Bibliografie tematiche / Albanian and Balkan

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Albanian and Balkan"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 26 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Albanian and Balkan"

1

Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914". Knowledge International Journal 28, n. 7 (10 dicembre 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.

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Abstract (sommario):
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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2

Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914". Knowledge International Journal 28, n. 7 (10 dicembre 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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3

Stamova, Marijana. "The Albanian illusions during the Second World War". Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022): 236–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200236s.

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Abstract (sommario):
The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the New Order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely the unification of the Albanian people and the establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. In these years "Greater Albania" was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left out of these borders.
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4

Stamova, Mariyana. "Albanci na Balkanu tokom Drugog svetskog rata". Historijski pogledi 5, n. 8 (15 novembre 2022): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.152.

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Abstract (sommario):
After the end of the First World War, some countries in the Balkans remained dissatisfied with the status quo achieved with the Versailles system of peace treaties. The Albanian movement for territorial and ethnic Albania failed to fully realize - Kosovo and Metohija remained in the Royal Yugoslavia, established in 1918, which emerged from the First World War as a victorious state. The large Albanian population is a serious problem for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. One of the culprits, according to some researchers, is Belgrade's own political circles in the interwar period. Nationally, culturally, economically and politically, the Albanians in this period are in the worst position of any other national minority in the royal Yugoslavia. Here are a few examples to support the above. In the period between the two world wars, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia did not have a single school in their mother tongue, nor did it have a single cultural, educational or economic association. Dissatisfaction among Albanians from Kosovo and Metohija is growing with the policy of colonizing the Serb population from other parts of the country. This policy of repression against the Albanian population in Kosovo and Metohija provoked his numerous emigration to Albania. Much of the progressive emigration, in the person of Hassan Prishtina, Bedri Peyani, Ibrahim Gjakova and others, is extremely hostile to the Yugoslav state. This was cleverly used by the Albanian and Italian governments to break up Yugoslavia years later. In this regard, it is very important for Italian intelligence to engage Kosovo emigration in order to achieve full Italian control over Albania and weaken Yugoslavia's position in the south. With the impending new military confrontation on the international field, which would undoubtedly affect this region of Europe as well, Albanians see a real opportunity to achieve their national goals. Undoubtedly, the Albanian territory is also included in the geostrategic plans of the major countries for conducting military operations in the Balkans and implementing their further plans. In this regard, Italy's goal of making Albania a bridgehead in the Balkans for control of the Straits and the Middle East is to support the aspirations of Albanian nationalists after their long struggle to create a state that unites all Albanians. The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all the Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the new order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely с the unification of the Albanian people and establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. With the capitulation of Yugoslavia on April 7, 1941, a new territorial situation was created for the Axis forces and their satellite allies. The partition of Yugoslavia is one of the conditions for the realization of the „New Order“ in Southeast Europe. Convinced that the time was coming when, with the help of Italy and Germany, Kosovo and Metohija, western Macedonia, the eastern regions of Montenegro, etc. would enter Albania's borders, the Kosovo Committee with leading figures of Albanian nationalism, such as Bedri Pejani, Rexhep Mitrovica, Ibrahim Gjakova and Rexhep Krasniqi, have elevated political concepts for ethnic and territorial Albania familiar from the interwar period. In these years „Greater Albania” was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of the World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left outside of these borders.
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5

Asaturov, Sergey, e Andrei Martynov. "THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA". EUREKA: Social and Humanities, n. 5 (11 ottobre 2020): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.

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Abstract (sommario):
The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.
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6

Dushi, Arbnora. "Approaches of the Albanian Folkloristic in Kosovo: Background, Researches, Publications". Traditiones 48, n. 3 (27 febbraio 2020): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/traditio2019480304.

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Abstract (sommario):
The aim of the article on disciplinary trends in Albanian folkloristic in Kosovo is to offer an overview of folkloristic orientations and impacts related to the social and political status of Albanians in the former Yugoslavia, respectively in Kosovo. The living conditions of Albanians in some Balkan countries have affected the approaches, orientations and schools through which Albanian folklore studies have evolved. In this context, Albanian folklore studies in Kosovo differed from those in Albania during the period under communism when Yugoslavia and Albania had tense or broken diplomatic relations. In this paper, the historical background of the discipline and circumstances of Albanians living in Kosovo are presented. Both had a discernible impact on the research and publications carried out by the Folklore Department at the Institute of Albanology in Prishtina, as the only institution for the scientific research of Albanian folklore. Its research methodology, paradigms, publications as well as the status of folklore studies today provide an overview of folkloristic in Kosovo.
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7

Batakovic, Dusan. "Serbia, the Serbo-Albanian conflict and the First Balkan War". Balcanica, n. 45 (2014): 317–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445317b.

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Abstract (sommario):
After the restoration of Serbia in 1830, the areas of medieval Serbia left out of her borders were dubbed Old Serbia - Kosovo, Metohija, Rascia (the former sanjak of Novi Pazar and the neighbouring areas). Old Serbia (from 1877 onwards the vilayet of Kosovo) was dominated by local Albanian pashas, whereas the Christian Orthodox Serbs and their villages were attacked and pillaged by Muslim Albanian brigands. The religious antagonism between Muslims and Christians expanded into national conflict after the 1878 Albanian League had claimed the entire ?Old Serbia for Greater Albania?. The position of Christian Orthodox Serbs, who accounted for a half of the population at the end of the nineteenth century, was dramatically aggravated due to Muslim Albanians' tribal anarchy, Austria-Hungary's pro-Albanian agitation and, after 1908, frequent Albanian rebellions. All efforts of Serbia to reach a peaceful agreement with Muslim Albanian leaders in Old Serbia before the First Balkan War had ended in failure. The First Balkan War was the most popular war in Serbia?s history as it was seen as avenging the 1389 Battle of Kosovo which had sealed the Ottoman penetration into the Serbian lands. In October 1912, Serbia liberated most of Old Serbia, while Montenegro took possesion of half of the Rascia area and the whole of Metohija. While the decimated and discriminated Serb population greeted the Serbian and Montenegrin troops as liberators, most Albanians, who had sided with the Ottomans, saw the establishment of Serbian rule as occupation.
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8

Kume, Enida. "A Historical Overview on Fulfillment of the Right to Basic Education Among Albanians from Middle Ages to Beginning of The Last Decade of the XX Century". Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, n. 1 S1 (23 aprile 2024): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n1s106.

