Tesi: "Afghanistan"

1

Siddiqui, Hasibullah. "Fredsprocessen i Afghanistan : En kvalitativ studie om Afghanistans fredsprocess". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157592.

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Through this thesis, I aim to research about the obstacles that the current peace process in Afghanistan is facing. I also want to find out what sort of roles do the states such as USA, Russia, Pakistan and Iran have in the Afghan peace process. As Afghanistan has been a victim of war for the past three decades, this research might provide the opportunity for understanding the reasons behind the never-ending turmoil in the country. In order to conduct this research, I have used qualitative methods which consist of interviews and qualitative analysis. Besides these methods, the use of the international relations’ theories such as structural realism and interdependence liberalism have contributed tremendously in the understanding of the obstacles in the Afghan peace process including the roles of USA, Russia, Pakistan and Iran in the Afghan peace process. The conclusion of this research entails that the Afghan peace process is facing dire obstacles. These obstacles are divided into two categories; internal and external. This research’s conclusion also shows that the functions of the above-mentioned states in the Afghan peace process are solely based on their self-interests which by itself is another obstacle for the peace process. To conclude, if the obstacles, which are discussed in this study, continue to exist in the peace process it is impossible for the peace to prevail in Afghanistan.

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2

Hagena, Hermann, e Arne C. Seifert. "Brennpunkt Afghanistan". Dresdener Studiengemeinschaft Sicherheitspolitik e. V, 2011. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32500.

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Versuch einer historischen, geopolitischen, geostrategischen, militärpolitischen Erklärung des Afghanistan-Krieges. Argumente zur Sinnlosigkeit einer militärischen Problemlösung und zum Übergang zu einer politischen Regelung.:Autorenbeiträge: Hermann Hagena, Afghanistan: ein sinnloser Krieg? Arne C. Seifert, Den Krieg in Afghanistan beenden und sofort zu einer politischen Lösung übergehen. Redaktioneller Anhang: Übersichten, Karten; Bild- und Kartennachweise; Über die Autoren; Aktuelle Afghanistan-Dokumente und -Publikationen (Auswahl).

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3

Hussain, Khawar. "Pakistan's Afghanistan policy". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FHussain.pdf.

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4

Kazemi, Said Reza. "Afghanistan und Zentralasien". Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2014/6994/.

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In den gegenwärtigen Prozessen in Afghanistan gewinnen die Beziehungen zwischen Afghanistan und seinen Nachbarn in Zentralasien an Bedeutung. Ihre weitere Entwicklung wird einerseits von der Transformation in Afghanistan und andererseits von der Politik der zentralasiatischen Staaten abhängen. Während sich das Drogenproblem erschwerend auswirkt, gibt es einige ermutigende Ansätze im Bereich der wirtschaftlichen Kooperation.

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5

Toorpiki, Agha. "Tvångsäktenskap i Afghanistan". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23089.

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Bakgrund: Trots att Afghanistan har ratificerat kvinnokonventionen, d v s förpliktat sig att följa konventionen, förekommer det dagligen tvångsäktenskap i Afghanistan. Syfte: I denna uppsats har jag belyst vilka faktorer, som kan ligga till grund för att tvångsäktenskap (fortfarande) existerar i Afghanistan. Urval: Intervjuer har genomförts med sex personer, verksamma inom hjälporganisationer och det statliga organet Afghanistans oberoende kommission för mänskliga rättigheter i Afghanistan. Metod: Jag har valt en att använda en kvalitativ intervjumetod. Resultat: I min studie har jag kommit fram till att den afghanska staten måste utöka sina insatser och genomföra genomgripande förändringar, för att tvångsäktenskap ska kunna förhindras. Domstolar och andra rättsliga institutioner, som arbetar för kvinnorättigheter främst tvångsäktenskap, bör finnas tillgängliga i hela landet. De kvinnliga rättigheterna måste tas på större allvar av den afghanska staten. De afghanska kvinnorna bör informeras om sina juridiska rättigheter, vad gäller deras rätt att neka till äktenskap, liksom vilket stöd staten kan erbjuda. Staten måste även tillse att de mänskliga rättigheterna följs, angående medborgarnas rätt till utbildning och jämlikhet mellan könen. Slutsats: Trots att tvångsäktenskap enligt landets grundlagar är förbjudet, följs inte dessa inte i praktiken, utan kränkningar och förtryck mot kvinnor är vanligt förekommande i det patriarkala afghanska samhället på alla nivåer.

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6

Malan, Legena M. "Sustainable construction in Afghanistan". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5191.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
This thesis examines whether current reconstruction methods in Afghanistan are economically efficient and effective with respect to the counterinsurgency mission. My argument is that they are not, due to the absence of culturally correct, indigenous construction materials and techniques. This research explores the impact of construction as a part of a counterinsurgency mission, drawing on local cultural factors and building techniques in constructing new facilities in Afghanistan. If current methods are not sustainable either culturally or economically, then the reconstruction efforts are likely to fail, incentivize corruption, and weaken the legitimacy of the Afghan government. If, on the other hand, they are sustainable and sensitive to local cultural norms and economic capacity, the likelihood of these projects increasing the quality of life, building positive relationships, and decreasing violence, increases significantly. If reconstruction fails to increase the ability of the Afghan government to develop the capacity at the local level, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) will not have anyone to which it can transfer responsibility for local government services. This would seriously inhibit the ability of ISAF to transition to Afghan control and, given the current political environment in the United States, potentially lead to the failure of the Afghan campaign.

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7

Weidemann, Diethelm. "Afghanistan und die Region". Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2014/6993/.

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Der Afghanistankonflikt hat seit 2001 deutliche Auswirkungen auf das regionale Umfeld – in Pakistan, Kaschmir, Xinjiang und den zentralasiatischen Republiken. Dies wird sich nach dem Abzug der ISAF-Truppen noch verstärken. Dabei geht es sowohl um die grenzüberschreitenden Folgen der beiden Militärinterventionen als auch um die Wirkungen der innerafghanischen Konflikte auf die gesamte Region. Diese Problematik besitzt ein erhebliches Konfliktpotenzial, das größere Aufmerksamkeit verdient.

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8

Jacobsson, Daniel. "Från Rosenbad till Afghanistan : Soldaten och implementeringen av den svenska målsättningen i Afghanistan". Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-37659.

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In all times soldiers have fought wars with orders from the political ruling power. Therefore the soldier becomes the utmost instrument for implementing the political objective in conflicts. In modern conflicts, the soldier is a frontline bureaucrat. If the soldier does not understand, can, or will act in agreement with the political objective, the soldier's actions is not based on legitimacy. The polical objective with the intervention will not be accomplished. Swedish soldiers who participated in the international forces in Afghanistan have not fully understood their government’s goals, and what the efforts aimed at resolving. Soldiers have not fully been given the practical or theoretical ability required to work with the goals of the intervention. Soldiers also showed a willingness to participate in the conflict which can not be fully regarded as being in line with the goals they are supposed to resolve. The soldier’s willingness to reach the goals has been influenced by the reality of the conflict in which the soldiers participate in. The soldier also experienced a disengagement in relation to what the political will wants to achieve, and the physical reality the soldier has been working in.

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9

Gommans, Jos. "Horse-traders, mercenaries and princes : the formation of the Indo-Afghan empire in the eighteenth century /". Leiden (Pays-Bas) : Rijksuniversiteit van Leiden, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb366849230.

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10

Noelle, Christine. "State and tribe in the nineteenth-century Afghanistan : the reign of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan (1826-1863) /". Richmond : Curzon, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37530128g.

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11

Rexhepi, Valmir. "Afghanistan-nytt! : En analys av Svenska Afghanistankommitténs tidskrift Afghanistan-nytt mellan åren 1980-89". Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Akademin för utbildning och ekonomi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-9465.

