Articoli di riviste: "African American intellectuals"

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Carby, Hazel V. "African American Intellectuals Symposium". Journal of African American History 88, n. 1 (gennaio 2003): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559051.

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Martone, Eric. "Creating a local black identity in a global context: the French writer Alexandre Dumas as an African American lieu de mémoire". Journal of Global History 5, n. 3 (27 ottobre 2010): 395–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022810000203.

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AbstractWestern expansion and domination through colonial systems served as a form of globalization, spreading white hegemony across the globe. While whites retained the monopoly on ‘modernity’ as the exclusive writers of historical progress, ‘backward’ African Americans were perceived as ‘outside’ Western culture and history. As a result, there were no African American individuals perceived as succeeding in Western terms in the arts, humanities, and sciences. In response, African American intellectuals forged a counter-global bloc that challenged globalization conceived as hegemonic Western domination. They sought to insert African Americans as a whole into the history of America, (re)creating a local black American history ‘forgotten’ because of slavery and Western power. African American intellectuals thus created a ‘usable past’, or counter-memory, to reconstitute history through the inclusion of African Americans, countering Western myths of black inferiority. The devastating legacy of slavery was posited as the cause of the African Americans’ lack of Western cultural acclivity. Due to the lack of nationally recognized African American figures of Western cultural achievement, intellectuals constructed Dumas as a lieu de mémoire as part of wider efforts to appropriate historical individuals of black descent from across the globe within a transnational community produced by the Atlantic slave trade. Since all blacks were perceived as having a uniting ‘essence’, Dumas’ achievements meant that all blacks had the same potential. Such identification efforts demonstrated African Americans’ social and cultural suitability in Western terms and the resulting right to be included in American society. In this process, African Americans expressed a new, local black identity by expanding an ‘African American’ identity to a wider range of individuals than was commonly applied. While constructing a usable past, African Americans redefined ‘America’ beyond the current hegemonic usage (which generally restricted the term geographically to the US) to encompass an ‘Atlantic’ world – a world in which the Dumas of memory was re-imagined as an integral component with strong connections to slavery and colonialism.

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Nesbitt, F. Njubi. "African Intellectuals in the Belly of the Beast: Migration, Identity, and the Politics of Exile". African Issues 30, n. 1 (2002): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006351.

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When W.E.B. Du Bois wrote of the “double consciousness” of Africans in America, he was reflecting on the complex identities of the “talented tenth,” the educated minority of a minority like himself who felt alienated because of their awareness that their qualifications meant little in a racist society. Though written in reference to the African American intellectual, this duality, this sense of “two-ness,” is even more acute for African exiles today because they have fewer social and cultural ties to the West than African Europeans and African Americans. The exiles are much closer to the African “soul” Du Bois referred to and are less prepared for the pervasive racism and second-class status that they have to overcome in the West.

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Aayushi Sangharshee. "Langston Hughes’ Representation of African-American Anger". Creative Launcher 4, n. 5 (31 dicembre 2019): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2019.4.5.18.

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Set up in the backdrop of the Harlem Renaissance, this paper seeks to explore the response of the Black Americans of the early twentieth century upon crumbling of the promised American Dream. Langston Hughes belonged to the second phase of the Harlem Renaissance in which the intellectuals were much more rebellious and critical of the American experience, in comparison with the early intellectuals, who did not criticise, but instead tried to reclaim their identity by portraying Harlem as their cultural hub. Through his poems, Hughes seeks to bring forth the Black American consciousness, their composite identity and their disillusionment with the cherished American dream.

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Brizuela-Garcia, Esperanza. "Literacy and the Decolonization of Africa's Intellectual History". History in Africa 38 (2011): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2011.0007.

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In his book In My Father's House Anthony Appiah made a powerful argument for historians and intellectuals at large to recognize the diverse and complex nature of Africa's cultural and historical experiences. He stated, for instance, that: “ideological decolonization is bound to fail if it neglects either endogenous ‘tradition’ or exogenous ‘Western’ ideas, and that many African (and African American) intellectuals have failed to find a negotiable middle way.”During the past fifty years, Africanist historians have focused much of their efforts on the goals of decolonizing or Africanizing the study of the African past. These have been guided by the need to produce a more authentic and relevant history of the continent. The search for such authenticity has shown that African cultures and societies are often the result of a broad range of influences and that the notions of what is indigenous or authentically African needs to take into account this historical complexity. Intellectual historians, in particular, have faced this question with regards to written sources. The question of literacy and its impact on the intellectual development of Africa is an interesting example of how historians have made some strides towards redefining the notion of a decolonized African history.