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Abstract (sommario):
Albanians are among the peoples of the Balkans who for centuries have faced the denial of the right to be educated in their native language. The attitude and action of the Ottoman occupier for the prohibition of education in the Albanian language in all Albanian regions during all occupational period was added the effect of the prohibitive action of the religious institutions and neighboring countries that aimed at the territorial annexation of Albania. The realization of the right to education in the Albanian language among Albanian people has been one of the main objectives of the Albanian National Movement for freedom and independence. The declaration of independence also marks the beginning of education in the Albanian language for Albanians as a public right. The decisions of the Vlora government were the first important efforts to realize this right. Economic and social development, the level of culture and traditions, the heritage related to long period under occupation, the geopolitical factors and developments in the first half of the century XX do not promote the process for the development of the basic education system in Albania. At the end of the second world war, Albania was the country with the highest level of illiteracy in the Balkan region. The development of the education system has been one of the main priorities of the Government in the period after the second world war. The right to education was defined as a constitutional right and basic education as a legal obligation for every Albanian citizen. During the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the main characteristic of the education system in Albania was its high level of ideologization. Received: 25 December 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2024 / Published: 23 April 2024
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9

Bedini, Belina. "Italian Foreign Policy between Albania and the Balkans (1910-1939)". Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, n. 1 (23 marzo 2024): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n116.

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This paper analyses the dynamics of Italian diplomacy in Albania from the beginning of the 20th century until 1939, when the Fascists occupied Albania. The primary purpose of this paper is to show how the interests of Italy, combined with the political and economic conditions of the country and, more broadly, of the Balkan peninsula, have changed constantly. Considering the Italian and Albanian diplomatic documents and broader literature, this paper will show the dynamics that shaped the development of Italy's foreign policy concerning Albania and the Balkans in the first three decades of the century. Therefore, in the beginning, it will explain why Albania was relevant to Italian interests. In the context of the Balkan wars, Italy shared its interest with the Austria-Hungarian Empire because it aimed also to control the Adriatic Sea. Afterwards, Yugoslavia was one of Italy's rivals on the Peninsula. Being aware that Albania, like other countries in the Mediterranean, enjoys high interest from the great powers, Italy often tried to receive the UK's and France's approval on some of its moves. Hence, international events like the Balkan wars and WWI and Italian and Albanian political leaders did have a relevant role in shaping foreign policy toward the Balkans and Albania. Received: 19 February 2024 / Accepted: 15 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024
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10

Conti, Fabio, MARJAN NIKETIĆ, SNEŽANA VUKOJIČIĆ, SONJA SILJAK-YAKOVLEV, ZOLTÁN BARINA e DMITAR LAKUŠIĆ. "A new species of Reichardia (Asteraceae, Cichorieae) from Albania and re-evaluation of R. macrophylla". Phytotaxa 236, n. 2 (27 novembre 2015): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.236.2.2.

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Abstract (sommario):
Reichardia albanica, a new species from Mount Çika (Albanian: Mali i Çikës) in southern Albania, is described and illustrated. Its relationship with the closest taxa is also discussed and a key for the identification of species in Balkan Peninsula and Turkey is provided. In addition R. macrophylla, a neglected and synonymized Balkan endemic species, has been re-evaluated. The name Picridium macrophyllum has been lectotypified.
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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "Albanian and Balkan"

1

Curtis, Matthew Cowan. "Slavic-Albanian Language Contact, Convergence, and Coexistence". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338406907.

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2

Gorani, Dukagjin. "Orientalist ethnonationalism : from irredentism to independentism : discourse analysis of the Albanian ethnonationalist narrative about the National Rebirth (1870-1930) and Kosovo Independence (1980-2000)". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2011. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/24085/.

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Abstract (sommario):
The thesis focuses on the chronological identification and detection of the discursive analogies between the category of 'the nation‘ and those of 'the West‘, 'Europe‘, 'democracy‘ and 'independence‘ in the Kosovo Albanian ethnonationalist narrative. The study represents a multi-dimensional exercise analysing the ethnonationalist discourse from a wide array of sample text which was produced during two relevant historical periods: the period between 1870-1930 and the period between 1980-2000. The first interval covers the period which is known in the Albanian history as the 'National Rebirth‘. The second deals with the recent history of political resistance of Kosovo Albanians and their 'sudden‘ discursive shift, from the narrative of 'unification with the Motherland Albania‘ (the unificationist/irredentist discourse) to the narrative of 'the independent Kosovo‘ (the independentist discourse) The main theoretical pillars of the study focus on the theories about the nation (specifically, its ethnic variation) and its narrative, the nationalism—as well as the representational systems of orientalism and balkanism (Said, 1978; Todorova, 1997). The study demonstrates that the discourse about the nation and national identity among Albanians is produced primarily through the internalisation of the external, orientalist approach in defining and understanding the social reality of the Balkan societies. Such internalisation is analysed through the prism of local adoption of the sociocultural and sociopolitical hegemonizing discourse that constituted the Western orientalist 'knowledge‘ about the Balkans—and, specifically, Albanians. The study notes that such discursive strategy of internalisation of orientalist traits within the ethnonationalist narrative is not limited to the Albanian societies (in both Albania and Kosovo) but appears as common feature in most of the societies/nations of the former Yugoslavia. In time, the study highlights, such process of 'nesting orientalisms‘ (Bakic-Hayden, 1996) was coupled with the phenomenon of the regional, exclusionist and competing ethnonationalist narratives which was aimed at constituing a nation‘s 'westernness‘ and 'Europeanness‘ through denying it to the other.
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3

Pistrick, Eckehard. "Chanter la Nostalgie : émigration, culture et créativité en Albanie du Sud". Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100195.

