable and “not-always” occurring incidences. On this background, it becomes central to analyse, which category one is facing when one wants to assess its importance for the religion as such, in order to evaluate the primary character of the religion.In an attempt to understand the overall importance of a specific ritual practice, one cannot ignore a very complicated problem, which is to evaluate whether the sacrifices were practiced by single individuals or by a larger group of people as part of more common and society-supporting rituals. The issue of the relation between different sacrifice types and the groups causing these has been addressed repeatedly. Often, narrow physical interpretation frames as to who sacrificed what are advanced (i.e. Fig. 3). However, the question is how suitable are these very narrow and rigid interpretation models? As mentioned above, a sacrifice is defined by the intention (context) that caused it rather than by the specific physical form of the object!The above mentioned methodical and theoretical issues provide the background for the author’s investigation of the archaeological sources, in which he focused especially on the relationship between ritual actions as they are expressed in bog deposits and in burial grounds and measured them against the contemporary finds from the settle­ments.The analysis of the archaeological material is based on those find groups (sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, metals, and weapons), which have traditionally been presented as a proof that society supporting and more community influenced ritual sacrifices were carried out beside the bogs.The examination of the material supports that sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, and earthenware are found in both settlements and wetlands (Figs. 4-12), and that the deposits seem to follow superior ritual conventions, i.e. Fig. 2. The sacrifices were not made in fixed sacred places but in a momentary sacred context, which returns to its daily secular sphere once the rituals have been carried out. Often, the ceremony consists of a ritual cutting up of the sacrificed object, and the pars pro toto principle occurs completely integrated in connection with both burial customs, wetland sacrifice customs, and settlement sacrifice customs. Sacrifices often occur as an expression of a rite de passage connected to the structures, fields, or infrastructure of the village. However, the repeated finds of earthenware vessels, humans, and animals in both wetland areas and in the villages indicates that fertility sacrifices were made regularly as part of the cyclic agricultural world. This places the find groups in a central position when it comes to understanding the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In a lot of respects, the settlement finds appear as direct parallel material to the contemporary wetland-related sacrificial custom and so one must assume that major religious events also took place in the settlements, for instance when a human or a cauldron was handed over to the next world. Both the selection of sacrificial objects, the form of depositing, and the preceding ceremonial treatment seem to follow superior ritual structures applying to both funerary rites and wetland sacrifices in Iron Age society.Often, the individual settlement-related sacrificial find seems to be explained by everyday doings, as largely all sacrifice-related objects of the Early Iron Age have a natural affiliation with the settlement and the daily housekeeping. However, it is clear that if the overwhelming amount of data is made subject to a comprehensive and detailed contextual analysis, settlement related find groups and attached action patterns appear, which have direct parallels in the ritual interpretation platform of the bog context. These parallels cannot be explained by pure practical or coincidence-related explanation models!As opposed to ploughed-up Stone Age axe deposits or impressive bronze depots from the Bronze Age and gold depots from the Late Iron Age, a ploughed-up collection of either earthenware, bones, human parts, etc. are not easily explained as sacrificial deposits. However, much indicates that the sacrificial settlement deposits of the Iron Age were not placed very deeply, and so they occur in the arable soil of later times. We must therefore assume that these very settlement-related sacrificial deposits from the Early Iron Age are extremely underrepresented in the available archaeological material. In order to clarify the sacrifice traditions in the Early Iron Age settlements, it is therefore necessary to have localities, which comply with a very rarely occurring find situation. The sites must have fine preservation conditions for bone material and, equally important, thick, continuously accumulated deposits of culture layers, as these preserve the usually shallowly deposited sacrifices. Further, it would be a great advantage if the site has a high degree of settlement continuity, as under optimal conditions, the investigation should comprise the activities of several centuries on the same spot.The Aalborg area holds Early Iron Age localities, which meet all of the above-mentioned conditions – for instance the settlement mound of Nr. Tranders, from which a few results will be pointed out. Time wise, the locality covers all of the Pre-Roman Iron Age and the fist part of the Early Roman Iron Age. Around ten farm units have been excavated from the settlement, each of which can be traced across a period of several hundred years. The houses were constructed with chalk floors (cf. Fig. 13), which give optimal preservation conditions for bone material, and the culture deposits assumed a thickness of up to 2 metres. Around 150 houses were excavated at this