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Brock, Lisa. "Questioning the Diaspora: Hegemony, Black Intellectuals and Doing International History from Below". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, n. 2 (1996): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502273.

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The recent debates among scholars on hegemony and race in African Studies are very exciting. Realities that African-American intellectuals know quite well—that there was a Black tradition of scholarship on Africa in the Americas long before 1948 and that peoples of African descent have been marginalized within the African Studies establishment—are finally getting a much needed airing. Although some of the opinions, such as those expressed by Phillip Curtin in the Chronicle are difficult to swallow and no doubt the cause of great unease, many of us are not surprised and are in fact elated. Silences on issues of racism are never golden, only a resolve to expose and fight them are.

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Beuving, J. Joost. "ETHNOGRAPHIES OF MARGINALITY". Africa 86, n. 1 (15 gennaio 2016): 162–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972015000960.

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Africanist discourse today displays a strong, widespread and growing sense of optimism about Africa's economic future. After decades of decline and stagnation in which Africa found itself reduced to the margins of the global economic stage, upbeat Afro-optimism seems fully justified. One only needs to consider African economies' solid growth rates, the emergence of new export markets earning unprecedented quantities of foreign exchange, and the rise of novel groups such as innovative African entrepreneurs (Taylor 2012) and urban-based middle classes (Simone 2004). Ironically, Africa's bright future stands in strong contrast to the stagnancy of European and American economic powers, once seen as superior to their African relatives. Deeply held feelings of Afro-pessimism, affecting intellectuals as well as ordinary Africans, are thus giving way to almost millennial expectations of Africa's economic future: the continent's imminent catching up with a degree of private and public prosperity so commonly registered elsewhere on the globe. Some go as far as to declare the rise of a proper African renaissance wherein Africa can (finally!) claim its rightful position on the global stage.

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Harris, Katherine, e Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970." American Historical Review 97, n. 2 (aprile 1992): 644. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165912.

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Horne, Gerald, e Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970." Journal of American History 79, n. 2 (settembre 1992): 735. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080184.

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Beecher, Lloyd N., e Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970". International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, n. 1 (1992): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220164.

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Beckett, Paul A., e Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970". Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 27, n. 1 (1993): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485476.

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Zachernuk, Philip S., e Martin Staniland. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955-1970". African Studies Review 35, n. 3 (dicembre 1992): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525138.

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Youe, Christopher P. "American Intellectuals and African Nationalists, 1955–1970". History: Reviews of New Books 20, n. 4 (giugno 1992): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950601.

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Franklin, V. P., e Bettye Collier-Thomas. "Biography, Race Vindication, and African American Intellectuals". Journal of African American History 87, n. 1 (gennaio 2002): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv87n1p160.

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BLUM, EDWARD J. "THE TRIUMPH OF THE NEGRO INTELLECTUAL". Modern Intellectual History 12, n. 1 (9 ottobre 2014): 253–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000559.

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In the middle of the 1960s, Harold Cruse was angry with his fellow “Negro intellectuals.” “The Negro movement is at an impasse,” he wrote in The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, “precisely because it lacks a real functional corps of intellectuals able to confront and deal perceptively with American realities on a level that social conditions demand.” When his book was published in 1967, American race relations seemed to be vectoring toward another nadir. Urban unrest, declining job opportunities for African Americans, the escalating war in Vietnam, and the civil rights movements’ divide over “Black Power” were only parts of the “crisis” Cruse identified. To him, black intellectuals had failed to wrestle with the particularities of racism in the United States and thus had failed to offer meaningful solutions beyond what he deemed to be the dead-end roads of integration and black nationalism.

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Masghati, E. "The Patronage Dilemma: Allison Davis's Odyssey from Fellow to Faculty". History of Education Quarterly 60, n. 4 (novembre 2020): 581–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2020.58.

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This article analyzes the role of the Julius Rosenwald Fund in shaping the career of W. Allison Davis, a distinguished anthropologist who became the first African American appointed to the faculty of a mostly white university. From 1928 to 1948, the Rosenwald Fund ran an expansive fellowship program for African American intellectuals, which, despite its significance, remains largely unexamined in the scholarly literature. Davis tied his academic aspirations to Rosenwald Fund support, including for his early research and the terms of his faculty appointment. His experiences illustrate the dynamics inclusion and exclusion of African Americans in the academy; paternalistic promotion and strategic denial functioned as two sides of the same coin. Spotlighting Davis's negotiations, this article establishes how presumptions of racial inferiority guided Rosenwald patronage and demonstrates the extent to which the principles of meritocracy and expertise remained secondary concerns for those interested in cultivating African American intellectuals.