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La thèse propose une approche culturelle du phénomène de la migration albanaise fondée sur une méthodologie interdisciplinaire recourant à l’historiographie, l‘ethnomusicologie, l’anthropologie des émotions, l’anthropologie de la mémoire et de l‘absence. La recherche est basée sur un travail de terrain en Albanie du Sud, particulièrement entre 2007-2012 dans les régions où la tradition de chanter à plusieurs voix est encore vive. Le focus principal de ces missions fut les fêtes de villages pendant les Pâques et au mois d’août, occasion pour des milliers de migrants albanais d‘Italie et de Grèce de retourner dans leur village d’origine. La problématique principale de la thèse concerne les divers relations entre la migration vécue et imaginée et le chant. On a suivi les processus de création du chant et la „traduction“ de l’experience de migration en émotionnalité et en vocalité. A cette fin on a choisi une approche strictement émique en suivant les discours des chanteurs et les discussions entre ces derniers et leurs destinataires. Dans la discussion sur la „naissance du chant“ on a mis en évidence quelques concepts cruciaux indispensables à la création d’un chant d’exil (këngë kurbeti). C’est en premier lieu le concept de përjetoj („vivre l’experience“) qui rend possible et légitimise cet acte de création. Pendant la performance, deux autres concepts sont importants: „chanter la vérité“ et „pleurer en chantant“. Ont été cérnés les concepts émotionnels en usage en Albanie rurale, le développement historique du phénomène de la migration, la ritualité de la migration, et les processus de la mémorisation de la migration. Au centre de la thèse figurent les discours locaux et la performance de la musique en acte
This thesis, based on extensive fieldwork in South Albania between 2007-2012, proposes a cultural, performance-centred approach for studying Albanian migration in past and present. Migration is discussed both as a lived reality and an imaginary representation. Local village feasts occupy a central place in this discussion as highly symbolic events in which the social and cultural shift between remaining villagers and returning migrants becomes prominently visible. This contradictory reality is approached by applying an anthropology of absence and by discussing migration as seen through local narratives. The notion of absence is of particular importance as it generates a spatial, social and sonic nostalgia (mall), which becomes prominently visible in everyday life. This nostalgia is not understood as a depressing mental state which impeeds action, but as mobilizing creative energy. The thesis examines the creative processes for „translating“ migration experience into an emotionalised vocality following a stricly emic approach. For local singers the concept of „living through“ (përjetoj) is central, as it provides them with the legitimacy to sing about it. This holds particularly true for migration songs (këngë kurbeti) which possess a vital social and emotional function. They contain elements of two juxtaposed categories: those of song (këngë) and those of lament (vajtim). What singers and audiences define as a migration song, is largely subjective and contextual. Consequently we propose to describe migration songs either as a hybrid repertoire or a „performative category“. The second term implies that the very meaning of the song is constructed in the moment of its performance.In a final part the multiple links between death and migration are discussed, exemplified by the tragedy of Otranto in 1997, an accident which caused the death of several migrants. Death as permanent absence, and migration as temporary absence considered as a metaphorical extension of death coincide here in an emblematic case
Diese Promotion versucht, basierend auf ethnologischen Feldforschungen in Südalbanien zwischen 2007 und 2012, eine kulturelle Perspektive auf das Phänomen Migration in Albanien zu eröffnen. Dabei wird Migration sowohl als gelebte Alltagsrealität, als auch als eine mentale Konstruktion betrachtet. Lokale Dorffeste nehmen in dieser Diskussion als symbolisch besetze Orte der sozialen Auseinandersetzung über Konzepte wie Tradition, Modernität und Authentizität eine zentrale Rolle ein. Gleichzeitig werden in ihnen die sozialen und kulturellen Brüche zwischen verbliebener Dorfbevölkerung und den zu diesen Anlässen heimkehrenden Migranten sichtbar. Methodologisch wurde diese widersprüchliche Realität durch die „Anthropology of Absence“ einer näheren Untersuchung unterzogen. Zudem wurde Migration aus dem Blickwinkel individueller Narrative betrachtet. Das Konzept der „Abwesenheit“ ist für den Fall Albaniens von entscheidender Bedeutung, da es räumliche, soziale und klangliche Nostalgie (mall) definiert, die im Alltagsleben omnipräsent ist. Diese Nostalgie erweist sich nicht als hinderliches Element, sondern als eine Quelle der Inspiration für lokale Musiker. Sie aktiviert Prozesse der „Übersetzung“ von Migrationserfahrung in Emotionalität und in Gesangspraktiken. Für lokale Sänger steht beim Schaffensprozess das „durchleben“ (përjetoj) der Migrationserfahrung am Anfang eines Liedes. Diese Erfahrung verleiht ihnen die nötige Autorität um in authentischer Art und Weise über Migration zu singen. Das dabei entstehende Migrationslied (këngë kurbeti) besitzt wichtige emotionale und soziale Funktionen für die Dorfgemeinschaft, die in der Arbeit diskutiert werden. Musikalisch handelt es sich um ein Repertoire, das sich zwischen den grundsätzlich entgegengesetzten Polen von Lied (këngë) und Totenklage (vajtim) bewegt. Aus der vergleichenden Analyse von verschiedenen Aufführungskontexten für Migrationslieder geht hervor, dass die Einordnung eines Liedes als Migrationslied von subjektiven Perspektiven und dem jeweiligen Aufführungskontext abhängig ist. Der Begriff „performative category“ wird daher vorgeschlagen um diese Gruppe von Liedern näher zu definieren.Im abschließenden Teil werden die engen Beziehungen zwischen Tod und Migration als Formen der permanenten bzw. temporären Abwesenheit am Beispiel der Tragödie von Otranto 1997 untersucht. Die Koinzidenz von Migration und Tod führte in diesem Fall zu einer kulturellen Reaktion und zur Schaffung zahlreicher Lieder, in denen sich Migration als „nationale Mythengeschichte“ wiederfindet
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4