site (cf. Fig. 14). The author systematically checked the comprehensive find material, and starting from the theoretical and methodical approach presented in this article, was able to isolate 393 sacrificial deposits – a very comprehensive material in comparison with the sacrificial wetland sites!In 279 cases, it was possible to isolate sacrifices in connection with constructions. These comprised such different items as Stone Age axes, fossils, dress pins, a bronze fibula, iron knives, iron arrowheads, a bronze ring, an iron axe, various pottery sacrifices, amber, bone stilettos, bone spearheads, a bone arrowhead, complete animal skeletons, animal skulls and jaws, various animal bones, an infant, humane skull fragments, etc. (cf. Fig. 15). Just as the sacrificed objects themselves vary, so does the sacrifice intensity in the different constructions. Thus, houses without any registered construction sacrifices occur, whereas other constructions showed up to 5-15 sacrifices. These intense sacrifice activities are mainly connected with the later settlement phases from the Late Pre-Roman and the Early Roman Iron Age.The most ordinary find groups are different animal bones, pottery, Stone Age axes, fossils, and various pointed or edged tools. It is a characteristic of the construction sacrifices that they almost never show any signs of having been burnt prior to the depositing. The fact that all finds are not comparable merely because they are related to a construction is obvious, as the find group comprises as different objects as a sea urchin and an infant! Whereas the first should probably be considered an amulet, human sacrifices are traditionally considered a far more radical and ultimate act, and thus a sacrifice concerning a wider circle than the individual household. The highly varied sacrifice material causes the traditional link between construction sacrifices and an extremely narrow celebrant group to be reassessed. The excavations at Nr. Tranders also stress the fact that the amount of registered construction sacrifices are highly dependant on the preservation conditions and context registration as well as an open mind towards ritual interpretations in a traditionally secular research setting.In 114 cases, it was possible to determine settlement sacrifices at Nr. Tranders (cf. Fig. 16). The variation between the sacrificed objects closely follows the above described construction sacrifice and bog sacrifice traditions – both as regards temporary intensity in the centuries around the birth of Christ and which objects were deposited. From a superior view, the settlement sacrifices are characterized by often having been deposited in small, independent sacrificial pits, which were merely dug down a few centimetres from the surface level of the time, and rarely more than 25 cm. This very limited deposition depth emphasizes the enormous problems and distorting factors, which are probably the reason why the settlement sacrifices are so anonymous in most Iron Age settlements. They were simply ploughed away! The dominating sacrificial animal in the settlements was the sheep, often a lamb. However, the dog, the horse, and the cow also occur frequently in the material, whereas the pig is rarely included in the finds. To judge from both settlement and structure sacrifices, the distribution of sacrificial animals seem to be a direct mirror image of the life basis of the Early Iron Age society in the Aalborg area.One ritual element in particular, however, fundamentally separates the group of settlement sacrifices from those connected to structures, namely fire. Whereas fire does not seem to be part of the ritual make-up concerning structure sacrifices, both burnt and unburnt sacrifices appear in the settlement sacrifice material (cf. Fig. 17 & 18). This condition is especially obvious when examining the deposited animal and human bones. The two maps on Fig. 19 show the finds of burnt and unburnt bone deposits respectively. On the background of these two plots (x, y, and z coordinates) the following analysis has been made: (interpolation “unburnt”)-(interpolation “burnt”), cf. Fig. 20. The analysis clearly points out that the relation between burnt and unburnt bone deposits is time related: the burnt deposits were made in the time before the birth of Christ, whereas the unburnt deposits were made during the following centuries. If this is related to the contemporary development of the grave custom in North Jutland, it is noteworthy that we can establish an obvious parallel development. Thus, the burial custom also changes around the beginning of the birth of Christ from a cremation grave custom to an inhumation grave custom. This coincidence probably indicates that within the two different religious and ritual contexts, the “ritual language” is to some degree identical when it comes to passing on humans and sacrificial animals.Irrespective of the superior sacrificial context – a bog, a lake, a field, a meadow, a structure, or a settlement – both the sacrifice intensity and the sacrificed objects seem to be based on objects from the daily household. As shown in the case of Nr. Tranders, the sacrifices occur in such large numbers on settlements with optimal preservation conditions that it is impossible to maintain the thesis that the Iron Age people had an especially one-sided preference for performing the sacrificial rituals in connection with wetland areas.As a supplement to the archaeological evidence, archaeologists have often sought support in historical accounts written by Romans in the centuries around the birth of Christ. The Roman historian Tacitus’ description of the religious activities of the Teutons is particularly describing and geographically differentiated. He mentions some general features such