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En analys av Svenska Afghanistankommitténs tidskrift Afghanistan-nytt under åren då Sovjet ockuperade Afghanistan 1980-89. Syftet är då att med Afghanistan-nytt som utgångspunkt söka svar i frågorna om vilken bild kommittén ville förmedla till de svenska läsarna om utvecklingen i Afghanistan och det egna solidaritetsarbetet? Teorin diskuteras utifrån aktörerna bakom Afghanistan-nytt och deras koppling till maoismen. Resultatet av undersökningen påvisar att aktörerna bakom tidskriften gett sitt stöd till motståndsrörelsen i Afghanistan (Mujaheddin) som man benämner som frihetskämpar. Flera av redaktionsmedlemmarna var maoister som varit aktiva i bland annat FNL-rörelsen tidigare. De använde Afghanistan-nytt för att styra egna politiska agendor. De misslyckades dock i att få till samma reaktion bland opinionen som de hade med FNL-rörelsen.

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12

Johansson, Stina. "Stupade soldater i Afghanistan omdebatterade". Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-822.

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Att med militära medel försvara vårt rike då det föreligger ett hot mot vår direkta existens kräver ingen större motivering. Inte heller att soldater stupar i samband med detta. Men med en ny försvarspolitik lämnar vi det fokus som legat på det nationella försvaret. Nu är vi med andra premisser och försvara något som inte akut berör vår egen existens och därav är det inte lika självklart med förluster. I samband med deltagandet i internationell tjänst har Sverige lidit förluster och nu senast i Afghanistan. Till följd av svenska förluster i internationell tjänst har naturligt följt en debatt. I denna uppsats tittar jag på den debatt som följt efter att svenska soldater vid två olika tillfällen stupat i Afghanistan, år 2005 och år 2010. Syftet med denna uppsats är att jämföra de debatter som uppstått till följd av att svenska soldater stupat i internationell tjänst i Afghanistan, detta för att undersöka om skillnader i debatterna kan påvisas och vad dessa kan bero på. Resultatet visar att en skillnad i debatterna föreligger och att den huvudsakliga orsaken till detta är den försämrade säkerhetssituationen i Afghanistan.

By military means to defend our realm where there is a direct threat tor our existence requires no more justification. Neither the soldiers killed in this context. But with a new defence policy, we leave the total focus that has been on national defence. Now we are with other premises and defend something that in not urgent concerns our own existence and hence it is not as obvious with losses. In connection with its participation in international service, Sweden has suffered losses and, most recently in Afghanistan. As a result of losses in the Swedish international service has naturally followed a debate. In this essay I look over the debate which followed after the Swedish soldiers at two different times was killed in Afghanistan in 2005 and 2010. The purpose of this study is to compare the debates that have arisen as a result of Swedish soldiers were killed in international service in Afghanistan, in order to investigate if a difference in the debates can be shown and what they can depend on. The results show that a difference exists in the debates and that the main reason for this is the deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan.

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13

Weidemann, Diethelm. "Der Afghanistan-Komplex : historische Entwicklungslinien". Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6322/.

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Inhalt: Historische Herausbildung des Konfliktes Das Scheitern der Reformen Amanullah Khans Der Modus Vivendi Zahir Shahs Der Afghanistankrieg von 1979 bis 1989 Der Bürgerkrieg 1989 bis 2001 Einzug der Taliban Aktuelle Lage in Afghanistan Intervention der USA und Folgen Ungewisse Perspektiven

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14

Dyke, John R. Crisafulli John R. "Unconventional counter-insurgency in Afghanistan". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDyke.pdf.

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15

D’Souza, Shanthie Mariet. "India in Post-ISAF Afghanistan". Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2014/6992/.

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Indien macht sich Sorgen, ob seine betont nichtmilitärische Politik in Afghanistan nach Abzug der ISAF-Truppen Früchte trägt. Als einer der größten Entwicklungshilfegeber hat Indien nach Vertreibung der Taliban 2001 mehr als zwei Mrd. US-Dollar in das Land gepumpt und der Nachfrage nach militärischer Hilfe bislang erfolgreich getrotzt. Unter Umgehung des einflussreichen Grenzlandes Pakistan will Indien von den Bodenschätzen Afghanistans, seiner strategischen Lage und seinem Wirtschafts- und Handelspotenzial profitieren. Die Angst vor der Rückkehr der Taliban sitzt jedoch tief und die eigene Verwundbarkeit ist groß, wie die Bombenangriffe 2008 und 2009 auf indische Botschaften in Afghanistan zeigten. Langfristig wird Indien seine Interessen in diesem Raum nur über einen multilateralen Ansatz sichern können.

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16

Sayle, Wazhma. "Afghanistan Strides Towards Democratization : Democratization". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80839.

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17

Söreke, Joel. "Galula och Kilcullen i Afghanistan". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7613.

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Counterinsurgency is still believed to be of relevance in modern time and affect military organizations. Kilcullen and Galula, two theorists who have been of high relevance for the development of strategies for population-centric counterinsurgency used in the modern era. In 2010, Operation Moshtarak was conducted with Field Manual 3-24, which is based on these theorists. Despite this, there is a discrepancy if the operation was conducted with a population-centric counterinsurgency and if Kilcullen and Galula theories can be applied in a modern era. The purpose of this study is to examine why operation Moshtarak, which was supposed to implement the aspects of population centric counterinsurgency resulted in failure. The study uses a qualitative case study and even though the theories didn’t reach the expected elucidatory level, the results of the study indicate that the initial steps of the operation demonstrate that population-centric counterinsurgency were used, but after the initial successes in the expulsion of insurgents, problems arised for the coalition. The study also indicates that more research is necessary to understand the outcome of the case and the relevance of these theories.

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18

Crisafulli, John R. "Unconventional counter-insurgency in Afghanistan". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2765.

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Immediately following the attacks of September 11, 2001, a small number of U.S. Army Special Forces (USSF) invaded the Al Qaeda safe haven of Afghanistan. USSF A-teams, operating with almost total independence, conducted highly successful Unconventional Warfare "through, with, and by" the indigenous Afghan militias of the Northern Alliance. The USSF and their indigenous Afghan armies rapidly deposed the Taliban regime and denied the Al Qaeda terrorists their training and support areas within Afghanistan. The momentum of the initial success achieved by USSF during 2001-2002, however, has been dramatically overshadowed by the inability of follow-on U.S. forces to establish long-term stability in the post-Taliban Afghanistan. Since 2002, the conventional U.S./Coalition forces, which replaced Army USSF as the main U.S. counterinsurgency (COIN) forces, have thus far failed to defeat the re-emerging Taliban/Al Qaeda threat. In fact, 2005 has been the most violent year-to-date for U.S./Coalition forces serving in Afghanistan with 239 U.S. casualties, and President Hamid Karzai's central Afghan government exhibiting little control outside its major cities. This trend continues in 2006. In this thesis we question the current U.S./Coalition campaign plan, which places emphasis on conventional military forces, not USSF, as the main effort COIN force in Operation Enduring Freedom. We propose an alternative Unconventional COIN model which focuses on population control instead of "clear and sweep operations", Afghan constabulary-style forces instead of conventional Afghan National Army troops, the importance of "grassroots" intelligence collection at the village level, and the employment of USSF advisors instead of conventional U.S. infantry troops.
US Army (USA) author. updated aq 06/29/2011.

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19

Hopkins, Ben D. "The making of modern Afghanistan /". Basingstoke ; New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41456708g.

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20

Lhuillier, Johanna. "Le phénomène des "cultures à céramique modelée peinte" en Asie centrale dans l'évolution et la transformation des sociétés de la fin de l'âge du Bronze et du début de l'âge du Fer (IIe-Ier millénaire avant n. è. ) : une synthèse comparative et régionale de la culture matérielle". Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010633.