Bria, Gianfranco. "Les réseaux Soufi entre demande de sainteté et recherche de valeurs dans l'Albanie contemporaine". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0023/document.

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Le but de ce travail est d'analyser le processus de renaissance du culte religieux soufi dans la période postsocialiste dans l’Albanie contemporaine. Particulièrement, je propose de comprendre : l'influence de l'idéologie communiste et de la sécularisation sur les croyances, les comportements, les connaissances et les institutions religieuses; les différences sociales et territoriales du phénomène; le processus de reconstruction de l'autorité charismatique soufi dans la période postsocialiste
The aim of this work is to analyze the post-socialist rebirth process of Sufi worship in contemporary Albania. Particularly, I propose to understand: the influence of communist ideology and secularization toward beliefs, religious behavior and doctrinal knowledge; the social and territorial differences of Sufi phenomenon; the rebuilding process of Sufi charismatic authority in the post-socialist period
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5

Akyol, Gürkan Kodaman Timuçin. "Balkan politikasında Arnavutluk (1912 sonrası) /". Isparta : Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2007. http://tez.sdu.edu.tr/Tezler/TS00591.pdf.

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6

Hough, Karen Latricia. "The Albanian caseload : journeys through Britain, Italy and the Balkans". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413095.

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7

Ardolic, Mimoza. "Greater Albania - The Next Crisis in the Balkans?" Thesis, Växjö University, Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5430.

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Abstract (sommario):

The Balkans has suffered from quite a few problems as a result of the countless ambitious endeavors for great states of the ethnic groups residing in the Peninsula. The most recent great state idea to have caused troubles in the region is the Serbs’ Great Serbia (i.e. Yugoslvia), which caused a cycle of wars, the latest one being the war in Kosovo in the late 1990s. This thesis attempts to evaluate the rumors of yet another great state in the making – or rather awakening again: the attempt at a Greater Albania, and whether the Albanians in the Balkans are still harboring the idea of any such state. Particular emphasis is placed upon the following questions:

 

  • Where does the idea of a Greater Albania stem from?
  • Is a Greater Albania today still on the Albanians’ agenda as a real political plan?
  • What speaks for and against a Greater Albania? Is the idea even feasible?

 

The findings indicate that none of the Albanian communities residing in the Balkan region wish for a Greater Albania, nor do their leaders. The Serbs nonetheless maintain that an Albanian threat exists and has done so ever since 1878 when the idea of a Greater Albania first arose. However, according to the results of this study, their claims lack credibility. Everything indicates that today, and with Albania striving for membership in the European Union, the idea of a Greater Albania has been left in the past.

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8

Saltmarshe, Douglas. "Identity in a post-communist Balkan state : a study in north Albania". Thesis, University of Bath, 1999. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.760725.

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9

Reka, Armend. "L’énergie dans les Balkans occidentaux et ses enjeux pour la géopolitique régionale". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL042.

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Cette thèse étudie le système énergétique de 4 États : L’Albanie, le Kosovo, la Macédoine, la Serbie, appartenant aux Balkans occidentaux. Ils possèdent peu de ressources, les infrastructures restent souvent anciennes. Mais, avec l’instauration des grands projets gaziers internationaux, cet espace deviendra une zone transitaire essentielle, entre les pays producteurs gaziers (Asie centrale, la Russie, la Méditerranée orientale et le Moyen-Orient) et l’Europe occidentale. Les rapports de force y règnent pourtant. Ils sont liés à la sécurité énergétique et aux affrontements passés ou récents, mal stabilisés. La confrontation géoéconomique l’emporte sur la coopération technique. Des acteurs extérieurs, d’abord la Russie et l’Union européenne, mais aussi la Chine, la Turquie et les États-Unis, interviennent. L’énergie est un enjeu régional et mondial ; il renvoie au registre de la puissance
This thesis studies the energy sectors of 4 countries part of the Western Balkans: Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia. These countries are relatively poor in energy resources and their energy infrastructure is outdated and in dire need of modernization. However, in view of the colossal natural gas projects between Western Europe and gas-rich countries in the east, this area is emerging as an important transit area between the Russian Federation, former Soviet Union countries and eventually other countries in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. This reflects the evolving balance of power in the Western Balkans, which is shaped by their quest for energy security and the heritage of previous unresolved conflicts. As a result, geoeconomic competition trumps over cooperation. Moreover, external powers, first and foremost, the European Union and Russia, but also Turkey, the United States and China, intervene to safeguard their interests. Hence, energy is a crucial regional and world issue; and an important factor of power
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Shallari, Anila. "Les zones humides d'Albanie : transmission des normes internationales et européennes en matière environnementale en Albanie et dans les Balkans occidentaux. Le cas de cinq zones humides : Shkodra, Karavasta, Narta, Butrinti et Prespa". Phd thesis, Université Paul Valéry - Montpellier III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00967139.