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Wallerstein, Immanuel. "Africa in the Shuffle". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, n. 1 (1995): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700008994.

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Once upon a time, not so very long ago, the study of Africa in the United States was a very rare and obscure practice, engaged in almost exclusively by African-American (then called Negro) intellectuals. They published scholarly articles primarily in quite specialized journals, notably Phylon, and their books were never reviewed in the New York Times. As a matter of fact, at this time (that is, before 1945) there weren't even very many books written about African-Americans in the U.S., although the library acquisitions were not quite as rare as those for books about Africa.

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Febriyanti, Irma. "THE POWER OF AMIRI BARAKA’S POLITICAL THOUGHTS TO THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN MOVEMENT IN AMERICA". Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 2, n. 2 (1 settembre 2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v2i2.34259.

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Imamu Amiri Baraka is an artist, activist, and also an African-American leader who was born in Newark, New Jersey. Throughout his prolific career in American literature, he was able to generate some important political issues in defending the Black Power which was a perpetuating challenge for African-American intellectuals in the 1960s-1970s.This research is written under American Studies discipline, which takes politics to gain an African-American politics’ point of view, sociology to explore the theory of race and social conflict in the United States, and cultural studies to understand the struggle of African-Americans towards white Americans.The findings of this research show Baraka’s adeptness in his dual role as artist and politician through his political thoughts which has a never-ending development of his political consciousness. Baraka’s intellectual and political thought formation has moved through verydistinct stages and they are: Black Cultural Nationalism, Black Solidarity and Black Marxism. His final political stage has a broader consciousness that reveals capitalism in the Western world and this revelation of capitalism declared its theme of death and despair, moral and social corruption with its concomitant decrying Western values and ethics, the struggle against selfhatred, and a growing ethnic awareness.Keywords: Amiri Baraka, black power, political thought, African-American politics, andconflict

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FARBER, DAVID. "THINKING AND NOT THINKING ABOUT RACE IN THE UNITED STATES". Modern Intellectual History 2, n. 3 (10 ottobre 2005): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430500051x.

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John Skrentny, The Minority Rights Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002)Richard King, Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, 1940–1970 (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Press, 2004)Since June 1964, all three branches of the federal government have supported the goal of racial justice in the United States. John Skrentny, in The Minority Rights Revolution, explains how that goal and related ones have been implemented over the last sixty years. He argues that key policy developments since that time were driven less by mass movements and much more by elite “meaning entrepreneurs.” Well before the 1964 Civil Rights Act was made law, in the immediate post-World War II years, a bevy of transatlantic intellectuals responded to Nazi race policy by seeking a universalist vision that would unite humanity. Richard King, in Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, explores how intellectuals pursued that anti-racist universalist vision and then how African and African-American intellectuals in the 1960s, in particular, rejected universalism and began, instead, to pursue racial justice through cultural particularism. King's traditional intellectual history, when combined with Skrentny's sociological analysis of how elites managed ideas to pursue specific policies, reveals how American society, in pursuit of racial justice, moved from the simple stated ideals of the 1964 Civil Rights Act—equal opportunity and access—to the complexities of affirmative action and an embrace of “diversity” in American life.

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Tillet, Salamishah. "Make Revolution Irresistible: The Role of the Cultural Worker in the Twenty-First Century". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 130, n. 2 (marzo 2015): 481–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2015.130.2.481.

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I was introduced to the term public intellectual almost twenty years ago when I was an undergraduate in a literary course on African American music taught by the cultural critic Farah Jasmine Griffin. The class conversations began with readings of jazz and hip-hop artists as “organic intellectuals” in the sense developed by Antonio Gramsci. We quickly moved to the debates sparked by Edward Said's Representations of the Intellectual (1993) and to the rise of the black public intellectual as demonstrated by the formation by Henry Louis Gates, Jr., of an academic “dream team” in African American studies at Harvard, Cornel West's publication of Race Matters (1994), and Robert Boynton's March 1995 article in the Atlantic entitled “The New Intellectuals,” which added Toni Morrison, Stanley Crouch, Patricia Williams, Michael Eric Dyson, Derrick Bell, June Jordan, and many others to that category. By the time I arrived at Harvard in 1999, for graduate study in African American literature, the idea of the black public intellectual served as a backdrop and a blueprint for how my generation of scholars could live inside and beyond the campus walls. As beneficiaries of that era, my peers and I did not necessarily have to prove that our work belonged in the public; instead, we had to wrestle with newer questions of format and forum in the digital age.