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Les « cultures à céramique modelée peinte » se sont développées dans la seconde moitié du IIe millénaire av. J ;-C. (âge du Fer ancien) sur un vaste territoire couvrant les actuelles républiques d'Ouzbékistan, du Turkménistan, du Tadjikistan, du Kirghizstan, ainsi que le nord de l' Afghanistan et le nord-est de l'Iran. Connues depuis presque un siècle, grâce aux nombreuses recherches menées par les archéologues soviétiques, l'apparition de ces cultures est considérée comme une « régression» matérielle, culturelle et socio-économique qui contribuerait à la disparition de la brillante civilisation de la fin de l'âge du Bronze. Mais si leurs productions matérielles ont été bien étudiées, leur structuration et leur place au sein de la protohistoire centrasiatique n'étaient connues que superficiellement, et notre étude vise donc à renouveler la perception que nous en avons. Grâce à l' analyse d'un abondant complexe céramique inédit issu de fouilles françaises et italiennes récentes (Koktepe, Dzharkutan, Dzham-53 en Ouzbékistan ; Ulug-depe au Turkmenistan) et soviétiques plus anciennes et grâce aussi à un nouvel examen de l'ensemble des données publiées ou inédites disponibles, nous avons pu affiner et caracteriser la production matérielle de ces cultures et en déterminer la base socio-économique, proposant ainsi de nouvelles définitions de leurs faciès culturels. Nous discutons également les modalités et les circonstances de la transition de l'âge du Bronze final à l'age du Fer ancien, puis celles du passage vers l'âge du Fer moyen-récent, tout en les replaçant dans un contexte chronologique et géographique large, dans une optique méthodologique et thématique qui s'inscrit pleinement dans les perspectives de recherche qui prévalent actuellement en Asie centrale et au Proche-Orient.

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21

Mårtensson, Peter. "Afghanistan och Iraksförutsättningar för demokrati : En jämförande fallstudie på Afghanistan och Iraks förutsättningar attutveckla demokrati". Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-64714.

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The purpose of this essay is to study what conditions Afghanistan and Iraq have in order to create democracy in their countries. The study is interesting in a political science perspective because it engages many scientists how democracy can be created in authoritarian states. The overall questions my study is based on are: - What are the conditions for Afghanistan and Iraq to develop democracy based on Dankwart Rustow's four democratization phases? and which of these countries Afghanistan or Iraq has bigger chance to develop democracy in its country? My approach to answering my questions has been to study Dankwart Rustow’s theory based on that the creation of democracy can be achieved by four different democracy phases: unit phase, dissolution phase, transition phase and consolidation phase. The conclusion of my study shows that Afghanistan and Iraq have the same conditions for democracy, but Iraq has come further in its democratization and has more opportunities to develop democracy in its country compared to Afghanistan. This is because Iraq has not been involved in any long term war and that Afghanistan is still in civil war with the Taliban, which prevents democratic development in their country.
Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera vilka förutsättningar Afghanistan och Irak har för att utveckla demokrati i sina länder. Studien är intressant ur ett statsvetenskapligt perspektiv eftersom det engagerar många forskare hur demokrati kan skapas i auktoritära stater. De övergripande frågeställningarna som min studie är baserad på är: -Hur ser förutsättningarna ut för Afghanistan och Irak att utveckla demokrati utifrån Dankwart Rustows fyra demokratiserings faser? och vilka av dessa länder Afghanistan eller Irak har störst möjlighet att utveckla demokrati i sitt land? Mitt tillvägagångssätt för att besvara mina frågor har varit att studera Dankwart Rustows teori, som bygger på att demokrati kan skapas utifrån att fyra olika demokratifaser uppnås: enhetsfas, upplösningsfas, övergångsfas och konsolideringsfas. Uppsatsens slutsats visar på att Afghanistan och Irak har liknande förutsättningar att skapa demokrati men att Irak har kommit längre i sin demokratisering och har större förutsättningar att kunna utveckla demokrati än Afghanistan. Det beror på att Irak inte har varit inblandat i några långvariga krig och att Afghanistan fortfarande är i inbördeskrig med talibanerna, vilket förhindrar en demokratisk utveckling i deras land.

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GODEGHESI, CATHERINA BRESCIANE. "THE RIGHT INPUTS IN AFGHANISTAN: THE LIBERAL PEACE IN AFGHANISTAN AS SECURITY TO THE WEST". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2015. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=25178@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A paz liberal é um projeto político cujas tradições remontam ao conjunto de ideias que compõem o liberalismo. Ela representa o modelo pelo qual o ocidente se propõe a uniformizar o mundo através da democracia e de réplicas de instituições, normas e sistemas econômicos, sociais e políticos. Assim, pensar em tal projeto implica pensar também em seus aspectos práticos e na sua implementação. A paz liberal foi escolhida como objeto de estudo da dissertação porque, na medida em que se traduz em uma relação hierárquica baseada em interesses, acarreta em uma série de exclusões e marginalizações, uma vez instaurada através de uma operação de peacebuilding. A presente pesquisa procura entender quais as suas reais motivações, através da busca por qual seu objeto referente de fato: o indivíduo do país receptor ou o estado mandante? Para ilustrar tal reflexão, foi conduzida uma investigação através de um estudo de caso da missão de peacebuilding no Afeganistão, e como a questão da produção vertiginosa do ópio em tal país, que cresceu após a entrada de tais operações, pode indicar uma resposta acerca de qual o objeto referente de fato da paz liberal pós 11/9.
The liberal peace is a political project rooted in the set of ideas and values that sustain liberalism as an ideology. It represents a model through which the west gauges the world by bringing in democracy and by replicating institutions, norms and economic, social and political systems. Thinking about such project implies that there are practical and implementation aspects that cannot be ignored. Liberal peace has been chosen as the theme of this dissertation because it is about a hierarchical relationship between North and South that produces exclusions and marginalizations that happen through peacebuilding operations. This research aims to understand what the real motivations behind the liberal peace project are, by seeking which is its real referent object: the individual who lives in the state being intervened or the western countries national securities? In order to illustrate the findings for such questions, this research has carried out a case study focused on NATO s operations in Afghanistan and the concurring vertiginous growth of opium production in the country. This will lead us to understand what the real referent object behind the liberal peace project after 9/11 is.

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23

Gunnvall, Björn. "Klorgasbomber i Afghanistan : En jämförande fallstudie om hot och konsekvenser för svenska enheter i Afghanistan". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2758.

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Från oktober 2006 till juni 2007 genomfördes en rad attacker i Irak där man använde bilbomber lastade med klorgasbehållare. Hundratals människor exponerades för gasen och attackerna fick stora konsekvenser för koalitionens agerande. Denna uppsats granskar attackerna för att analysera de krav som ställdes på aktören som genomförde dem. Därefter appliceras kraven på den motståndare som Sveriges insats i Afghanistan möter för att belysa hotbilden för svenska enheter att bli utsatta för en liknande attack. Vidare beskrivs de konsekvenser som hotbilden får för insatsen. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att motståndaren i Afghanistan skulle kunna genomföra en klorgasattack om denne uppfyller vissa kriterier som rimligen skulle kunna uppfyllas. Konsekvenserna för den svenska insatsen är att man, om möjligt, bör undersöka motståndarens kvalitativa kapacitet kopplat mot klorgasens användande, övervaka flödet av klorgas i sitt operationsområde samt öva grundläggande soldatfärdigheter för självskydd.

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24

Bizouerne, Cécile. "Insuffisance en lait maternel et souffrances psychologiques en Afghanistan : approche psychologique clinique en situation humanitaire". Bordeaux 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008BOR21538.