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Ce travail analyse l'internationalisation de la protection environnementale sur cinq zones humides majeures d'Albanie. De par leur géographie et leur situation sur des corridors biologiques, ces zones accueillent une importante biodiversité. Trois d'entre elles sont inscrites à la convention Ramsar. Les grandes plaines littorales d'Albanie étaient naguère très marécageuses, favorables au développement de la biodiversité, d'autant plus qu'elles étaient peu peuplées, car le peuple albanais vivait d'élevage dans les montagnes. L'arrivée des communistes au pouvoir a provoqué un bouleversement des valeurs, exaltant les vertus de ces plaines littorales délaissées. Leur assèchement et leur mise en culture provoqua la disparition des espaces-tampons et des bouleversements des équilibres physico-chimiques des eaux des zones humides, notamment de la salinité de l'eau. L'introduction d'espèces allochtones pour la pêche, les pollutions agricoles et industrielles, le colmatage de chenaux par l'afflux de sédiments liés à la mise à nu des sols, furent autant de conséquences des pratiques agraires durant le communisme. L'ouverture au monde en 1991 provoque la multiplication des acteurs sur les zones humides, et la formation de systèmes géographiques singuliers nés de ces jeux d'acteurs. Les pressions agricoles sont en recul, mais les acteurs locaux exploitent les ressources sauvages parfois sans contrôle. Les acteurs globaux jouent à la fois sur l'attrait de l'Albanie comme pays à faible taux de main-d'oeuvre et à la situation stratégique sur les chemins énergétiques. Les institutions internationales poussent à la création de zones protégées sur les wetlands afin de s'approprier les questions de biodiversité et réunir des segments cassés de corridors biologiques, que l'Etat encourage comme autant de manières d'avancer ses pions sur l'échiquier diplomatique. [etc.]
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Libri sul tema "Albanian and Balkan"

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1950-, Elsie Robert, a cura di. Balkan beauty, Balkan blood: Modern Albanian short stories. Evanston, Ill: Northwestern University Press, 2006.

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A, Barentsen A., Groen B. M e Sprenger R, a cura di. Dutch studies in South Slavic and Balkan linguistics. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1987.

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Saltmarshe, Douglas. Identity in a Post-communist Balkan State: An Albanian Village Study. London: Taylor and Francis, 2017.

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Velaj, Olimbi. Balada - nga oraliteti në letërsi: (një vështrim i baladës shqiptare në kontekst ndërballkanik). Tiranë: Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, 2020.

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Pristina, Kosovo) Konferencë shkencore "Shqipja dhe gjuhët e. Ballkanit" (2011. Shqipja dhe gjuhët e Ballkanit: Konferencë shkencore e mbajtur më 10-11 nëntor 2011 në Prishtinë. Prishtinë: Akademia e Shkencave dhe e Arteve e Kosovës, 2012.

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Micha, Bania Xanthippē, a cura di. Emos: Antologjia e poezisë ballkanike. Athinë: Miqtë e Revistës "Anti", 2006.

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Lama, Kudusi. Rexhep Qosja: Filozof, ideolog dhe politikan i çështjes kombëtare. Prishtinë: Instituti Albanologjik, 2021.

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Maximilian, Lambertz. Periudha hipotetike në gjuhën shqipe. A cura di Edmond Malaj e Tefë Topalli. Tiranë: Botimet Albanologjike, 2011.

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Doçi, Rexhep. Onomastikë ilire-shqiptare në Ballkan. Prishtinë: Instituti Albanologjik i Prishtinës, 2006.

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Memedi, Shpresa. Poetika e ekzistencializmit në kontekst të letërsive Ballkanike: (Hyrje në ekzistencializmin ballkanik). Shkup: Instituti i trashëgimisë shpirtërore e kulturore të shqiptarëve, 2019.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Albanian and Balkan"

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Altimari, Francesco. "Progressivo e imminentivo nel sistema verbale dell’albanese d’Italia". In Biblioteca di Studi Slavistici, 227–44. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0184-1.14.

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This article deals with some specific characteristics of the Italo-Albanian (Arbëresh) verbal system, including the “presumptive” and “unfinished” past, but focuses especially on the expression of Aktionsart with the help of peri­phrases variously present, if not only marginally, in Balkan Albanian and already attested in the first Arbëresh grammars of the 19th century. The distribution of the periphrastic constructions with progressive and imminentive functions in a series of Italo-Albanian dialects is analysed on the basis of an initial overview of durative periphrases presented in Savoia (1991), but enriched by further research and integrated into a broader typological overview. The author hypothesises that the periphrases in question are not so much the result of linguistic contact with actual Italo-Romance varieties, but rather go back to the Balkan context of possibly Proto-Romance origin.
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Dauti, Daut. "Gjergj Fishta, the “Albanian Homer,” and Edith Durham, the “Albanian Mountain Queen”: Observers of Albania’s Road to Statehood". In The Balkan Wars from Contemporary Perception to Historic Memory, 81–104. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44642-4_4.

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Cline, Lawrence E. "The Leaky Bucket: Ethnic Albanian Cross-Border Operations in the Balkans". In Reflections on the Balkan Wars, 55–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403980205_4.

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Lamçe, Eni. "Securitizing and De-securitizing Actors of the OSCE: The Case of the Western Balkan Region". In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 109–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_7.