as the Teutons mainly worshipping Mercury (Mercury is the god of fertility, shepherds, etc.) and that they consider it a sacred duty even to bring him a human sacrifice on fixed days (i.e. a sacrifice cycle). Hercules and Mars (gods of strength and war) can only be reconciled with the allowed animal sacrifices. Besides, the Teutons consider it incompatible with the grandness of the heavenly powers to close them in behind walls and give them human features (cf. the lacking iconography). Tacitus´ overall description of the religion of the Teutons is thus primarily dealing with fertility sacrifices in relation to Mercury and the sacrifice of humans on certain days, i.e. a sacrifice cycle.More specifically, Tacitus describes the religious practice performed by tribes in South Scandinavia and North Germany at the time immediately succeeding the birth of Christ:“Nor in one of these nations does aught remarkable occur, only that they universally join in the worship of Nerthus; that is to say, the Mother Earth [Nerthus is phonetically concordant with the name Njord, a fertility goddess known from Norse mythology]. Her they believe to interpose in the affairs of man, and to visit countries. In an island of the ocean stands the wood Castum: in it is a chariot dedicated to the Goddess, covered over with a curtain, and permitted to be touched by none but the Priest. Whenever the Goddess enters this her holy vehicle, he perceives her; and with profound veneration attends the motion of the chariot, which is always drawn by yoked cows. Then it is that days of rejoicing always ensue, and in all places whatsoever which she descends to honour with a visit and her company, feasts and recreation abound. They go not to war; they touch no arms; fast laid up is every hostile weapon; peace and repose are then only known, then only beloved, till to the temple the same priest reconducts the Goddess when well tired with the conversation of mortal beings. Anon the chariot is washed and purified in a secret lake, as also the curtains; nay, the Deity herself too, if you choose to believe it. In this office it is slaves who minister, and they are forthwith doomed to be swallowed up in the same lake. Hence all men are possessed with mysterious terror; as well as with a holy ignorance what that must be, which none see but such as are immediately to perish.”Traditionally, the text is solely related to the numerous bog finds from the period. The question is, however, whether this is appropriate? Even a very limited analysis of the content of the text clearly reveals that the described religious exertion and the traces it must have left in the archaeological material can only be partly described from the numerous sacrificial bogs. The account of Nerthus may be split into two separate parts. One part that describes the common religious actions and another part comprising rituals carried out by a narrower group of people. The ritual mentioned with a severely limited circle (priest and slaves) comprises the washing of the goddess’ chariot by a lake and the succeeding sacrifice of the slaves chosen for the task. Far larger does the participant group appear throughout the rest of the Nerthus story. At first, there is a short mentioning of Nerthus driving about to the different tribes! This may be interpreted in such a way that the rituals described comprise actions, which take place where people are primarily moving about, i.e. in the villages! Perhaps the larger settlements of the Early Iron Age play a central part in relation to such common society-supporting ritual traditions. Tacitus decribes the physical context to be able to change its rules and norms at this sudden religious activity (cf. “They go not to war; they touch no arms.”) and in this way change sphere from an everyday, secular context to a religious context – a sacrosanct condition arises. The settlement thus enters different spheres at different times! Tacitus´ account of the execution of and the setting for the practiced ritual structure thus closely follows the structure known from archaeological excavations of bogs and settlements.How, then, does the religious practice of the Early Iron Age – and its sacrificial part in particular – appear on the background of the analyses above? (Fig. 22). May the sacrificial activity in actual fact be divided into two overriding groups, as was previously the tradition – individual structure sacrifices on settlements and both common and individual sacrifices in wetland areas – or is it necessary to revise and differentiate this view of Early Iron Age religion and the sacrificial customs in particular?The very unbalanced picture of the ritual displays of the society, involving chosen bogs as an almost “church-like” forum, is neither expressed in the archaeological material nor in the few written sources. On the contrary, the sacrificial activity appears as a very complex area, completely connected to the time and the regional development of the society of which it was part. Sacrificial objects primarily comprising everyday objects in the form of food, earthenware, animals, and humans did not differ from the secular culture until the actual ritual act took place.Considering the fact that the sacrificial objects comprised a wide range of everyday items, it is perhaps not so strange that the context in which the objects were sacrificed also varied considerably. It thus seems as if the conventional sacrificial customs were attached to the complete active resource area of the settlements, both in the form of wetland areas, and to the same degree of settlements. The conditions concerning burial sites, field systems, grazing areas, border markings, etc. still appear unclear, although it can be established that here, too, ritual activities