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Cette recherche trouve son origine dans un questionnement humanitaire : en Afghanistan, plus de 30 % des enfants sévèrement malnutris accueillis dans les Centres Nutritionnels Thérapeutiques d'Action Contre la Faim en 2003 et 2004 ont moins de 6 mois et sont admis suite à une insuffisance en lait maternel. Habituellement, l'allaitement maternel "protège" les enfants de la malnutrition sévère qui survient plutôt après 6 mois, au moment de la période de sevrage. En Afghanistan, cette "protection" ne semble pas bien fonctionner : comment expliquer cette insuffisance de lait ? Que nous disent les mères quand elles se plaignent de manquer de lait ? Comment accompagner au mieux ces nourrissons et leurs familles ? Pour répondre à ces questions, l'humanitaire doit prendre en compte l'incidence des situations de crise ou de post-crise sur la santé des populations et adapter sa compréhension et son approche de la malnutrition sévère dans un contexte où les protocoles habituels ne fonctionnent pas ou font défaut. Il s'ouvre alors aux dimensions anthropologique et psychologique de la malnutrition sévère. Cette recherche décrit à la fois ce cheminement et son résultat : les causes de l'insuffisance en lait sont multiples (caractéristiques du nourrisson, pratiques d'allaitement, rôle de la famille, qualité du lien mère-enfant, souffrances des femmes. . . ) et reposent sur des éléments physiologiques, mécaniques, socio-culturels et/ou subjectifs. L'expérience kaboulie démontre qu'une approche holistique est possible dans un contexte humanitaire et que la prévention et le traitement des nourrissons de moins de 6 mois et de leurs familles doivent prendre en compte ces différents facteurs pour être satisfaisants et efficaces
This research embedded in an humanitarian context : in Afghanistan, more than 30 % of the children severely malnourished admitted in the Therapeutic Feeding Centres of Action Contre la Faim between 2003 and 2004 were less than 6 months old and were admitted because of mother's milk insufficiency. Breast-feeding usually protects the child from malnutrition and severe malnutrition appears only after the age of 6 months, at the time of introduction of complementary feeding or just after. In Afghanistan this protection does not seem to function properly. How can this mother's milk insufficiency be explained ? What are the mothers saying when they complain of a lack of milk ? How can these infants and their families be supported ? In responding to these questions, the humanitarian system should take into consideration the impact of the crisis on the health of the population and needs to adapt its comprehension and its approach to acute malnutrition to a context where humanitarian assistance is challenged. It concerns both the anthropological and psychological dimensions of severe malnutrition. This research describes the process and the results. The causes of mother's milk insufficiency are multiple (the characteristics of the infant, the role of the family, the mother-child relationship, the women's distress, etc. ). Prevention and treatment of severely malnourished infants anf of their families should take into account the social, cultural and subjective aspects of lack of breastmilk to be appropriate and effective

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25

Boldsen, Kristian. "Afghanistan 1978-1992 : Avsaknaden av Galula". Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-755.

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Begreppet counterinsurgency har fått stor uppmärksamhet efter 2001 och USA:s militäraengagemang i Afghanistan och Irak. USA har bedrivit ett gediget utvecklingsarbete sedan dess och en ny doktrin för just counterinsurgency presenterades 2006. Redan 1964 utkom fransmannen David Galula med en bok i ämnet. Det har alltså funnits teorier om counterinsurgency sedan dess. Sovjetunionens engagemang i Afghanistan under 1980-talet slutade med att den afghanska kommunistregimen kollapsade. Viljan att vinna konflikten borde ha funnits där och precis som USA har dragit erfarenheter, borde något ha gjorts för att försöka vinna konflikten även på 1980-talet. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka om de parter som försökte besegra den afghanska motståndsrörelsen gjorde det på ett sätt som kom att likna Galulas teorier om counterinsurgency. Konflikten har analyserats utifrån Galulas teori om upprorsbekämpning med både politiska och militära medel. Analysen har visat att Sovjetunionen och den afghanska kommunistregimen inte utvecklade sitt sättatt hantera konflikten i en riktning som motsvarade Galulas teorier. Den primära politiska orsaken var att regimen förlitade sig på förtryck för att försöka avskräcka motståndssympatier. Detta tillvägagångssätt ledde istället till ökat stöd för motståndsrörelsen. Militärt saknades medlen att befästa närvaro i nya områden där regimen kunde ha börjat utöva inflytande. I förlängningen innebardet att regimen saknade förmåga att bredda sin inflytandesfär.

The term counterinsurgency has received a lot of attention since 2001 and the U.S commitment in Afghanistan and Iraq. The U.S has conducted thorough developmental work since then and a new doctrine on counterinsurgency was presented in 2006. As early as 1964, the Frenchman David Galula issued a book on the subject, and there have existed theories on counterinsurgency ever since. The Soviet Union’s commitment in Afghanistan during the 1980s ended with the collapse of the Afghan communist regime. The will to win the conflict should have been present there, and in the same way that the U.S have capitalized on their experiences something ought to have been done to try to win the conflict during the 1980s. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the parties involved in the fight against the Afghan resistance acted in a way that resembles Galula’s theories on counterinsurgency. The conflict has been analyzed with Galulas theories on how to defeat an insurgency by both political and military means. The analysis has shown that the Soviet Union and the Afghan communist regime did not develop their way of handling the conflict in a way which is consistent with Galula’s theories. The primary political cause was that the regime put its trust in oppression in their attempts to discourage resistance sympathies. This approach resulted in an increase in support for the Afghan resistance rather than the support of the regime. Militarily, the lack of means to secure the regime’s political presence in new areas meant that the regime was unable to broaden its sphere of influence.

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26

Annen, Niels, e Hans-Christian Ströbele. ""Afghanistan kontrovers" und "Krieg verantwortungsbewusst beenden!"". Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2009/3420/.

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27

Hartwig, Ryan J. "A resource network strategy for Afghanistan". Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38942.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
With NATO planning to complete the withdrawal of most troops from Afghanistan by the end of 2014, both Afghanistan and the Coalition need to define a positive long-term vision for the country. In this thesis, I evaluate a proposed approach to achieving such a visionsomething I call the Resource Network Strategy. In this approach, Afghan and Coalition efforts to develop the countrys considerable natural resource endowment are integrated with the U.S. Special Operations Forces continuing village stability operations in a way that establishes a sustainable long-term counterinsurgency effort that will defeat the enemy at the village level while securing the support of Afghanistans central government and minimizing the costs to the U.S. and its allies.

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28

Nikmal, Azizi Ahmad Farid. "Peste des petits ruminants in Afghanistan". Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/6823.

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Master of Science
Department of Clinical Sciences
David S. Hodgson
Peste des petits ruminants (PPR) is an economically important and highly contagious disease of sheep and goats. It is characterized by enteritis, stomatitis, pneumonia, and discharge from the nose and eyes. This report contains a review of PPR and its epidemiology in Afghanistan and other PPR- endemic countries followed by recommendations for dealing disease in Afghanistan. Studies showed that PPR is still endemic in Afghanistan’s neighboring countries including Pakistan, Iran, Tajikistan, and China. From January of 2009 to January of 2010, 852 outbreaks of PPR were reported to the OIE from 24 different countries. However, this study focuses on Afghanistan and some neighboring countries (Iran, Tajikistan). Animal clinics and Veterinary Field Units (VFUs) reported 7,741 cases of PPR from 2008 to 2009 in different parts of Afghanistan. A study by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in 2009 showed that PPR is endemic in various parts of Afghanistan. Seroprevalence of PPR varied from 0% in Kapisa to 48% in Herat province of Afghanistan. The last chapter of this report includes recommendations and guidelines regarding prevention and eradication of PPR from Afghanistan. These recommendations could help improve animal health and the economy of Afghanistan in the future.

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29

Roberts, Jeffery John. "Afghanistan and western policy : 1929-1956 /". The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487681148544547.

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30

Fazli, Estabragh Rose. "L'Etat Taliban en Afghanistan 1996-2001". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0041.