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AbstractThe OSCE, in its capacity as the largest regional security organization worldwide, has played a pivotal role in promoting security and cooperation in the Western Balkans. This research emphasizes the role of the main actors of the OSCE debate who try to securitize and de-securitize the concerns in the Western Balkan region in the light of the Regional Security Complex Theory. It draws attention to the role that the EU, US, and the Russian Federation have played in the politico-military dimension debate, starting from 1995 when the OSCE was established until 2001 when the turmoil in the region came to an end, as well as in the human dimension debate, beginning from 2015 when Serbia was the first Western Balkan country to chair the organization until 2020 and the Albanian OSCE Chairmanship. The research argues that the two most pressing concerns during the first timeframe, where securitization from regional actors can be addressed, were in the field of arms control and border management. In contrast, in the second timeframe, which is mainly characterized by de-securitization, the attention of the main actors concerning the region is centred on democratization and rule of law.
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Mitrojorgji, Lejnar. "The Albanian Communist Party from prewar origins to wartime resistance and power". In The Routledge Handbook of Balkan and Southeast European History, 365–72. First edition. | New York: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429464799-49.

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Persiani, Niccolò, Alberto Romolini, Laura Yzeiraj, Edi Dragusha e Emiljan Karma. "The Path for Introducing Diagnosis Related Groups (DRGs) in Albanian Health care". In Economic and Financial Challenges for Balkan and Eastern European Countries, 207–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39927-6_13.

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Trix, Frances. "“The Seeing of Our Eyes:” An Albanian Sufi Baba (Balkan Sufi Leader in United States)". In Muslim Voices and Lives in the Contemporary World, 17–29. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230611924_2.

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Lamçe, Eni. "OSCE Securitization and De-securitization-The Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue". In Polarization, Shifting Borders and Liquid Governance, 229–45. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44584-2_13.

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AbstractUsing Regional Security Complex Theory, this paper examines the role of the OSCE in securitizing and de-securitizing actors in developing Kosovo-Serbia relations. The research is based on an analysis of official documents collected at the archives of the OSCE Documentation Center in Prague. In this regard, the contribution provides an in-depth analysis of developments in Kosovo within the OSCE context starting from 1995, when the OSCE was established, until 2001, when the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was welcomed once again as an OSCE participating State. This period is contrasted against that of more recent positive developments in Kosovo starting from 2015, when Serbia was the first Western Balkan country to Chair the OSCE, until 2020, and the Albanian OSCE Chairmanship. This research investigates the role that the regional actors, namely the USA, the EU and the Russian Federation, played in enhancing or not Kosovo’s domestic developments. This study intends to bring to light the progress made on Kosovo’s path to democratization by highlighting the controversy in relation to its ongoing struggle to have a seat at the table of the OSCE and a voice on important issues concerning its domestic security.
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Schmitt, Oliver Jens. "Ottoman Albania and Kosovo, Albanians and Serbs, sixteenth–eighteenth centuries". In The Routledge Handbook of Balkan and Southeast European History, 18–25. First edition. | New York: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429464799-4.

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Deliana, M., M. Sanxhaku, V. Puka e L. Selfo. "Albania". In Transboundary Water Resources in the Balkans, 81–85. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-4367-7_9.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Albanian and Balkan"

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Karanikolas, Nikitas N. "Bootstrapping the Albanian Information Retrieval". In 2009 Fourth Balkan Conference in Informatics. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bci.2009.16.

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Koci, R., L. Duni, E. Begu, R. Bozo e I. Ymeti. "Geodynamic Characteristics of Albanian Territory". In 7th Congress of the Balkan Geophysical Society. Netherlands: EAGE Publications BV, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609.20131705.

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Morozova, Maria S., e Alexander Yu Rusakov. "ON COMPARATIVE STUDY OF LINGUISTIC COMPLEXITY OF ALBANIAN AND SOUTH SLAVIC DIALECTS". In 50th International Philological Conference in Memory of Professor Ludmila Verbitskaya (1936–2019). St. Petersburg State University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288063183.14.

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The article discusses approaches to the measurement and comparative study of linguistic complexity of the Balkan dialects, genetically related to different languages. At this stage Albanian and South Slavic dialects were considered. Based on dialect descriptions and atlases, 948 South Slavic and 131 Albanian locations in the Balkan Peninsula were surveyed. Significant differences between the tentative “common Albanian” and “common Slavic” states, taken as reference points for measuring complexity, and differences between dialectal phenomena relevant for modern Albanian and South Slavic varieties, make the creation of a single list of features a non-trivial task. Thus the paper attempts a comparative study of complexity using two lists compiled independently for Albanian and for South Slavic and including 27 unmatching binary features each. All features reflect the “grammatical” complexity of language system (inventory of phonemes and grammemes, number of inflectional classes, etc.). Relative complexity or simplicity is seen as not only a static characteristic of modern dialects, but also a result of simplifying and complexifying innovations that developed in different historical periods, and preservation of the “inherited” complexity from “common Albanian” and “common Slavic”. This approach allows us to confirm the assumption that language contact can lead to both simplification and complexification and to postulate different paths of contact development for Albanian and South Slavic dialect zones. Contacts in the Albanian-speaking area are always associated with simplification, while South Slavic demonstrates a trend towards simplification, with the exception of Western Macedonian, where high complexity results from many contact-induced complexifying innovations. Refs 10.
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Ormeni, R. "Basic Aspects of Albanian Seismic Activity during 2014". In 8th Congress of the Balkan Geophysical Society. Netherlands: EAGE Publications BV, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609.201414222.

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Gani, Eriglen, e Alda Kika. "Albanian Dynamic Dactyls Recognition using Kinect Technology and DTW". In BCI '17: 8th Balkan Conference in Informatics. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3136273.3136276.

