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Bibliografie tematiche / Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel)

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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel)"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 29 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 31 luglio 2024

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel)"

1

VENTURA, RAPHAEL. "Family Political Socialization in Multiparty Systems". Comparative Political Studies 34, n. 6 (agosto 2001): 666–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034006004.

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This article presents a model linking the structure of the party system with the political identification children develop during the political socialization process. According to this model, children acquire from their parents political labels that serve as voting cues. These cues can relate to a specific party (party identification), a group of parties, or a basic ideological position (usually in “left” and “right” terms). In every society, labels having greater heuristic value are more commonly transmitted from parent to offspring. The type of label with the heuristic advantage in each society is determined by the nature of the party system and, specifically, by three of its characteristics: number of parties, composition of the social cleavages, and degree of competitiveness. Some of the model's assumptions are tested with empirical data from Israel, providing a comprehensive account of the intergenerational transmission of partisanship and ideological orientations in Israel.

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2

Shehadeh, Maysoun Ershead. "The Arabs in Israel—Hybrid Identity of a Stateless National Collectivity". Mediterranean Studies 29, n. 1 (maggio 2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.1.65.

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Abstract The debate concerning the identity of Arabs in Israel involves a dimension that has not yet been studied—the hybrid identity of a stateless minority. The definition of Israel as a Jewish state, the fact that Arabs in Israel do not take part in the country’s Independence Day, and the emergence of a national movement among Arabs in Israel demanding cultural but not territorial autonomy are major factors that foreground this status of Arabs in Israel. The current study focuses on the influence of activist Arab groups—political, literary, and journalistic—within the Israeli Communist Party. The party operated as a group of “populist intellectuals” immediately following its consent to the Palestine Partition Plan. The goal of the Communist Party was to engineer the identity of the Palestinian collectivity in Israel as a hybrid identity adapted to the political and territorial circumstances in the aftermath of the War of 1948.

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3

Sa'di, Ahmad H. "Communism and Zionism in Palestine-Israel: A Troubled Legacy". Holy Land Studies 9, n. 2 (novembre 2010): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0103.

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The political marginalisation of the Palestinians inside Israel between 1948 and 1977 has been widely discussed in the literature. The Israeli Communist Party is often credited with being the sole political organisation which gave an outlet during this period to the critical and oppositional political, literary and artistic activities of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. The Party organs in particular have done their utmost to popularise this claim, which has also become an article of faith for many Arab left-wing intellectuals. The question tackled in this article is: why did the Israeli State grant a margin of freedom to the Communist Party during this period, while denying it to every single Palestinian organisation inside Israel? I discussed this question at a conference on the Left in Palestine held at SOAS in February 2010. While the reader will be spared here the details of the subsequent personal accusations levelled against me in the organs of the Communist Party, I argue here (as in my SOAS paper) that the Communist Party was given this freedom of action for a range of reasons and in particular those to do with the Soviet support for the establishment of Israel and the important pro-Zionist role played the Communist Party during the 1948 War for Palestine. Other reasons are related to the endorsement by the Communist Party of Zionism's tenets and claims in support of the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, including the ‘modernising’ nature of the Zionist project.

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4

Harris, Ron. "State Identity, Territorial Integrity and Party Banning: The Case of a Pan-Arab Political Party in Israel". Socio-Legal Review 4, n. 1 (gennaio 2008): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55496/cjwo9995.

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The banning of political partise in democracies, something which seemed to be a matter of the past, has reemerged in recent years in many countries, from Germany to Turkey, from Britain to Israel, and from Spain to Latvia. The present artick tells the story of an encounter in the years between 1959 and 1965, between the pan-Arab national movement El Ard and the Israeli executive and judidal branches. According to the author's interpretation of its history, El Ard was what he calls a "third generation party" based on his categorisation of pary objecdves and means. It sought to alter the identity of Israel in a radical manner. Yet it was not assodated expliitly with organisations or states that aimed at destructing Israel or altering its identity as a Jewish state. The article elaborates on the question of how to interpret the objectives of a pary; it grapples with the question of what constitutes support for terror and for the use of violence; it raises issues related to the nature of separaism, irredenta, and pan-nadonalism; itproblemadses the test for adherence to democratic principles; and it deals with the effects of emergency and post-war situations. The case study places in thick context, with ample nuances, the dilemmas and doubts involved in the ban of poliical parties, which have recently came to preoccupy many governments and courts

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5

De Martino, Claudia. "Israel and the Italian Communist Party (1948–2015): From fondness to enmity". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, n. 4 (14 agosto 2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.004.