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Cette thèse est destinée à appréhender le phénomène Taliban d'un autre point de vue, c'est-à-dire en tantqu'État, durant la période 1996-2001. À cet égard, nous avons utilisé la théorie d'Alain Touraine relative auxmouvements sociaux, distinguant trois grands principes caractérisant un mouvement social : l'identité, l'oppositionet la totalité, ces trois éléments étant interdépendants. Le premier chapitre de cette thèse est destiné à analysercomment les Talibans, en tant que sujet historique, ont été créés dans un contexte de guerre et d'opposition. Sontainsi successivement abordés la guerre avec l'Union soviétique, les Moudjahidins, les guerres civiles, les oppositionsrégionales et le clivage essentiel entre sunnites et chiites. Ensuite, il a été tenté de clarifier la façon dont le caractèretotalitaire de l'identité de l'Etat Taliban est renforcé par ses deux dimensions organisationnelles : l'islamisme et lepachtounisme, ce qui a conduit à confronter le régime des Talibans à la définition du modèle classique de régimetotalitaire concernant les institutions et la domination. La dernière partie aborde la question de la chute de l'EtatTaliban. La contradiction entre l'universalisme idéologique et l'existence des Talibans en tant qu'Etat a conduit àl'isolement sur la scène internationale. Les Talibans échouent par ailleurs à établir une domination intégrale enAfghanistan et se trouvent confrontés à une crise de légitimité interne ouvrant la voie à leur chute. En conclusion, ilest souligné la façon dont les Talibans ont mis en place une centralisation politique, en dépit de la profondeur desclivages tribaux et idéologiques. Pour atteindre leurs buts, ils se sont concentrés principalement sur trois éléments :l'islam fondamentaliste, la conscience nationale et tribale et l'honneur du guerrier. Finalement par le moyen de lathéorie de George Bataille, l'auteur de la présente thèse tente de préciser que les Talibans ont échoué à établir leuremprise totalitaire dans le climat hétérogène de la société afghane, malgré leurs efforts pour imposer les troiséléments d'homogénéisation susmentionnés
In the present thesis, it is intended to survey Taliban phenomenon, as a State, during 1996-2001 from another pointof view. In this regard, it is benefitted from Alain Touraine’s theory on the function of social movements. Hedescribes the function of each movement based on three major principles: Identity, Opposition and Totality, andconsiders the three of them as being interrelated. The first chapter of the present thesis is intended to indicate howTaliban, as a historical subject, is created in the context of war and opposition. For instance, the conflict between theSoviet Union and Mujahidin, civil wars, regional oppositions, as the important cleavage of Sunni-Shiite. Afterwards,it is tried to clarify how the totalitarian aspect of Taliban’s identity is reinforced by its two significant organizingdimensions: Islamism and Pashtunism. Subsequently, we proceed to Taliban’s endeavor to establish an Islamictotalitarian state and also it is tried to reveal the assimilation between the Taliban regime and a classical model oftotalitarian regime regarding institution and domination. Dealing with the fall of Taliban state is done within the lastchapter. It is analyzed how the Taliban’s ideology of universalism confronts the national interests such as any othertotalitarian Stat. The confrontation of ideological universalism and the national interests leads to isolation and fall ofTaliban, in the international stage. Taliban even fails to establish an integral domination within Afghanistan.Therefore, Taliban is dragged into the crisis of internal legitimacy which paved the way to its fall. As a conclusion,it is dealt with how Taliban tried to create political centralization, despite the existence of effective tribal andideological cleavage. To fulfill their aim, they concentrated mainly on three elements of fundamentalist Islam, thenational and tribal consciousness and the honor of the warrior. Eventually, by the means of George Bataille’s theory,the writer of the present thesis tries to clarify that Taliban failed to establish its expected totalitarism in theheterogeneous climate of Afghan society, despite its efforts in imposing the three aforementioned homogenizingelements

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31

Beath, Andrew. "Randomized Institutional Isomorphism - Evidence from Afghanistan". Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10395.

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The dissertation compiles a series of essays which describes effects of various institutional variations randomized across a sample of 500 villages in Afghanistan in 2007. The first essay examines the institutional effects of the creation of democratically-elected, gender-balanced village development councils across 474 village councils. The creation of councils is found to have no effects on the structure and function of local governance or on how male villagers perceive local governance quality. However, council creation provokes increased local governance activity among paramilitary commanders – who experience broad-based improvements in public perceptions – and improves perceptions of local governance quality among women. The results indicate that externally-imposed de jure reforms do not substantially alter institutional outcomes, but may provoke countervailing responses by political authorities seeking to benefit from the institutional change. The second essay examines the effects of direct democracy on the alignment between public resource allocation decisions and citizen preferences. Using data from 250 villages, the study compares decision outcomes produced by secret-ballot referenda with outcomes produced by public meetings led by an elected village council. The results indicate that while elites do exert influence over outcomes produced by public meetings, their preferences do not determine the outcomes of referenda, which are influenced primarily by citizen preferences. Referenda are also found to improve citizen satisfaction, which is particularly low where elites exert undue influence over outcomes. The third essay examines whether the inclusion of villages in Afghanistan‘s largest development program affects counter-insurgency outcomes, such as individual perceptions of well-being, attitudes towards government, and the occurrence of violent incidents in surrounding areas. The program is found to affect all three measures, but only in areas with low levels of initial violence. The results indicate that development programs can limit the onset of insurgencies in relatively secure areas, but are not effective in improving attitudes to government and reducing violence where insurgents are already active.
Government

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32

Mullins, Christopher R. "State capacity and resistance in Afghanistan". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FMullins.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Johnson, Thomas H. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Afghanistan, State Capacity, Governance, Solidarity Groups, Resistance, Tribal Structure, Monarchy, Amir Abdur Rahman, Iron Amir, Communist, PDPA, Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, Mujahedeen, Taliban, Islamists, Hamid Karzai, Counterinsurgency, Insurgency, Statemaking, State building, United Islamic Front, Northern Alliance, Pashtun Includes bibliographical references (p. 157-166). Also available in print.

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33

Niayesh, Hasibullah NA. "Complementary Infant Feeding Practices in Afghanistan". ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4809.

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Children are at greater risk of malnutrition in Afghanistan than they are in many other countries. Malnutrition impairs the mental and physical growth of more than 50% of children in Afghanistan. It also exacerbates the risks of mortality by 45% in infants and children in Afghanistan. The purpose of this study was to determine the association between mothers' knowledge, attitudes, and practices regarding complementary feeding and malnutrition in children in Afghanistan. The precaution adoption process model served as a theoretical framework in this quantitative cross-sectional research study. Data analyzed were collected from 306 mothers and children at 6 randomly selected hospitals in Kabul Province. The results of logistic regression models indicated that mothers' knowledge, attitudes, and practices regarding complementary feeding were statistically significant predictors of stunting in children, Ï?2 (9, N = 306) = 45.33, p < .001; Ï?2 (9, N = 306) = 26.71, p < .01; and Ï?2 (9, N = 306) = 56.97, p < .001 respectively. The strongest predictor was mothers' practicing responsive feeding, where mothers who did not practice responsive feeding were 7.1 times more likely to have stunted children than mothers who practiced responsive feeding. Moreover, the results indicated that mothers' knowledge, attitudes, and practices of complementary feeding were statistically significant predictors of underweight in children, Ï?2 (9, N = 306) = 37.49, p < .001; Ï?2 (9, N = 306) = 41.15, p < .001; and Ï?2 (9, N = 306) = 44.64, p < .001. The implications for positive social change include reviewing nutrition policies, investing in nutrition programs, and operationalizing nutrition education and behavior change interventions for promoting appropriate complementary infant feeding practices in Afghanistan.

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34

Åhlund, Markus. "Helikopterlogistik i Afghanistan : en teoriprövande studie". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8812.