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Terzian, Sevan G. "“Subtle, vicious effects”: Lillian Steele Proctor's Pioneering Investigation of Gifted African American Children in Washington, DC". History of Education Quarterly 61, n. 3 (agosto 2021): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2021.22.

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AbstractThis essay examines the first detailed study of gifted African American youth: Lillian Steele Proctor's master's thesis from the late 1920s on Black children in Washington, DC. Unlike formative research on gifted children by educational psychologists, Proctor's investigation emphasized children's experiences at school, home, and community in determining their abilities, opportunities, and accomplishments. Proctor's work also anticipated African American intellectuals’ critiques of racist claims about intelligence and giftedness that would flourish in the 1930s. In focusing on the nation's capital, her investigation drew from a municipality with a high proportion of African American residents that was segregated by law. Proctor pointed directly to systemic racism as both contributing to the relative invisibility of gifted African American youth and in thwarting opportunities to realize their intellectual potential. In an environment of racial subordination and segregation, these gifted children found themselves excluded from cultural resources and educational opportunities.

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Franklin, V. P., e Bettye Collier-Thomas. "Biography, Race Vindication, and African-American Intellectuals: Introductory Essay". Journal of Negro History 81, n. 1-4 (gennaio 1996): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jnhv81n1-4p1.

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Hopkins, Leroy T. "Spiritual Fatherland: African-American Intellectuals and Germany, 1850-1920". Yearbook of German-American Studies 31 (1 dicembre 1996): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/ygas.v31i.19168.

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CURTIS, JESSE. "“Will the Jungle Take Over?” National Review and the Defense of Western Civilization in the Era of Civil Rights and African Decolonization". Journal of American Studies 53, n. 4 (9 maggio 2018): 997–1023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818000488.

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During the 1950s and 1960s, conservative intellectuals in the United States described African decolonization and the civil rights movement as symptoms of a global threat to white, Western civilization. In the most influential conservative journal of the period, National Review, writers such as William F. Buckley grouped these events together as dangerous contributors to civilizational decline. In the crucible of transnational black revolt, some conservative intellectuals embraced scientific racism in the 1960s. These often-ignored features of conservative intellectual thought provided space for white supremacist ideals to continue to ferment on the American right into the twenty-first century.

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Collins, Patricia Hill. "Black Public Intellectuals: From du Bois to the Present". Contexts 4, n. 4 (novembre 2005): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2005.4.4.22.

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Black public intellectuals have unprecedented access to the media, but many no longer have daily contact with African-American communities. A few (mostly men) have become academic and media superstars, which helps sustain the illusion that American society is “color blind.”

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Sklar, Richard L. "The New Modernization". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, n. 1 (1995): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700008982.

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In the latter 1940s, a growing number of American intellectuals, including scholars in various academic disciplines, were attracted to the study of Africa by two powerful incentives. First, African nationalism created a new horizon for the advancement of democracy, the twentieth century's preeminent political ideal. Second, many intellectuals were anxious to reconstruct the prevailing theories of society so that they would fairly represent the aspirations and problems of people everywhere on earth. From this perspective, due regard for the contributions of Africa was deemed to be a scientific, as well as a moral, imperative. These goals, democracy and universalism, were embraced and combined by the theorists of modernization.

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Dickerson, Dennis C. "African American Religious Intellectuals and the Theological Foundations of the Civil Rights Movement, 1930–55". Church History 74, n. 2 (giugno 2005): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110212.

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Among the innumerable warriors against legalized racial segregation and discrimination in American society, the iconic Martin Luther King, Jr. emerged as a principal spokesman and symbol of the black freedom struggle. The many marches that he led and the crucial acts of civil disobedience that he spurred during the 1950s and 1960s established him and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference as rallying points for civil rights activities in several areas in the American South. King's charisma among African Americans drew from his sermonic rhetoric and its resonance with black audiences. Brad R. Braxton, a scholar of homiletics, observed that King as a black preacher “made the kinds of interpretive moves that historically have been associated with African American Christianity and preaching.” Braxton adds that “for King Scripture was a storybook whose value resided not so much in the historical reconstruction or accuracy of the story in the text, but rather in the evocative images, in the persuasive, encouraging anecdotes of the audacious overcoming of opposition, and in its principles about the sacredness of the human person.” Hence, King's use of this hermeneutical technique with scriptural texts validated him as a spokesman for African Americans. On a spectrum stretching from unlettered slave exhorters in the nineteenth century to sophisticated pulpiteers in the twentieth century, King stood as a quintessential black preacher, prophet, and jeremiad “speaking truth to power” and bringing deliverance to the disinherited.