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Based on a wide array of archival sources of the Communist Party of Italy (PCI), the article explores the historical relationship between the Party, Israel and the Jew and focuses on the real motivations behind the current divide between Israel and the European (Communist or former Communist) Left. The articles argues that Communism for Israel has not been lost for the presumed discriminatory attitude of the Jews in the Communist world, nor for historical growing Communist support of Palestinian guerrilla groups, but because of the increasing militarism and nationalism of the Zionist Left and the erosion of Communist and pacifist ideals.

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6

SCHOFIELD, NORMAN, e ITAI SENED. "Multiparty Competition in Israel, 1988–96". British Journal of Political Science 35, n. 4 (22 agosto 2005): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000335.

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Formal models of voting usually assume that political agents, whether parties or candidates, attempt to maximize expected vote shares. ‘Stochastic’ models typically derive the ‘mean voter theorem’ that each agent will adopt a ‘convergent’ policy strategy at the mean of the electoral distribution. In this article, it is argued that this conclusion is contradicted by empirical evidence. Estimates of vote intentions require ‘valence’ terms. The valence of each party derives from the average weight, given by members of the electorate, in judging the overall competence or ‘quality’ of the particular party leader. In empirical models, a party's valence is independent of current policy declarations and can be shown to be statistically significant in the estimation. It is shown here that the addition of valence gives a very strong Bayes factor over an electoral model without valence. The formal model is analysed and shown to be classified by a ‘convergence’ coefficient, defined in terms of the parameters of the empirical model. This coefficient gives necessary and sufficient conditions for convergence. When the necessary condition fails, as it does in these empirical studies with valence, then the convergent equilibrium fails to exist. The empirical evidence is consistent with a formal stochastic model of voting in which there are multiple local Nash equilibria to the vote-maximizing electoral game. Simulation techniques based on the parameters of the empirical model have been used to obtain these local equilibria, which are determined by the principal component of the electoral distribution. Low valence parties, in equilibrium, will tend to adopt positions at the electoral periphery. High valence parties will contest the electoral centre, but will not, in fact, position themselves at the electoral mean. Survey data from Israel for the elections of 1988, 1992 and 1996 are used to compute the parameters of the empirical model and to illustrate the dependence of equilibria on the electoral principal components. The vote maximizing equilibria do not perfectly coincide with the actual party positions. This divergence may be accounted for by more refined models that either (i) include activism or (ii) consider strategic party considerations over post-election coalition bargaining.

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Diskin, Abraham. "The New Political System of Israel". Government and Opposition 34, n. 4 (ottobre 1999): 498–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00167.x.

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During the 1990s the israeli political system faced a number of major upheavals on both the macro- and the micro-political levels. As a result many of its basic features changed considerably. Presently, it is more difficult to predict future political behaviour in Israel than ever before.One may point at the only successful no-confidence vote, which took place on 15 March 1990, as an event that symbolically initiated the new era. Yitzhak Shamir, the head of the Likud and the acting prime minister at the time, overcame the crisis, formed a new government, and continued to serve as prime minister. Yitzhak Rabin of the Labour Party took power following the 1992 elections. Shimon Peres of Labour succeeded Rabin as premier following Rabin's assassination in November 1995. Peres lost the 1996 elections to Likud's new leader, Benjamin Netanyahu. In the 1999 elections, Labour returned to power under the leadership of Prime Minister Ehud Barak.

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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Party Switching in Israel: Understanding the Split of the Labor Party in 2011". Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, n. 3-4 (settembre 2019): 408–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798919872843.

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In January 2011, former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak issued a surprising announcement to take four other members of his Labor Party’s Knesset faction with himself to set up a new political party, Haatzmaut (Independence). The conditions under which this split took place illustrate the ways in which the Israeli anti-defection law, passed in the 12th Knesset, incentivizes the behavior of elected legislators who seek to exit from the party that they were elected to represent. This article shows that the anti-defection law cannot keep a legislative party together that suffers from weak internal cohesion. In fact, by imposing numerical criterion (1/3) on prospective party switchers, the anti-defection law prolongs internal disunity, thereby further weakening an already low level of cohesion.

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9

Harrison, Bernard. "Israel and Antisemitism". Journal of Contemporary Antisemitism 2, n. 1 (Spring 2019) (24 luglio 2019): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/jca/2.1.20.