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Under perioden 2011-2013 opererade det svenska helikopterförbandet Swedish Air Element Helikopter 10B på Camp Marmal i Afghanistan i syfte att utgöra sjuktransportresurs för Regional Command North inom ramen för ISAF (International Security Assistance Force). Förbandet bidrog till sjuktransportförmåga med helikopter i norra Afghanistan tillsammans med amerikanska, tyska och norska helikopterförband. De taktiska kraven på förbandet innebar att kunna hålla en hög beredskap med hög tillgänglighet i en konfliktfylld miljö i syfte att rädda liv. Den här studien syftar till att undersöka förbandets logistik och hur den påverkade förbandets operationer och verksamhet men även att undersöka i vilken utsträckning Moshe Kress teoribildning kan förklara logistiken i det valda fallet. Undersökningen visar på ett minimalistiskt logistiksystem som också bidrog positivt till förbandets operationer och verksamhet. Vidare var förbandet i hög grad beroende av extern försörjning där baseringen spelade en avgörande roll. Insatsen föregicks av en omfattande planering för att säkerställa tillgänglighet, både i insatsområdet och på hemmaförband. Undersökningen visar på att de största framgångsfaktorerna för logistiksystemet var framsynthet, tillgänglighet, överlevnadsförmåga och enkelhet.

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35

Iro, Andrea. "Staatszerfall und State-Building in Afghanistan : die USA im Spannungsfeld zwischen Staatsaufbau und Terrorbekämpfung nach dem 11. September 2001 /". Marburg : Tectum-Verl, 2008. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3085483&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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36

Khan, Yasir. "A calculus of new refugee culture : identity, Afghans, and the medical dialect of suffering". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29511.

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In recent decades the ongoing rise of refugee populations around the world has provided a unique opportunity to study the impact of forced migrations on the identities of individuals and collectivities. The simultaneous emergence of the novel social phenomenon of 'refugee societies' has captured anthropological interest in the way in which 'refugee identity' is currently imagined and represented. A useful entry point for exploring representations of 'refugee' identity within a new culture of refugees is found in the recurrent notion of suffering. 'Suffering' is conceptualized here as an ideological grammar that characterizes a variety of language games contained in a broader 'language of suffering'. Focus is directed towards the 'medical dialect of suffering' and its role in articulating the identities of refugees and representing their experiences of suffering. Medical discourse, practices, and technologies can drive the transformation of the categorical 'refugee' identity into a 'medicalized' and 'traumatized' identity: revealing how medicine not only reflects cultural meanings of suffering, but can also project new cultural meanings of suffering. The relevant case of Afghan refugees illustrates how cultural identities can be conceptualized as shifting, strategic, and multiplicitous---realities that can be a blend of both coherency and contradiction.

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37

Hermand, Xavier. "Transformer la matière et négocier les cultes : les groupes de l'artisanat du Nangarhār (Afghanistan)". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0071.

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Après une enquête menée auprès des groupes d'artisans de la ville de Jalālābād et desrecherches historiques sur les changements sociaux des régions de l'est de l'Afghanistan, je décris comment ces professionnels qui étaient autrefois jugés marginaux parce qu'ilsmanipulent la matière, parviennent depuis peu, par ce même moyen, à acquérir de l'influence. Ceux qui transforment les matières et produisent des objets à partir des métaux, du bois, des tissus, de la terre, des peaux d'animaux, descendent de spécialistes de villages et de nomades qui étaient tenus par l'endettement au service de marchands ou de chefs fonciers. Avec la transmission aux enfants des dettes et des savoir-faire, les spécialisations étaient conservées entre proches limitant la mobilité sociale. Une succession de crises au cours de la deuxième moitié du XXème siècle obligea la population du Nangarhār à fuir et parfois émigrer. Plus tard, les artisans sont revenus se concentrer à Jalālābād pour constituer, au sein des métiers qui ont survécu, des cartels familiaux. L'évolution des rapports d'échange, la diffusion de la monnaie, l'accès à une clientèle plus large, ont permis à quelques-uns de devenir plus indépendants et à introduire de nouvelles façons de travailler. Selon les filières, certains ont monté de petites usines et repris la maîtrise sur des étapes clés de la transformation des matières, d'autres privilégient les fabrications à fortes plus-values, acquièrent des monopoles dans la distribution ou encore, délèguent les tâches les plus pénibles à un personnel extérieur.En dépit d'une absence chronique d'électricité, les artisans de cette ville, dont l'essentiel de la main d'oeuvre est composée de proches parents, réussissent à proposer des objets de très bonne qualité à faible coût, une situation qui leur permet de gagner en influence. Peu auparavant, ces artisans connaissaient une situation très différente. L'absence de références généalogiques empêchait qu'ils soient acceptés comme musulmans et, si leur économie dépendait, comme d'autres acteurs du Nangarhār, d'institutions non-musulmanes, leurs activités (extraction, échange, manipulation, transformation ou, destruction des matières) étaient jugées avec méfiance par les représentants religieux. L'implication, au siècle dernier, d'un homme d'affaire et chef religieux auprès des professionnels entraîna un changement des rapports économiques mais aussi aux rites de l'Islam. Tous les artisans prétendent aujourd'hui suivre les préceptes de cette religion
After conducting a survey among artisans' groups in the city of Jalālābād, and historicalresearch about social changes in the eastern regions of Afghanistan, I describe how theseprofessionals which used to be deconsidered because of their involvement in material process, are succeeding today, through the same mean, to gain some influence. The people who are transforming metal, wood, textiles, earth, hides and skins, and produce objects from these materials, are descendants of village specialists and nomads. Usually working at the service of merchants and landowners, they were compelled to pay back or transmit their debts, as well as their competences, to their children. This contributed to maintain specialisations among kins and did limit social mobility. A succession of crisis in the second half of the XXth century forced the population of Nangarhār to emigrate before coming back and gather in Jalālābād and constitute family trusts among the profession that survived. The evolution of market relations, the diffusion of material money and access to many more costumers, offer them some independance and help them in introducing new working methods. According to their field, some are investing in bigger workshops in order to take back the control of several stages in the transformation process, others choose to specialize in capital gain production, monopolize the distribution markets or, hire personal from new comers to delegate the difficult tasks. Despite a regular absence of electrical energy, the employment of a very skilled workforce composed of kins, allow them today to get some influence and compete with networks of industrial producers from neighbouring countries. Few years ago, the artisans did had a very different experience. They were lacking genealogical references or credences to become accepted as Muslims and, as others economic actors, they depended on non-muslim institutions for their activities (extraction, trade, manipulation, transformation, or destruction of materials) were considered mistrust by the religious representants. During the previous century, the implication of a religious chief involved in business beside the professionnals contributed to the evolution of economic relations but also to the rites attached the islamic faith. All the artisans now claim to follow the precept of the muslim creed

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38

Prichard, Nisha. ""Dangerously Radical?" - Explaining the position of the Revolutionary Association of Women in Afghanistan in Post Taliban Afghanistan". Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2165.

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ABSTRACT The Revolutionary Association of Women in Afghanistan is an organisation that provides a fascinating insight into understandings of gender, national identity and universal human rights. In its construction of a universal human rights message for women in Afghanistan the group responds to the philosophical debate surrounding universal rights and cultural relativism, and the support and criticism coming from the international feminist movement. In order to understand the way that RAWA has framed itself and its message, it is imperative to examine the ways RAWA has responded both to the international principles of universalism and feminism, but also to the national history and culture they operate in. RAWA’s firm local grounding and sense of unique history mean that they control, rather than are controlled by, international principles.
N/A
Department of Government and International Relations

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39

Leclerc, Matthieu. "La structure juridique du système interétatique à la lumière de la reconstruction de l’Etat afghan (2001-2007)". Caen, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008CAEN0083.