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Banner-Haley, C. P. "On the Corner: African American Intellectuals and the Urban Crisis". Journal of American History 101, n. 2 (1 settembre 2014): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau356.

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Janken, Kenneth R. "African American and Francophone Black Intellectuals during the Harlem Renaissance". Historian 60, n. 3 (1 marzo 1998): 487–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1998.tb01403.x.

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Lande, Jonathan. "The Black Badge of Courage: The Politics of Recording Black Union Army Service and the Militarization of Black History in the Civil War's Aftermath". Journal of American Ethnic History 42, n. 1 (1 ottobre 2022): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.42.1.01.

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Abstract Scholars have detailed how Black activists looked to public forums to secure Black soldiers’ valor in American memory following the Civil War. This article reveals that they were not the only operators preserving African Americans’ wartime contributions. Rather than gravitating toward orations or monuments like other prominent activists, William Wells Brown and Frances Rollin turned to the power of history during Reconstruction. Drawing together trends of antebellum historical writing and nationalism among African American intellectuals and leaders, Brown and Rollin constructed heroic, textual accounts of Black Civil War soldiers. Brown contended that the soldiers were crucial not only to abolition but also to rescuing the Union. With his The Negro in the American Rebellion (1867), Brown contributed to a more inclusive version of American nationalism. Rollin added an ethnographic argument, crafting a muscular retelling of Martin Delany's wartime service. Rollin's Life and Public Services of Martin R. Delany (1868) affirmed Black pride and annulled burgeoning racial tropes. As a result, by the 1870s, Brown and Rollin helped assure African Americans a place in the body politic and crafted an enduring symbol—the Black badge of courage—that cemented military service as a central theme of Black historical writing.

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Barak, Julie, e Manning Marable. "Dispatches from the Ebony Tower: Intellectuals Confront the African American Experience". Rocky Mountain Review of Language and Literature 55, n. 1 (2001): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1348175.

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Nemoianu, Virgil. "J.F. Cooper, East European and African‐American Intellectuals: Relativising Cultural Relativism". Journal of Literary Studies 11, n. 3-4 (dicembre 1995): 14–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02564719508530112.

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Lal, Vinay. "Gandhi, ‘The Coloured Races’, and the Future of Satyagraha: The View from the African American Press". Social Change 51, n. 1 (marzo 2021): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085721991573.

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W. E. B. Du Bois, the editor of the Crisis, a journal of the ‘darker races’ that was the organ of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, was among the earliest African American intellectuals to take a strong interest in Gandhi. However, the African American press, represented by newspapers such as the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Defender, was as a whole prolific in its representation of the Indian Independence movement. This article, after a detailed consideration of Du Bois’s advocacy of Gandhi’s ideas, analyses the worldview of the African American press and its outlook towards the movement in India. It is argued that a more ecumenical conception of the ‘Global South’ ought to be sensitive to African American history, and I suggest that African American newspapers played a critical role in shaping notions of the solidarity of coloured peoples, pivoting their arguments around the Indian Independence movement and particularly the satyagraha campaigns of Gandhi.

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Shrestha, Tara Lal. "Michelle Obama’s Becoming as a Political Memoir: A Gramscian Approach". SCHOLARS: Journal of Arts & Humanities 2 (31 agosto 2020): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sjah.v2i0.35012.

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When one internalizes the truth that nothing is beyond the politics of hegemony, the counter-hegemoinic discourse exists as strategic essentialism. As such, the influence of hegemonic discourses as represented by the dominant group gets transferred to the dominated mass inferior group. Derogatory terms towards racial minorities, to the African-Americans in particular, have been internationalized with generalization. Michelle Obama’s 2018 autobiography Becoming unearths such deep-rooted dynamics of dehumanization of minorities persisting in her country where racism enclosed with patriarchy is still dominant in newer forms in everyday life. Indifferent to politics in her early phase of life, she gradually gets metamorphosed into an activist intellectual. She stands along with some critics to defend that America did not enter into the ‘postracial era’ even after Barack Obama served the White House as the President for two terms. She looks in search of ‘organic’ intellectuals who assume the integral politicization of a practical intellectual role as the permanent persuader to preserve achieved minority rights in the context of the rise of Donald Trump in American politics. Her memoir, having political febrics, therefore, presents a counterhegemonic essence.