took place according to the same conventions.The exertion of the rituals constituted a just as varied picture during the Early Iron Age as did the choice of sacrificial objects and place of sacrifice. Thus, we see objects deposited intact, as pars pro toto, smashed, burnt, etc. In spite of this very complex picture, patterns do seem to occur. There are thus strong indications that the rituals connected to settlement sacrifices of humans and animals during the Early Iron Age are closely connected with the rituals attached to the burial custom, and as such mirror a conventional communication form between humans and gods. Conversely, it seems as if structure sacrifices through all of the Early Iron Age primarily occur unburnt and that the ritual make-up connected to the finds of structure sacrifices is thus detached from the previously mentioned types of sacrifice, whereas the actual selection of the sacrificial objects seem to follow the same pattern.It is a characteristic of the ritual environments of the Early Iron Age that they appear momentary and as part of the daily life in the peasant community. Much thus indicates that permanent sacred environments and buildings did not exist to any particularly large degree. This does not imply that people would not return to the same sacred sacrificial places but rather that in between the sacrifices, these places formed part of the daily life, just as all the other parts of the cultural landscape.The examination of both published and unpublished material shows that the settlements were parallel contexts to the wetland areas and that these two contexts probably supplemented each other within the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In the light of the sacrificial find material there is no need to make a strong distinction between the religious societal roles of the settlements as opposed to the wetlands. The context (wetland and settlement) cannot in itself be understood as a useful parameter for determining whether we are dealing with large collective society-supporting ritual sites or sites connected to a minor village community. The question is whether the variation of sacrificial contexts should be related to different deities and myths, i.e. the mythical and narrative dimension of the religion, rather than to the size of the group of participants. On a few settlements, metal vessels, chariots, and humans were sacrificed – find types that are traditionally associated with the bogs and with groups of participants from a larger area than the individual settlement. This interpretation should also be applied to the settlements.In spite of the fact that from an overall perspective, the practiced religion in South Scandinavia seems homogenous, there is neither archaeological nor historical evidence for the presence of real ritual and religious units comprising large areas, such as complete provinces. However, we must assume that sacrifices of for instance humans, chariots, cauldrons, and the large weapon accumulations were made by groups of people exceeding the number of inhabitants in a single settlement. We thus have no reason for questioning the traditional concept that chosen wetland areas functioned as sacred places from time to time to major sections of the population – whether the sacrifices were brought about by for instance acts of war or as part of a cyclic ritual. The question is whether the large settlements of the Early Iron Age did not play a similar part to a hinterland consisting of a number of minor settlements, as the comprehensive finds from for instance the settlement mounds near Aalborg seem to indicate.During the Late Roman Iron Age and Early Germanic Iron Age, the previously so comprehensive sacrificial activity connected to the wetlands declined considerably. Parallel to this, the frequent settlement-related fertility sacrifices of bones and earthenware vessels in the Early Iron Age recede into the background in favour of knives, lances, craftsmen’s tools, and prestigious items representing the changed society of these centuries. During the Late Iron Age, the iconographic imagery, after having been throttled down for almost a millennia, regains a central role within the religion. This happens by virtue of a varied imagery on prestigious items such as bracteates and “guldgubber,” cf. Fig. 21. Seen as a whole, it seems as if – parallel to the development of the society during the Late Roman Iron Age and the Early Germanic Iron Age – there is a dimension displacement within the ritual and religious world, which manifests itself in an increased focus on the material dimension. The question is whether this very dimension displacement is not reflecting the religious development from the fertility-related Vanir faith to the more elitist Æsir faith.Jesper HansenOdense Bys Museer Translated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Bjerre 7 is a modest Late Bronze Age house in Thy, Denmark. Excellent preservation and full-recovery techniques provided comprehensive evidence of farm self-sufficiency, local exchange, and amber collection for trade. Spatial analyses of ceramics, lithics, plant macrofossils, and amber identified distinctive activity areas at both ends of the house and outside. Routines are discussed for refuse disposal, ceramic use in everyday activities, ad hoc knapping and use of flint tools, plant processing, and amber storage. The household was economically generalized and largely self-sufficient, with limited specialization. Located close to the North Sea, the householders collected raw amber for trade. Metal was obtained from outside for a small-scale, household industry. Although some division of labour is likely, it seems that the whole household engaged in the diverse activities identified on site.