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L'analyse classique du processus de reconstruction de l'Etat afghan défaillant souffre d’une opposition paradigmatique des fondements du droit international que constitueraient la souveraineté et les droits de l’homme. Une démarche structurale permet, au contraire, de considérer l’Etat comme l'unité fondamentale du système interétatique, généré par une dynamique de répartition du pouvoir politique sur un espace social et structuré par un ordre juridique qui, en tant que tel, comprend les lois de totalité, de transformation et d'autoréglage. La comparaison entre le fait étatique et sa représentation juridique impose de rechercher les constantes et les variables de l'Etat, nécessaires pour envisager le transfert de droit qui s'opère entre l’Occident et l’Afghanistan. Les quêtes d'unité et de justice, ramenées à la nationalisation et à '’institutionnalisation du pouvoir, confirment ici l'importance du respect de la souveraineté du peuple comme condition d'une démocratisation réussie. Il ordonne les rapports entre ordres juridiques, en supposant des mécanismes d'ouverture et d’adaptation réciproques nécessaires au bon transfert de leurs produits. L'amélioration de ce système permet encore d'envisager le principe de subsidiarité comme favorable à l'effectivité et la légitimité de l'activité de la communauté internationale en Afghanistan et, d'une manière générale, dans le cadre de l'institutionnalisation des rapports de coexistence, coopération et intégration. La démarche structurale permet de comprendre, en définitive, les conditions de l'objectivisation et de l'appropriation de la forme d'organisation sociale que constitue l'Etat par des sociétés diverses

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40

Mistiaen, Bruno. "Les phénomènes récifaux et leur environnement dans le dévonien d'Afghanistan (Montagnes Centrales)". Lille 1, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985LIL10144.

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41

Vanleene, Alexandra. "Etude archéologique et iconograpique de la représentation des scènes de la vie du Buddha et de l'imagerie bouddhique dans l'art de Haḍḍa (Afghanistan)". Strasbourg, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011STRA1055.

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Hadda est le nom d’un village moderne de l’Afghanistan, situé à douze kilomètres au sud de Jellalabad, construit sur les ruines d’une petite ville préislamique dont dépendait un grand ensemble monastique bouddhique. Les vestiges les plus anciens sont datés du IIe siècle de notre ère et l’incendie généralisé qui ruine les sites est à placer au moment de la montée musulmane, vers le IXe siècle de notre ère. Plusieurs dizaines de monastères ont été retrouvés, comptant des centaines de stupa, des dizaines de niches, caitya (chapelles) et banquettes ornés d’œuvres de facture hellénistico-bouddhique : des modelages en stuc et en argile surtout, mais aussi des sculptures en pierre, notamment en schiste et en calcaire, ainsi que des peintures. La motivation scientifique de cette étude est multiple, car tout en replaçant l’art monastique de Hadda au sein de l’art du Gandhara, elle permet de mettre en lumière plusieurs originalités de cette école : l’usage massif du modelage donne naissance à un mode nouveau de composition tridimensionnel, ainsi qu’à l’apparition de scènes ne représentant pas un épisode particulier de la légende canonique du Buddha mais complétant la décoration du monastère en créant une ambiance particulière ou en évoquant symboliquement un épisode. La réunion du talent et de la créativité de l’école de modelage de Hadda, alliant un art à la fois traditionnel et canonique mais aussi audacieux et original, explique son influence que l’on suit à travers le Kapiça et la Bactriane, passant par Bamiyan et aboutissant à l’Asie Centrale chinoise
Hadda is the name of a modern village of Afghanistan, located twelve miles south of Jellalabad and built on the ruins of a pre-Islamic city, on which depended a great Buddhist monastery. The earliest remains are dated from the second century AD and a generalized fire destroyed the site around the ninth century AD, during the Muslim rise. Dozens of monasteries were found, with hundreds of stupa and a huge amount of niches and caitya (chapels) carved in Greco-Buddhist style : mostly clay and stucco modelings, as well as limestone and schist sculptures, and a few paintings. The scientific purpose of this study is multiple, for while setting Hadda monastic art within Gandhara art, it helps to highlighting several features of this school: the massive use of modeling generates a new method of three-dimensional composition, and the appearance of scenes not representing specific episode of Buddha’s canonical legend, thus completing the decoration of the monastery by creating a particular atmosphere or evoking an episode in a symbolic way. The combination of the talent and creativity of the modeling school of Hadda resulting in an art both traditional and canonical, but also daring and original, explains an influence that can be followed across Kapisa and Bactria, through Bamiyan and to Chinese Central Asia

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42

MERY-KHOSROWSHAHI, Christophe-Aschkan. "The opium of the people : essays on counter-narcotics efforts in Afghanistan". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73449.

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Defence Date: 17 December 2021
Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, (EUI and University of Bologna); Prof. David Levine(EUI); Prof. Oliver Vanden Eynde (PSE); Prof. Salvatore Modica (University of Palermo)
The idea of this PhD thesis is to document the link between the counter-narcotics operations that took place in Afghanistan in the years 2008-2015 and the Afghan civil conflict, which has led to the terrible outcome of the year 2021. In the first chapter, I propose a microeconomic model to describe the effect of counternarcotics law enforcement on the supply of drugs when territorial control is contested. I assume, as is seen on the field, that if insurgents take power, then drug producers are protected against counter-narcotics operations, but that they have to pay taxes on their production. I show that under some circumstances the influence of drug producers on the outcome of conflict induces a complementarity between investment in narcotics production and insurgent support. This complementarity has two effects: 1) It mitigates the efficacy of counter-narcotics operations 2) It generates a trade-off between the war on drugs and counterinsurgency. In the second chapter, I address point 1) by estimating the elasticity of opium supply to counter-narcotics operations in Afghanistan. I find that law enforcement had little impact, with a 1% increase in opium eradication causing a reduction of roughly a third of a percent in opium supply the following year. Moreover, this effect is driven by northern regions, far from the Taliban’s strongholds which concentrate most of the country’s production. In the third chapter, I turn to point 2) and estimate the effect of counter-narcotics operations on the population’s self-declared support for military actors. I find that those provinces where law enforcement induced the eradication of 10% or more of the total opium-cultivated area exhibit greater sympathy for opposition armed groups, such as the Taliban, and less trust in the national army. This effect is driven by the Pashtun sub-population, which agricultural sector relies heavily on opium cultivation. These results empirically confirm the existence of a trade-off between counter-narcotics and counterinsurgency. Since law enforcement was originally meant to weaken the Taliban insurgency, these results should be of interest to policymakers.
1. Counternarcotics and Counterinsurgency : Competing Objectives of State Development? 2. Afghanistan : Did Counter-Narcotics Counter Narcotics? Not So Much 3. Counter-Narcotics Operations Might Have Strengthened the Taliban Insurgency

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43

Giunta, Roberta. "Les inscriptions de la ville de Gazni (Afghanistan)". Aix-Marseille 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999AIX10061.

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Le matériel épigraphique présenté provient de la ville de Gazni, en Afghanistan. Collecté par l'équipe de la mission archéologique italienne entre les années 1957 et 1966, il était resté longtemps inexploité. Cette documentation, s'échelonnant entre les 4ème-9ème / 10ème-15ème siècles, comprend soixante-treize monuments funéraires, dont treize datés, neuf plaques dites à "mihrab" et sept fragments architectoniques. La plupart de ces documents appartient à la période des dominations gaznawide (366-583 / 977-1187) et guride (env. 250-612 / 864-1215), en Afghanistan. L'étude a été divisée en trois volumes : le premier comprend i le catalogue des documents funéraires et civils, le deuxième est consacré à l'étude du matériel inventorié et le troisième comporte 440 planches relatives aux photographies, aux dessins et aux alphabets. Deux grands tableaux dépliables sont contenus dans la pochette ajoutée à la fin de ce troisième volume. Les monuments funéraires offrent une typologie intéressante: ils se composent de deux ou de plusieurs éléments superposés en formant une sorte de pyramide tronquée, assez élevée. A quelques exceptions près, chacun des éléments d'un tombeau est susceptible de comporter des bandeaux épigraphiques qui, dans la plupart des cas, apparaissent indépendants les uns des autres. Le nom du défunt, lorsqu'il est signalé, est presque toujours gravé sur l'élément le plus haut. Le formulaire funéraire est assez stéréotypé et peut comporter la basmala, la sahada, des invocations implorant la miséricorde et le pardon de Dieu sur le défunt, le nom du défunt, la date de son décès, des versets coraniques et des sentences religieuses. Les styles de graphie adoptés sont le coufique et le cursif qui, souvent, coexistent sur un même document. Le coufique présente quatre variantes principales et, à partir de la deuxième moitié du 5ème / 11ème siècle, atteignit un haut degré de perfection artistique. Le cursif fait probablement, ici, sa première apparition dans l'épigraphie monumentale. L'étude des plaques à mihrab et celle des fragments architectoniques, datés d'après des références historiques, a fourni des indications précieuses pour la connaissance de l'histoire et des goûts artistiques de l'époque et elle nous a également aidé à dater les nombreux documents dépourvus de date.