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Helbling, Mark. "Alain Locke: Personality and the Problematic of Pragmatism in the Construction of Race". Prospects 30 (ottobre 2005): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036123330000212x.

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In the current interest in American pragmatism, the role of African American intellectuals within that tradition, together with questions of race and ethnic identity, has increasingly been given serious attention. Cornel West, for example, argued in The American Evasion of Philosophy (1989) that pragmatism represented our most important intellectual tradition for confronting the inequalities that existed due to “hierarchies based on class, race, gender and sexual orientation.” Nevertheless, West claimed, it was a flawed tradition still limited in its intellectual and social reach because “the complex formulations and arguments of American pragmatists shape and are shaped by the social structures that exploit and oppress.” Given this claim, West challenged his readers to expand “the pragmatist canon to encompass a major body of critical reflection on ‘race’ and racism in the United States.”Of those who have responded to West's challenge, Nancy Fraser was one of the first to link her critical project directly with that of his. In “Another Pragmatism: Alain Locke, Critical ‘Race’ Theory, and the Politics of Culture” (1995), Fraser writes, “I intend to take up Cornel West's challenge. I am going to discuss a recently rediscovered work by another African-American theorist of ‘race’ and racism who was trained in philosophy at Harvard under Josiah Royce and William James early in this century and who also deserves a place in the “pragmatist pantheon.” Thus, whereas W E. B. Du Bois was the only African American to appear in West's “pragmatist pantheon,” Fraser gave a careful reading of five lectures that Locke gave at Howard University in the spring of 1916 — “Race Contacts and Interracial Relations: A Study of the Theory and Practice of Race” — to establish his pragmatic credentials. These credentials, however, included his specific use of race as a form of social solidarity; that is, as an expression of group solidarity, race served to articulate as well as shape the cultural and political needs of African Americans. For this reason, Fraser argued that although “pragmatism undoubtedly lay at the core of Locke's 1916 vision,” his “lectures present a strand of pragmatist thought that differs importantly from the mainstream of the movement.”

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Williams, Z. R. "From Du Bois to Obama: African American Intellectuals in the Public Forum". Journal of American History 98, n. 1 (1 giugno 2011): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar086.

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37

Williams, Vernon J. "Daniel Matlin. On the Corner: African American Intellectuals and the Urban Crisis." American Historical Review 119, n. 5 (dicembre 2014): 1734. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.5.1734.

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38

Chabot, Sean. "Framing, Transnational Diffusion, and African-American Intellectuals in the Land of Gandhi". International Review of Social History 49, S12 (dicembre 2004): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859004001622.

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Leedy, Todd H. "The World the Students Made: Agriculture and Education at American Missions in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1930–1960". History of Education Quarterly 47, n. 4 (novembre 2007): 447–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00109.x.

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In 1930, the same year in which the segregationist Land Apportionment Act was passed, the governor of Rhodesia addressed a meeting of representatives from the various missionary organizations operating in the colony. He proceeded to argue against the sort of education that might create a class of African intellectuals who would eventually challenge white economic and political dominance:The nature of the intellectual advance to be aimed at should be one of which advantage can be taken in the ordinary daily lives of the people, and should be a step forward in a field already familiar to them, rather than a violent transition into fields which belong to a different type of civilization. As the life of African peoples is to a preponderating extent agricultural, education should aim at making them better agriculturalists and better able to appreciate all the natural processes with which agriculture is connected.

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Myerscough, Katie. "On the Corner: African American Intellectuals and the Urban Crisis by Daniel Matlin". New York History 97, n. 2 (2016): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2016.0026.

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41

Zumoff. "Framing a Radical African Atlantic: African American Agency, West African Intellectuals and the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers". Journal for the Study of Radicalism 11, n. 2 (2017): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.11.2.0201.

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42

Dottin, Paul Anthony. "THE HYDRA OF HOROWITZIAN HISTORY". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 5, n. 1 (2008): 161–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x08080041.