Rural roads are key component of rural development. They affect the rural population in various ways. An estimated 35% of inhabited areas in the country are without all-weather roads. With 80% of the India’s poor living in the rural areas, rural roads are significantly important. It eases the accessibility of the rural population to essential services like education and healthcare. These roads not only improve access to near by and far off labour market but also affects the agricultural productivity. Rural roads provide access to economic and social goods and services, with a fair chance of generating increased agricultural income and productive employment (both farm and non-farm) opportunities. Key Words: Rural roads, Rural development, Social Impact, Agriculture, Rural transformation.

A study was carried out using twenty diverse speciality corn genotypes of QPM, sweet corn, pop corn and baby corn to investigate morphological and molecular diversity in speciality corn during kharif, 2015, at Instructional Farm of Rajasthan College of Agriculture, Udaipur. Morphological observations recorded, variability parameters and correlation coefficient were computed and DNA analysis was also used. The investigations revealed that sufficient variability existed in the material as characters like grain yield, stover yield, biological yield, TSS, test weight and cob height exhibited high estimates of GCV, PCV and heritability. Further some characters showed significant positive genotypic and phenotypic correlation with grain yield. Baby corn genotype HM-4 exhibited the highest performance for grain yield followed by QPM genotypes, HQPM-1, sweet corn, Madhuri and pop corn Amber pop corn identified as the best performers for grain yield/plant and most of the contributing characters. Molecular characterization through RAPD analysis also revealed high polymorphism and marked genetic diversity among the speciality corn genotypes as also reflected by their morphological differences.

It is a long-standing principle in our law that generally a contract is only concluded when the offeree notifies the offeror of acceptance and, consequently no contract arises if there is no notification of acceptance. This general rule is derived from the will theory, which requires not only coinciding expressions of intention (usually styled “offer” and “acceptance”), but also knowledge of the offeree’s acceptance by the offeror so that conscious agreement exists between the parties (consensus ad idem). However, the offeror may expressly or impliedly dispense with this requirement, since the offeror may prescribe the method by which his offer may be accepted by the offeree. It also seems that where there is doubt, “the presumption that the contract will be completed when the offeror comes to hear of the offeree’s acceptance, should prevail”. In the recent matter of Withok Small Farms (Pty) Ltd v Amber Sunrise Properties 5 (Pty) Ltd (2009 2 SA 504 (SCA)) the Supreme Court of Appeal had to decide the very issue of whether the offeror had dispensed with notification of acceptance by the offeree. The context in which the court had to decide this issue and the approach adopted raise some interesting issues for discussion.