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Чиварзина, А. И. "Цветообозначения в устойчивых сочетаниях со значением благопожелания и проклятия в некоторых балканских языках". In Межкультурное и межъязыковое взаимодействие в пространстве Славии (к 110-летию со дня рождения С. Б. Бернштейна). Институт славяноведения РАН, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0459-6.34.

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In the course of convergent development, the peoples living on the Balkan Peninsula signi ficantly influenced each other, borrowing numerous cultural and linguistic phenomena. Thus determined the formation of the Balkan cultural and linguistic landscape. It is interesting to analyse the idioms with the meaning of blessing and curse in the Balkan Slavic languages, in particular in Bulgarian, Macedonian and Serbian, in comparison with the non-Slavic Albanian language. The found correspondences demonstrate a high degree of interlingual and intercultural interaction of these neighboring peoples.
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Dushi, E. "A Revised Parametric Model of Local Magnitude for Albanian Seismological Network". In 5th Congress of Balkan Geophysical Society. European Association of Geoscientists & Engineers, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609-pdb.126.6287.

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ALIAJ, Besnik, e Ledio ALLKJA. "Issues of the Territorial-Administrative Reform in Albania. A comparative analysis on the progress of reform with other former- ly-centralized economies: Estonia and Moldova, and the need for a more ample and innovative approach." In ISSUES OF HOUSING, PLANNING, AND RESILIENT DEVELOPMENT OF THE TERRITORY Towards Euro-Mediterranean Perspectives. POLIS PRESS, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37199/c41000121.

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Albania has gone through different reforms of decentralization and territorial administrative since the 1990s. Especially after 2013, these reforms have reshaped the layout of the local territorial administration in Albania. The outcomes of these reforms nevertheless remain questionable. Additionally, considering the EU integration process, the regionalization reform and the regional development reform are still in a critical juncture. This paper analyses the main events during the territorial administrative reform and the regionalization process in Albania. Its analysis tries to highlight the main issues and some recommendations for future action to deepen decentralization and improve local governance in Albania. This is done by comprehensive analysis of the reform based on research and contribution of POLIS University 1 and Co-PLAN Institute for Habitat Development 2 as key local stakeholders. In addition, the Albanian case (Western Balkan Countries) is compared to 2 other case studies of formerly centralized economies (Eastern-Europe) with relatively similar historic stability problematics, economic background, and country/population size, but with geographic location differences (South, North, East) and other differences, such as with regard European integration progress. This includes Estonia (Baltic Countries) and Moldova (Eastern Partnership Countries). Then the comparison is done via i) Local administrative reform; ii) Regionalization and regional development; iii) Analysis of the reform and its challenges; iv) and a matrix-based qualitative conclusion. Albanian case includes desk and field work, while Estonian and Moldavian cases are based on desk research.
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Ylli (Kraja), Ariana, Ilirjana Stamo e Fatbardha Babani. "Biophysical and biochemical parameters of Italian wheat genotypes tested in Albanian condition". In SIXTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE BALKAN PHYSICAL UNION. AIP, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2733571.

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Shahini, Ermir. "A Small Central Institution Increases Economic Development and Efficiency: Albanian Case compared with Regional Balkan States". In 3th International Conference on Cognitive - Social, and Behavioural Sciences. Cognitive-crcs, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2015.08.10.

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Albanian and Balkan"

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Dedeken, Chiara, e Kevin Osborne. Repatriating FTFs from Syria: Learning from the Western Balkans. RESOLVE Network, ottobre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.23.wb.

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Four countries in the Western Balkan region (Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Montenegro) are in the top ten countries with the most foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) per capita. The political will to repatriate FTFs remains strong, at least in the Western Balkans, despite delays in 2020 due to COVID-19. In other parts of the world, especially high-income countries, political will to repatriate is considerably lower. COVID-19 has further constrained nations in their efforts to repatriate law-abiding citizens, which is less controversial than FTF families. Based on discussions with government officials and security officers in the Western Balkans as well as international experts and donors, this policy note provides operational recommendations to move forward with repatriation, rehabilitation, and reintegration of returnees building on lessons from repatriations in Albania, Kosovo, and North Macedonia. It urges governments globally to double down on repatriation efforts and to call on experience from governments in the Balkans to bring back their FTFs now. The recommendations in this policy note are relevant to any country where political will to repatriate FTFs can be generated.
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Vuksanović, Vuk. Between Emotions and Realism: Two Faces of Turkish Foreign Policy in the Balkans. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, giugno 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/wzvw6831.

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Turkey’s more assertive posture towards the Balkans is neglected compared to the commentariat that deals with Russia and China. To fill this policy gap, the research team of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) has conducted research based on the analysis of secondary source material and, even more importantly, on fieldwork interviews that involved 16 sources, academics and think tank researchers based in Istanbul and Ankara. Although the consulted sources have different backgrounds and political sympathies, the research established a presence of common themes. Namely, Turkish foreign policy in the Balkans has two aspects. The first is based on emotions, where Turkish foreign policy towards the region is framed by Turkey’s special ties with the region based on shared history, social connections, identity factors and the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The Balkan country that is most frequently mentioned in the context of special ties with Turkey is Bosnia and Herzegovina, in light of socio-cultural ties and the fact that it is a country in which the Ottoman legacy is felt most strongly. The second approach is rooted in traditional foreign policy realism derived from an objective and calculated assessment of the regional balance of power and one’s own interests. Within this approach, Turkey is trying, for security and strategic reasons, to act pragmatically and be effective in the Balkans without entangling itself in crises that could impede its regional influence. This approach leads Turkey towards engaging Serbia, the region’s strategically consequential country, because Ankara is deeply convinced that if it wishes to be effective in the Balkans, it needs to have a partnership with Belgrade. In doing so, it must strike a balance between emotions and realism. It needs to walk the fine line between nurturing ties with communities with which it has cultural and religious ties, like Bosniaks and Albanians, while avoiding alienating countries whose partnership Ankara needs to be able to succeed in the Balkans, such as Serbia.
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Herbert, Siân. Social Norms, Gender, and Serious and Organised Crime in Albania and Kosovo. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), febbraio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.018.