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AbstractWhether to provide reparations to African Americans for the atrocities of slavery and segregation is arguably the most controversial public matter concerning race in the United States today. This debate, a clash over the economics and ethics of equality, is nothing less than a struggle over the future of racial identity, race relations, and racial progress in the current post–civil rights movement era.With the stakes for African Americans so high, and the prospects for affirmative action dim, public intellectuals have weighed in heavily on each side of the issue. Randall Robinson—author of the best-known work advocating for reparations, The Debt: What America Owes to Blacks (2000)—and David Horowitz—the reparationist movement's most reviled nemesis and author of Uncivil Wars: The Controversy over Reparations for Slavery (2002)—have become the alpha and omega of almost any deliberation on Black reparations.Not surprisingly, rancorous rhetoric has often overshadowed rigorous research on the veracity of antireparations and proreparations claims. This essay aims to correct this problem with an extensive analysis of David Horowitz's (2002) arguments, providing a synthesis of data, concepts, theories, and methodologies from the disciplines of sociology, history, economics, and anthropology. This essay finds that Horowitz's use of academic scholarship to discredit African American reparations fails to meet the “scientific” standards he demands of his opponents.

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King, Joyce E. "2015 AERA Presidential Address Morally Engaged Research/ers Dismantling Epistemological Nihilation in the Age of Impunity". Educational Researcher 46, n. 5 (giugno 2017): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x17719291.

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This article presents Joyce E. King’s 2015 AERA presidential address, which artfully combined scholarly discourse with performance elements and diverse voices in several multimedia formats. In discussing morally engaged research/ers dismantling epistemological nihilation, the article advances the argument that the moral stance, solidarity with racial/cultural dignity in education praxis, policy, and research, is needed to combat discursive forms of racism. The lecture opened with African Americans and Native Americans performing culturally affirming traditional ritual practices. An African drum processional and a libation honored revered Black ancestors—scholars, artists, and activist intellectuals—Maya Angelou, Ruby Dee, Amiri Baraka, Vincent Harding, and Asa G. Hilliard, III (Nana Baffour Amankwatia II). An intergenerational Native American delegation offered a traditional welcome prayer, gifting of tobacco, and ceremonial drumming and dance performance. Dr. King began her address by acknowledging that the 2015 AERA annual meeting was taking place in the ancestral lands of the Pottawatomie Nation.

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Horne, Gerald. "Black Thinkers at Sea: Ferdinand Smith and the Decline of African American Proletarian Intellectuals". Souls 4, n. 2 (marzo 2002): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940290105219.

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Thomas, Vanessa. "“How Dare You!” African American Faculty and the Power Struggle With White Students". Journal of Cases in Educational Leadership 23, n. 4 (22 luglio 2020): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555458920945762.

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Higher education institutions are hiring more Intellectuals of Color to diversify their faculty. However, the diverse faculty presents an adverse dynamic between White male students and Black female professors. White students tend to exhibit disruptive, intimidating behavior toward Black faculty. Historical stereotypes, prejudices, biases, racism, oppression, and White supremacist attitudes and beliefs displayed in society express itself in the classroom. Black faculty face unique challenges in comparison with their White colleagues when teaching White students. White students more frequently disrespect and challenge the competency of Black faculty while disrupting the classroom learning environment. Meanwhile, Black faculty must display a high level of emotional labor to cope with the daily stressors.

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Classen, Albrecht. "Matthew X. Vernon, The Black Middle Ages: Race and Construction of the Middle Ages. The New Middle Ages. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, xiii, 266 pp." Mediaevistik 32, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2020): 387–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.77.

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When I agreed to review this book, I had not paid enough attention to the subtitle, which reveals that the author is primarily concerned with the issue of Medievalism. In essence, Vernon is examining how Black or African American medievalists and writers have viewed the Middle Ages and what the study of the medieval world might mean for the struggle of Black Americans against racism and colonialism today. He argues that the examination of the Middle Ages mattered deeply for those intellectuals because many issues in that past are still mirrored in the present. This could be of relevance especially for those who are interested in the history of scholarship and the particular approach to that period from a specific ethnic perspective. Of course, then we would also need books about Asian American medievalists, Hispanic American medievalists, etc., which seems to be valid in political terms, but does not really do justice to the subject matter. At any rate, I cannot examine and evaluate the major portion of this book because it falls into the category of modern Medievalism.

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Hart, Jamie. "Who Should Have the Children? Discussions of Birth Control Among African-American Intellectuals, 1920-1939". Journal of Negro History 79, n. 1 (gennaio 1994): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2717668.

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48

Coates, Oliver. "African American Journalists in World War II West Africa: The NNPA Commission Tour of 1944–1945". Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, n. 1 (2 novembre 2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054912.