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Recent senior legal opinion in Britain has inclined to the view that all criticism of Israel falls into the category of legitimate political opinion deserving the protection of laws guar- anteeing freedom of speech. Argument for this view, from Sir Stephen Sedley and others, is defective in that it ignores an evident distinction between antisemitism considered as an emotional disposition, and antisemitism considered as a deranged pseudo-explanatory political theory. Israel has become of late years the main focus for theoretical antisemitism of this latter kind. “Criticism” of this type is antisemitic, not because it manifests “hate speech” targeted at individual Jews qua Jews, but rather because it defames the Jewish community, falsely imagined by antisemites of this type to be unanimous, uncritical, and politically isolated in its support for Israel. The kinds of “criticism” of Israel characterized as antisemitic by the IHRA Definition of antisemitism are all of this type; and the Definition therefore poses, contrary to opinion widely expressed in recent debate on both sides of the Atlantic, no threat whatsoever to freedom of speech. Keywords: IHRA Definition, Sir Stephen Sedley, Social vs. Political Antisemitism, Labour Party

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Jozami, Maximiliano. "Argentine Left Parties and the 1967 Six-Day War through the Prism of Global Networks and South-South Connections". Anuario de Historia de América Latina 56 (2 dicembre 2019): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.56.125.

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The June 1967 war between Israel and the armies of Egypt, Syria and Jordan had an important impact on the Argentine left, which sided with the Arab countries. The Communist Party of Argentina (PCA), which had a significant influence on the Jewish community, defended the policy of the Soviet Union, while Política Obrera (PO) and the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (PRT), two Trotskyist currents, were critical of the Soviet policy and saw in the political process of the Middle East an ongoing national revolution that could develop into a socialist revolution. Even though the three parties openly repudiated anti-Semitism and denounced the calls to expel the Jewish population from Israel/Palestine, they were not exempt of the use of anti-Semitic (and Orientalist) tropes. They described Israel as a mere ‘pawn of US Imperialism’ devoid of agency and, with the exception of the PCA, ignored the existence of the Palestinians as a distinct national group. The debate of the Israel/Palestine question at the Tricontinental Conference held in Havana in 1966 influenced the left as a whole, and seems to have informed the positions of PO, organization that became the first Marxist party in the world to have called for the political destruction of the State of Israel, which was to have been carried out by the revolutionary alliance of the Arab and Jewish masses of the Middle East. Both the PCA and PRT defended Israel’s right to exist instead.

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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel)"

1

Shindler, Colin. "A political and ideological history of the Likud Party of Israel 1931-1992". Thesis, Middlesex University, 1997. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/13485/.

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2

Baykan, Toygar Sinan. "Electoral success of the Justice and Development Party : the role of political appeal and organization". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/65895/.

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3

Sarfati, Yusuf. "The Rise of Religious Parties in Israel and Turkey: A Comparative Study". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1244742003.

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4

Abu, Sada Mkhaimar S. "Palestinian political attitudes in the West Bank and Gaza : the impact of party affiliation on political attitudes toward the peace process /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9809683.

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5

Marsden, Sarah V. "How terrorism ends : understanding the outcomes of violent political contestation". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3970.

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Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.

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BAGAINI, ANNA MARIA. "LOST IN PEACE. ASCESA E DECLINO DEL PARTITO LABURISTA NEL QUADRO DELLA STORIA POLITICA ISRAELIANA (1948-2001)". Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/40679.

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La tesi analizza il contemporaneo declino elettorale del Partito Laburista israeliano in relazione agli eventi storici, ai cambiamenti sociali e demografici che hanno portato ad un effettivo cambiamento del sistema politico. In particolar modo la ricerca si sofferma sulla lettura dei risultati elettorali, cercando di sottolineare come le dinamiche sopra indicate abbiano influenzato i trend elettorali e l'offerta politica del partito stesso. Fino a giungere agli anni Novanta, passaggio fondamentale in cui cogliere le ragioni per le quali il Partito Laburista sembra tutt'ora non riuscire invertire il trend negativo degli ultimi quindici anni.
This thesis analyzes the contemporary electoral decline of the Israeli Labor Party in relation to historical events, social and demographic changes that have led to an effective change in the Israeli political system. In particular, the research focuses on the electoral results, trying to underline how the dynamics indicated above have influenced the electoral trends and the political offer of the party itself. The Nineties represent a fundamental passage in which it is possibleto understand the reasons why the Labor Party seems unable, still today, to reverse the negative trend of the last fifteen years.

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BAGAINI, ANNA MARIA. "LOST IN PEACE. ASCESA E DECLINO DEL PARTITO LABURISTA NEL QUADRO DELLA STORIA POLITICA ISRAELIANA (1948-2001)". Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/40679.