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44

Khalili, Farhad, e Hamed Ubaidi-Karlsson. "Gestaltning av kriget i Afghanistan i en nationell och internationell kontext : En kvalitativ studie om hur kriget i Afghanistan gestaltas på TOLOnews i Afghanistan och SVT Nyheter i Sverige". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91009.

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The aim of this study was to find out how the war in Afghanistan is framed both in national and international context. This was conducted by comparing the national tv channel TOLOnews from Afghanistan with the international tv channel SVT Nyheter from Sweden. A qualitative text analysis as well as a semiotic photo analysis were implemented on four news articles and two photos from each channel respectively. Framing theory, agenda setting, and news values provided the theoretical background to be able to carry out the study. The significant findings of the study show that SVT Nyheter uses various secondary foreign sources for their articles in comparison to TOLOnews which uses only first-hand sources as can be expected of international and national tv channels. Furthermore, SVT Nyheter concentrates mostly on facts such as the number of people killed in attacks whereas TOLOnews concentrates more on the personal stories of the local people affected by the attacks. Finally, the study discusses what could be the underlying reasons of the findings of the study and thereby the differences of the framing of the war in Afghanistan by the two tv channels.

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45

Khan, Manizha. "Teachers’ Perception of Students’ Learning and Their Teaching in Afghanistan: : Views of KEU and SJTTC Teachers, Kabul, Afghanistan". Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-37109.

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Lately, research has shown that learning and teaching are causally tightly bound activities. Understanding the learning process help teachers to know about the preferences of their students. Meanwhile, this understanding can contribute in effective learning performance if it is accommodated in teaching process. In order to find out perception of Afghan teachers in this regard, this study was conducted. 58 lecturers/teachers from two teacher training institutions – Kabul Education University (KEU) and Sayed Jamaluddin Teacher Training College (SJTTC) were participant of the study. Data was collected through self-responsive questionnaires and the findings of study indicates that learning process and styles, as well as teaching in accordance to learning process are important issues for teachers at these two institutions. Findings also suggest that teachers are aware about concept of learning styles. Besides that, attempts are made to address learning styles in teaching process through use of different teaching materials and methods. Knowledge of the important and necessary educational concepts such as, learning styles in teacher training institutions (KEU & SJTTC) can equip future teachers of community with better skills and attitudes that can make student-teacher interactions more sufficient.
TEMP

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46

Mahjoor, Ahmad Seyer. "Approche sociologique de la transition en Afghanistan, 2002-2005 : entre tradition et modernité". Rouen, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009ROUEL025.

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Cette thèse se propose d'étudier les enjeux de la transition de la tradition vers la modernité et la démocratie dans la société tribale et traditionnelle. Dans cette approche sociologique, nous essayons de montrer le problématique de la transition politique ou démocratisation du système institutionnel en Afghanistan depuis son indépendance jusque fin 2005. Cette thèse veut contribuer à l'élaboration d'une sociologie de la transition politique dans des contextes multiethniques et met l'accent sur la transition en Afghanistan entre 2002-2005. Après une réflexion de la sociologie politico-historique, cette thèse aborde la situation transitoire de l'Afghanistan depuis le 11 septembre 2001, l'intervention militaire internationale sous l'égide des Etats-Unis, la chute du régime des talibans, la mise en place d'une conférence internationale, l'engagement de la communauté internationale pour un processus de la paix, la reconstruction institutionnelle et l'établissement du pluralisme politique et l'instauration d'un régime démocratique représentatif via des élections libres sous l'égide des nations-unies, les enjeux sécuritaire et économique et la reconstruction du pays avec les aides de la communauté internationale. Après le bilan et la conclusion, cette thèse donne des perspectives en analysant les points positifs et négatifs de la situation et le degré de la réussite de cette transition vers la modernité et la démocratie en Afghanistan

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47

Nassimi, Azim M. "An ethnography of political leaders in Afghanistan". Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1063417.

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This study consisted of qualitative interviews with six Afghan political leaders who served as cabinet members in the Afghan government prior to the Soviet invasion. The study sought to report the political conditions in Afghanistan based on the direct experiences and the reflections of these leaders whose titles and names remain anonymous.The data were collected and analyzed using a modified version of Spradley's Developmental Research Sequence Writing methodology. The data included field notes gathered from numerous interviews, casual conversations, tape recording, library research and documents provided by the informants.The rivalries that prevented political unity during the war of resistance have exacerbated the quest for power now that the common enemy, the Soviet Union and Afghan-Marxist regimes, has disappeared from the scene. No credible social or political within the country to initiate and promote political reconciliation. Each group appears to be attempting a unilateral solution to the national crisis. The great majority of Afghans are not only left out of the political process, but are also held hostage to the confrontation between competing groups whose political and military strategies is the elimination, or at best exclusion, of other competing groups. Dangerously, none of the powerful group's adversaries has given up the idea of war as the institution or nationally acceptable leadership is available instrument of political settlement. Among political leaders there is still much in Afghan political culture that is basically hostile to open and competitive politics.
Department of Educational Leadership

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48

Crome, Erhard. "Afghanistan – Ein Menetekel : Replik auf Sibylle Tönnies". Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6335/.

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49

Moss, Sarah M. "Long-range operational military forecasts for Afghanistan". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/07Mar%5FMoss.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Meteorology)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tom Murphree, Karl D. Pfeiffer. "March 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-75). Also available in print.

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50

Geis, Chad E. "Climate and weather analysis of Afghanistan thunderstorms". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5595.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
Thunderstorms are a significant factor in the planning and execution of Defense (DoD) operations in Afghanistan, especially in the spring and summer. Skillful forecasting of Afghanistan thunderstorms has proven difficult, even at relatively short lead times of 24 hours or less. This has led to adverse effects on a wide range of DoD missions. One potential reason for the forecasting difficulties is a lack of understanding of the conditions that lead to static instability and thunderstorms in the elevated desert mountain environment that characterizes much of Afghanistan. Much of the thunderstorm forecasting for Afghanistan is based on forecasting methods developed for the contiguous U.S. (CONUS)--for example, the use of CONUS-based static stability indices as indicators of the potential for thunderstorm development. We have investigated methods for improving thunderstorm forecasting in and near Kabul, Afghanistan, by: (1) analyzing interannual to hourly variations in thunderstorm activity; and (2) analyzing the large-scale conditions that are favorable and unfavorable for thunderstorms. We used in situ surface and radiosonde data to characterize the local conditions associated with thunderstorm variations. Our focus was on March-May, the period with the most thunderstorm activity in Kabul. We also used global reanalysis data to analyze the large-scale conditions that are favorable and unfavorable for thunderstorm development. We developed and tested two new static stability indices for use in Kabul. We also developed a large-scale circulation index to describe the regional factors that contribute to thunderstorm variations. Finally, we identified outgoing longwave radiation anomalies that occurred in specific tropical ocean basins as potential precursors for predicting thunderstorm and nonthunderstorm events at lead times of 5-15 days.

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