The Supreme Court of Appeal’s judgment in Withok Small Farms (Pty) Ltd v Amber Sunrise Properties 5 (Pty) Ltd (2009 2 SA 504 (SCA) (“Withok”)) raises two important issues for property practitioners, the one relating to auction sales and the other to the formation of contracts. The dispute arose largely because of a badly drafted agreement of sale document, but the import of the judgment is such that it may be prudent for practitioners to revisit even their well-drafted standard form sale and lease documents. The facts were straightforward. Certain properties owned by the first and second appellants (“the sellers”) were put up for sale at a public auction on 13 June 2006. The respondent, represented by one A, put in the highest bid, which the auctioneer accepted. Both A and the auctioneer signed a document entitled “Agreement and Conditions of Sale” (“the conditions of sale”), which set out the conditions relating to the auction. On 20 June 2006 the sellers’ representative confirmed the sale in writing by adding his signature in the allotted space on the final page of the document. However, the confirmation of the sale was not communicated to the respondent within the time contemplated in clause 1. In fact, the respondent did not receive notice of the confirmation until some time early in July 2006.The respondent did not wish to be bound by the sale and in due course applied for an order declaring the agreement to be of no force and effect. Its case was that the confirmation of the sale had not been communicated to it within the seven-day period contemplated in clause 1 of the conditions of sale, with the result that no agreement came into existence. The sellers, in turn, contended that the conditions of sale signed by the respondent and the auctioneer at the time of the auction constituted an agreement of salesubject to a suspensive condition, namely the confirmation of the sale by the sellers; the condition was fulfilled immediately upon the confirmation of the sale and without any need for it to be communicated to the respondent. The only issue in dispute was whether or not the confirmation of the sale had to be communicated to the respondent within the seven-day period.

Background: Obstructive urolithiasis is a rare but potentially serious condition in equids. In the reviewed literature, there are several case reports of urolithiasis in horses and donkeys, but the only mention of this condition in mules occurred as incidental findings at a slaughterhouse. Therefore, this work aims to describe the first report and successful treatment of obstructive urethrolithiasis in a mule (Equus asinus x Equus caballus). Case: A 10-year-old castrated male mule weighing 380 kg was referred for hospital care. Tachycardia (64 beats per min), mild dehydration (7%), increased capillary filling time (3 s), slightly congested mucous membranes, and dysuria were observed. During its attempts to urinate, the mule was able to expose the penis, resulting in only dribbling of urine with reddish coloration. Urethral catheterization failed to reach the urinary bladder and revealed an obstruction at the ischial arch (7 x 4 cm), as confirmed by palpation and ultrasonography. Additionally, rectal ultrasound examination showed urine sedimentation and a single 2.36 mm vesical calculus. After sedation, local anesthesia, and surgical preparation, urethrotomy in the standing position was performed over the urethral obstruction at the ischial arch, reaching the urethrolith that fragmented during removal. Urethral catheterization from the urethrotomy site to flush the urinary bladder and urethra were performed, but the remaining vesical calculus was not retrieved. Considering the presence of a vesical calculus, severe urethral damage caused by the spiculated calculus and catheterization attempts, permanent perineal urethrostomy was performed. Laboratory tests revealed unremarkable hematological parameters, while serum biochemistry showed increased creatinine level. Urinalysis revealed cloudiness, amber appearance, countless red blood cells and bacteria, and calcium carbonate crystals. The urethrolith composition included ammonia, carbonate, and oxalate. Twelve months after surgery, the mule was healthy, the urethrostomy was viable, and no complications were recorded during this period.Discussion: Although uncommon, there are reports describing calculi of different sizes and weighing up to 803 g, causing mild to severe clinical signs according to the degree of obstruction in horses and donkeys. In the mule described here, the urethrolith did not completely obstruct the urethra, but the spiculated calculus caused dysuria and hematuria. In fact, most animals are usually referred for acute abdominal signs or hematuria and pollakiuria, but other unusual signs, such as rectal prolapse, may also be present. In the present report, the diagnosis of obstructive urethrolithiasis was established based on clinical signs and transcutaneous ultrasound of the subischial area, allowing visualization of the urethrolith. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first report of obstructive urethrolithiasis affecting a mule in Brazil. We reiterate that this condition must be included in the differential diagnosis of mules and hinnies with hematuria and dysuria, especially when associated with abdominal pain. Additionally, urethrostomy associated with urethrotomy performed on this mule in the standing position was a low-cost procedure with good results. Due to the lack of specificity regarding the food management of the mule on the previous farm, an assessment cannot be made regarding the effects of its food on urolith composition.