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The National Negro Publishers Association (NNPA) Commission to West Africa in 1944–1945 represents a major episode in the history of World War II Africa, as well as in American–West Africa relations. Three African American reporters toured the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Liberia, and the Congo between November 1944 and February 1945, before returning to Washington, DC to report to President Roosevelt. They documented their tour in the pages of the Baltimore Afro-American, the Chicago Defender, and the Norfolk Journal and Guide. Their Americans’ visit had a significant impact in wartime West Africa and was widely documented in the African press. This article examines the NNPA tour geographically, before analyzing American reporters’ interactions with West Africans, and assessing African responses to the tour. Drawing on both African American and West African newspapers, it situates the NNPA tour within the history of World War II West Africa, and in terms of African print culture. It argues that the NNPA tour became the focus of West African hopes for future political, economic, and intellectual relations with African Americans, while revealing how the NNPA reporters engaged African audiences during their tour.

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Mustafa, Hameed Abdullah, e Sherzad Shafi'h Barzani. "The African-American Poets' Struggle for the Rights of People: A Study in Claude McKay's Selected Poems". Twejer 3, n. 3 (dicembre 2020): 821–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.22.

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This study scrutinizes selected protest poems written by the prominent black poet of the Harlem Renaissance Claude McKay (1889-1948). McKay is considered as a key literary figure of the Negro movement who played a significant role in struggling for and awakening his own people to demand their rights. His major aspiration was to end all forms of prejudice and oppression against blacks portrayed in his poems during the most effective movement in African American literary history comprising the times between 1920 to almost the mid-1930s. McKay established himself as a powerful literary voice for social justice during the Harlem Renaissance constantly struggling for people's identity and rights against the widespread prejudice, segregation, and racism against blacks in America and worldwide along with his pride in his black race and culture. These central issues had different impacts on the Harlem Renaissance and on the lives and works of those who participated in that movement; depicting how both race and racism could deﬁne the African American experience in the early twentieth century, as well. McKay, skillfully combined traditional forms and political protest in many of his sonnets. He took the old poetic genre and made it new and relevant to his own project by examining within its bounds unconventional and contemporary subjects. Along with his poetic diction and imagery, he juxtaposes contrasting images to show the hypocritic nature of America, showing his inevitable faith in the country. McKay's enthusiasm for and belief in the authority of intellectuals was strengthened by his understanding of America's deep-rooted racism. He closes many of his sonnets with gloomy observations of blacks' sufferings. The clear conclusion of his struggle was the fact that negro writers succeeded in showcasing the sufferings of people, incited blacks to demand their legal rights, and proved they are capable of everything and as genius as whites. Keywords: McKay, Struggles, Racism, identity, prejudice, rights.

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Donlon, Anne, e Evelyn Scaramella. "Four Poems from Langston Hughes's Spanish Civil War Verse". Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134, n. 3 (maggio 2019): 562–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.3.562.

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Langston Hughes traveled to Spain in 1937, during that Country's Civil War. He saw the Republic's Fight against Franco as an international fight against fascism, racism, and colonialism and for the rights of workers and minorities. Throughout the 1930s, Hughes organized for justice, at home and abroad, often engaging with communist and other left political organizations, like the Communist Party USA's John Reed Club, the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, and the International Workers' Order (Rampersad, Life 236, 286, 355; Scott). When the war in Spain began, in 1936, workers and intellectuals who were engaged on the left came from around the world to fight against Franco's forces; these volunteers, the International Brigades, included approximately 2,800 Americans known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, of which about ninety were African American (Carroll vii; “African Americans”). Hughes went to Spain to interview black antifascist volunteers in the International Brigades and write about their experiences for the Baltimore Afro-American, VolunteerforLiberty, and other publications. Much of Hughes's writing from Spain sought to explain to people at home why men and women, and African diasporic people especially, had risked their lives to fight in Spain. Hughes profiled African Americans fighting for the first time alongside white comrades in the International Brigades, including Ralph Thornton, Thaddeus Battle, and Milton Herndon (“Pittsburgh Soldier Hero,” “Howard Man,” “Milt Herndon”). In addition to writing articles, he wrote poetry, gave radio speeches, and translated poems and plays from Spanish into English. Much of Hughes's work from the Spanish Civil War has been collected in anthologies. However, so prolific was Hughes, and so fastidious was he in saving drafts and ensuring they reach his collection at Yale University's Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, that many unpublished works exist in archives. The four poems here represent different poetic registers and levels of polish, and they illuminate the dynamic range of Hughes's literary production during his time in Spain.

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