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Abstract (sommario):

La tesi analizza il contemporaneo declino elettorale del Partito Laburista israeliano in relazione agli eventi storici, ai cambiamenti sociali e demografici che hanno portato ad un effettivo cambiamento del sistema politico. In particolar modo la ricerca si sofferma sulla lettura dei risultati elettorali, cercando di sottolineare come le dinamiche sopra indicate abbiano influenzato i trend elettorali e l'offerta politica del partito stesso. Fino a giungere agli anni Novanta, passaggio fondamentale in cui cogliere le ragioni per le quali il Partito Laburista sembra tutt'ora non riuscire invertire il trend negativo degli ultimi quindici anni.
This thesis analyzes the contemporary electoral decline of the Israeli Labor Party in relation to historical events, social and demographic changes that have led to an effective change in the Israeli political system. In particular, the research focuses on the electoral results, trying to underline how the dynamics indicated above have influenced the electoral trends and the political offer of the party itself. The Nineties represent a fundamental passage in which it is possibleto understand the reasons why the Labor Party seems unable, still today, to reverse the negative trend of the last fifteen years.

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8

Schiffman, Eitan. "Schools and votes : the rise of the Shas party in Israel /". 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3096846.

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Libri sul tema "Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel)"

1

Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel). ישראל משבר ומוצא: Mashber u-motsa. Tel Aviv?]: Mifleget Aḥarayut, 2009.

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2

Meydani, Assaf. Aḥarayut tsiburit u-tserikhah poliṭit: Bet ha-mishpaṭ ha-ʻelyon mul ha-Keneset ṿeha-memshalah : arbaʻ reformot le-Yiśraʼel. Tel Aviv: Bursi, 2009.

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3

Israel), Moledet (Political party:. Moledet - Rodina: Statʹi i vystuplenii͡a deputata knesseta Rekhavama Zeėvi (Gandi). [Telʹ-Aviv?]: Lev le-Nativ, 1999.

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4

Iḥud leʼumi (Political party: Israel). Gam ani katom: Beli lefaḥed kelal. Tel Aviv: ha-Iḥud ha-leʼumi, 2009.

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5

Ḳadimah (Political party : Israel). Vperëd, Olʹmert! [Israel]: Kadima, 2006.

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Yiśraʼel betenu (Political party: Israel). Programma partii "Israėlʹ Beĭtenu" (Nash dom Izrailʹ): Nash dom Izrailʹ. Israel]: Nash dom Izrailʹ, 2006.

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7

Jones, Stewart R. Israel in the Carter years: Likud policy with regard to the WestBank and Gaza 1977-1980. London: Adelphi, 1993.

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8

Neugart, Felix Gregor. Die alte Herrlichkeit wiederherstellen: Die Schas-Partei in Israel. Schwalbach/Ts: Wochenschau, 2000.

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9

Ḳadimah (Political party : Israel). Ḳadimah: Manhigut ḥazaḳah le-shalom. Tel Aviv]: Ḳadimah, 2006.

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10

ʻAtid eḥad (Political party : Israel). Avraham Neguseh: Śar ha-ḳeliṭah ha-ba. Ḳiryat Mosheh, Reḥovot: ʻAtid eḥad, 2006.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel)"

1

McTague, John J. "Political Polarization and Electoral Change in Israel". In Comparative Democratization and Peaceful Change in Single-Party-Dominant Countries, 157–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-38515-7_6.

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2

McTague, John J. "Political Polarization and Electoral Change in Israel". In Comparative Democratization and Peaceful Change in Single-Party-Dominant Countries, 157–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312292676_6.

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3

Kampinsky, Aharon (Roni). "The Political Polarization Surrounding the Oslo Accords and the National Religious Party in Israel". In Polarization and Consensus-Building in Israel, 40–53. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003301103-3.

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4

Shalev, Michael. "3. The Political Economy of Labor-Party Dominance and Decline in Israel". In Uncommon Democracies, a cura di T. J. Pempel, 83–127. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501746161-006.

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Leon, Nissim. "The covert political ethnicity of the Kulanu party". In Israel at the Polls 2015, 92–110. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315205649-7.

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Roberts, Samuel J. "The Role of Israeli Political Parties in Foreign Policy: An Historical Overview". In Party and Policy in Israel, 1–9. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429301070-1.

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Mendilow, Jonathan. "Party financing in Israel: experience and experimentation, 1968–85". In Comparative Political Finance in the 1980s, 124–52. Cambridge University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511598623.008.