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This rapid literature review explores the evidence about social norms, gender, and serious and organised crime (SOC) in Albania and Kosovo. There is limited literature that explores this exact question, as historically, gender has rarely been associated with organised crime (Amerhauser, 2020), therefore beyond a few focussed texts, this query also brings together findings from related literatures on: gender and organised crime (more generally); gender norms in Albania and Kosovo; and organised crime in Albania, Kosovo, and in the broader region of the Western Balkans. This paper is not comprehensive of all of the issues related to this question, but is illustrative of the most commonly discussed issues.
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Ármás, Julianna, e Ferenc Németh. Southeast European Demographic Overview II. : Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, and North Macedonia. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.50.

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The countries of Southeast Europe are facing severe demographic challenges. Falling birth rates, high levels of emigration, and a lack of a comprehensive family support system are leading to a rapid decline in population. All these factors are particularly true for the Western Balkan countries. We continue our analysis on Southeast Europe’s demographic situation with an overview of the trends in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, and North Macedonia.
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Schuch, Klaus. Patterns of Geographical Mobility of Researchers from Six Western Balkan Countries in Regional and European Mobility Based Training Programmes. Fteval - Austrian Platform for Research and Technology Policy Evaluation, luglio 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2021.516.

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The aim of this paper is to analyse the mobility of researchers from the six Western Balkan Countries, Albania, Bosnia and Herzego-vina, Kosovo*1, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia (abbr. WB6) within structured regional and European mobility programmes. We want to identify geographical patterns with a view on mobility-based training from the WB6 region to the EU, but also within the WB6 region. The following structured regional European programmes provide the basis for this comparative analysis • CEEPUS • ERASMUS + • Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions (MSCA) • COST
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Nasi, Luis. The case for the Ionian-Adriatic Pipeline. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.e-2021.11.

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The natural gas sector in most of the Western Balkans is largely underdeveloped. Consumption is low, as is infrastructure penetration. In recent years, new sources have become available, which, provided the necessary infrastructure is built, can change the situation and increase the use of gas in the region. This paper presents the Ionian-Adriatic Pipeline, which would link the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline with the Croatian gas transmitting system. In doing so, it could make access to gas a reality for Albania, Montenegro, and possibly Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, while increasing energy security in the region. The feasibility of this project, its benefits and possible implications are discussed, concluding that the construction of this pipeline would be a wise decision and significantly benefit the region.
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Cvijić, Srdjan, Nikola Dimitrov, Leposava Ognjanoska Stavrovska e Ivana Ranković. Bilateral Disputes and EU enlargement: A Consensual Divorce. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, maggio 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/xubk6023.

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Abstract (sommario):
Bilateral disputes between European Union member states and candidate countries are one of the key obstacles to EU enlargement. They have been plaguing the EU accession process ever since the breakup of Yugoslavia and the subsequent border dispute between EU member Slovenia and candidate country Croatia which then ensued. More recently we have the case of North Macedonia. It became a candidate country in 2005 but ever since, its accession negotiations have been bogged down by endless bilateral disputes. While the case of North Macedonia and its decades long conflicts with Greece and Bulgaria are the most well-known of such cases, they are not the only ones. In a seminal 2018 publication the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BIEPAG) outlined the most prominent “open” or “latent” disputes between EU member states and candidate countries in the Western Balkans. Ranging from border to territorial disputes, or ones concerning the status of national minorities, four out of five candidate countries in the region – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia or Serbia, has a bilateral dispute with one or more EU member states. If you look at new candidates Ukraine and Moldova and potential candidate Georgia however, the list of active or potential bilateral disputes is even longer. Even when a candidate country meets the criteria to progress in EU accession talks, bilateral disputes can delay it for years or even decades as in the case of North Macedonia. In this way such disputes present a serious challenge to the credibility of the EU enlargement process. In the context of the war in Ukraine, as we have seen with regard to the policies of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary towards Ukraine, invoking bilateral disputes can seriously challenge the geopolitical orientation and the security of the entire Union. On the legal side, since most of these issues fall outside the scope of the EU law and are not covered by the accession criteria, there is a need to think of an institutional mechanism to deal with bilateral disputes. Enlargement policy does not offer an appropriate platform for settlement of bilateral disputes, especially for those that fall outside the EU law. Hence, these issues should be addressed via the international legal dispute resolution toolbox and thus be subjects of separate processes. The EU’s role however cannot be passive. It should invest efforts in these processes in order for them to be mutually reinforcing and so that the accession process has a mollifying rather than tension amplifying effect on the issue. In its policy brief, published at the end of 2023, the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) proposed updating the Copenhagen criteria such that they should include a stipulation to resolve bilateral issues between member states and candidate countries through external dispute resolution mechanisms: Territorial disputes should be referred to arbitration or the International Court of Justice, while those on minority rights should be dealt with by the European Court of Human Rights and other appropriate dispute settlement mechanisms. In this policy brief we suggest ways how to operationalise this proposal. First, we describe different types of vertical bilateral disputes (the ones that include asymmetrical relations) between EU members and Western Balkan candidate countries, then we outline international mechanisms to resolve them, and finally we propose an institutional architecture to remove bilateral disputes that fall outside of the scope of the Copenhagen criteria and the EU acquis from the purview of EU accession talks.
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