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8

Preminger, Jonathan. "Pluralism and the Changing Nature of Politics". In Labor in Israel. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501717123.003.0013.

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Placing the developments previously discussed in a wider context, Chapter 12 explores the individualization of politics and the juridification of labor law, as well as the contingent and unstable link that new representative organizations have with political decision-making forums. The chapter reviews research into the transformation of politics, including the turn away from political (democratic) institutions in general and towards a reliance on “expert” institutions, and suggests that these connected processes – the NGO-ization of worker representation and the disintegration of the party-union link – reflect the breakdown of a core premise of neocorporatism: that being a worker was congruent with being a citizen. The union could once count on the labor party to fight its corner in the political sphere because the union’s members were also members of the political community, but now the political community is no longer congruent with the “worker community” – the labor force.

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Shamir, Michal, e Weinshall-Margel Keren. "Disqualification of Political Party Lists and Candidates for the Knesset—Were the 2003 Elections Unique?" In The Elections in Israel—2003, 101–22. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351322287-5.

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Shugart, Matthew S., Matthew E. Bergman, Cory L. Struthers, Ellis S. Krauss e Robert J. Pekkanen. "Party Personnel Strategies". In Party Personnel Strategies, 1–25. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897053.003.0001.

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The chapter introduces the notion of “party personnel strategies.” The concept refers to the process by which political parties allocate their elected members to legislative committees. The theory is grounded in the resource-based view (RBV) of the firm. The legislators are the pool of “personnel” from which the party draws when staffing specialized standing committees of the legislature. Party strategy is conditioned by both policy goals and the imperatives of the electoral system under which seats are won. Parties engage in a “personnel practice,” which is their observed pattern of assigning members with certain individual background characteristics to given committees. The chapter establishes the cases on which the book’s arguments are tested: Britain, Germany, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, and Portugal. The chapter lists the elections and the thirteen major political parties covered for each country.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel)"

1

Daas, Israa. "The American Perception of the Palestine-Israel Conflict". In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.013.

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Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements

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Rapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Aḥarayut (Political party : Israel)"

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, e Nicholas Morieson. Religious populism in Israel: The case of Shas. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), marzo 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0011.

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Since the 1990s, populism has become increasingly prevalent in Israeli politics. While scholars and commentators have often focused on the populist rhetoric used by Benjamin Netanyahu, his is hardly the only manifestation of populism within Israel. For example, Shas, a right-wing populist party which seeks to represent Sephardic and Haredi interests within Israel, emerged in the 1980s and swiftly became the third largest party in the country, a position it has maintained since the mid 1990s. Shas is unique insofar as it merges religion, populism, and Sephardic and Haredi Jewish identity and culture. Indeed, Shas is not merely a political party, but a religious movement with its own schools and religious network, and it possesses both secular and religious leaders. In this article, we examine the religious populism of Shas and investigate both the manner in which the party constructs Israeli national identity and the rhetoric used by its secular and religious leadership to generate demand for the party’s religious and populist solutions to Israel’s social and economic problems. We show how the party instrumentalizes Sephardic ethnicity and culture and Haredi religious identity, belief, and practice, by first highlighting the relative disadvantages experienced by these communities and positing that Israeli “elites” are the cause of this disadvantaged position. We also show how Shas elevates Sephardic and Haredi identity above all others and claims that the party will restore Sephardic culture to its rightful and privileged place in Israel.

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2

Yilmaz, Ihsan, e Nicholas Morieson. Nationalism, Religion, and Archaeology: The Civilizational Populism of Benjamin Netanyahu and Likud. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), ottobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0015.

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This paper examines civilizational populism in Israel and focuses on the largest and most powerful party in Israel since the 1980s, National Liberal Movement (Likud), and its most significant leader of the past twenty years, the populist politician Benjamin Netanyahu. We show how Netanyahu incorporates ‘civilizationism’ into his populist discourses by, first, using the notion that Jewish civilization predates all others in the region to establish the legitimacy of the state of Israel, the hegemony of Jewish culture within Israel, and at times his own political decisions. Second, through his portrayal of the Arab-Muslim world as an antisemitic and barbaric bloc that, far from being a civilization, threatens Western civilization through its barbarism. Equally, this paper shows how Netanyahu argues that Israel is akin to protective wall that protects Western Civilization from the Islamist barbarians who wish to destroy it, and therefore on this basis calls for Europeans and North Americans to support Israel in its battle for civilization and against “the forces of barbarism.”

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