Tesi sul tema "1945-1989. Revolution of 1956"
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White, Garret. "La question de la révolte dans le théâtre de Jean Genet et de Bernard-Marie Koltès". Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030038.
Testo completoThis thesis proposes a study of the theatrical works of Jean Genet and Bernard-Marie Koltès based on the question of revolt. It seeks to demonstrate that for these two authors, revolt is inscribed in the very heart of their writing for the theatre, thematically as well as aesthetically, constituting a genuine philosophical question: a questioning of being in the world, of the meaning of existence, of the construction of a relationship with the other. However the comparison of the two works highlights the different orientations which each author gives to this question: while Genet directs revolt into an inexorable quest for a definitive solitude, Koltès considers it as the zero degree from which the relationship to the world, and therefore the relationship to the other, is constructed. This philosophical divergence is expressed, moreover, through two very different conceptions of the theatre: for Genet form is a constraint within which all distortions are possible but from which no escape is possible, while for Koltès the theatre is a place of openness, a principle which is largely inscribed into the form of his plays. Ultimately, the question of revolt illustrates in Genet’s work as in Koltès’s work the fundamental symbiosis of a thematic reflection and an aesthetic approach to the theatre
Pleskot, Patryk. "Związki polskich humanistów-badaczy z humanistyką francuską w latach 1956-1989". Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0138.
Testo completoThe thesis is divided into three parties which focuse on the French-Polish relationships between the social sciences in their material. Political and intelectual dimension. The first part describes the number of Polish researchers arriving to France and the number of French scientists going to Poland. As well as the institutions involved in the coopération, its organisation and the material obstacles of the relationships. The second part starts with a description of Polish-French scientifical relationships between 1944 and 1993, focusing on the contacts between the Polish researchers and 6th Section of EPHE. Moreover. The author analyses the political and ideological obstacles and the limits of coopération. The third part shows the points of understanding and misunderstanding between the Polish historians and l'école des Annales. Then, the author decribes the factors which intensified the relations and shows the numerous manifestations of the coopération
Law, Yuk Fun. "Revolution or rediscovery? : Post-World War Two American foreign policy at a crossroad". HKBU Institutional Repository, 1994. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/41.
Testo completoFejérdy, Gergely. "Les relations diplomatiques et culturelles entre les pays francophones d'Europe et la Hongrie, de 1944 à 1956". Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040020.
Testo completoThe use of a common language in France, in Belgium and in Switzerland can be linked with some similar orientation of those countries towards Central Europe during the years that followed the end of the Second World War. Hungary sets as a good example as these three states represented an intermediate way between the two blocs in various manners. For European French-speaking countries Hungary was viewed as a weakest link of the Soviet sphere up to 1947; then, it was seen as a testing ground for Moscow yet, they could maintain reasonably decent relations, in comparison with neighbouring countries. This study mainly based on research in records gives a new perspective to the recent history of the international relations in Europe. It highlights the importance of personal networks created thanks to the use of a common language
Pool, Emile Maxime. "Playing to the stalls : George McTurnan Kahin and the Indonesian revolution 1945-1950 /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp821.pdf.
Testo completoLebel, Béatrice. "Boquen, 1965-1976 : entre utopie et révolution dans le catholicisme français". Thesis, Brest, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BRES0026.
Testo completoBoquen, located in “ Côtes d’Armor”, is in 1965 a Cistercian abbey of the common observance. In 1976, the Little Sisters of Bethleem settle there with the precise purpose of re-establishing monastic life after the agitated decade that has just come to an end at Boquen. For the abbey had indeed been turned into a prominent place of the catholic protest in France, if not its very symbol. This study proposes an analysis, in a chronological mode, of the elements that have contributed to the transforming of this small abbey into a sounding board for the expectations of thousands of Christians. It thus brings to light the importance played by the socio-religious context of the sixties and seventies upon the evolution of Boquen, and also the major role played by Bernard Besret, the very charismatic Prior of Boquen and later leader of the “Communion”. He initiated an original community project, the Communion of Boquen, which combined monasticism, ecumenism and spirit of the sixties. On August 20th 1969 Bernard Besret gives a resounding conference which brings about his dismissal. From that day, that sanction attracts to the abbey all the christian anti-establishment wing, ranging from left to far left. By the autumn of 1970 Boquen has taken the leadership of the Christians in spiritual quest. The next two years confirm its success. But what is Boquen? In 1973, it starts declining. Things get worse with Bernard Besret’s departure in October 1974. By the autumn of 1976, that utopic experiment within the walls of Boquen comes to an end with the expulsion of the Communion and of the community of residents who had settled there
Robinet, Romain. "L’esprit et la race : le mouvement étudiant face à la Révolution mexicaine (1910-1945)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0014.
Testo completoIn Mexico, as in Latin America, the “revolutionary student” appears as a classical figure of the 1960-1970 protest cycle and has been largely analyzed by historians. On the contrary, very few studies have been dedicated to students “in revolutionary context”. As a matter of fact, a powerful student movement, organized and representative, active in international student relations, emerged during the Mexican Revolution, between the 1910s and the 1940s. Apparently similar to its European or Latin American counterparts, this first Mexican student movement was however built and shaped by its leaders in close relation with a major phenomenon: the Revolution. During this period, Mexican students organized themselves in the name of the Revolution. They largely defended the revolutionary principles, but also started to criticize more and more the revolutionary governments. Through their international organizations and congresses, they also contributed to the transnational circulation of the Mexican Revolution in Ibero America. Actors of a “revolution by education”, Mexican student leaders succeeded in defending a “University Reform” that was at first compatible with the revolutionary ideals. Education could help to form the soul of Mexico and of the “Ibero American Race”. In their view, the Mexican Revolution was both a racial regeneration and a political experience, inspired by European models such as nationalism, socialism, cooperativism or social catholicism
Ren, Chao. "The Ideological Struggle in China Mainland Mainstream Film from the End of the Second World War to the Beginning of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1945 - 1966)". Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/382737.
Testo completoThesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Film School
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
Boyer, Antoine de. "Un laboratoire pour la Révolution africaine : le Ghana de Nkrumah et l'espace franco-africain (1945-1966)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H063.
Testo completoFollowing the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied
Shafiei-Nasab, Djafar. "Les mouvements révolutionnaires et la constitution de 1906 en Iran". Lyon 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986LYO20050.
Testo completoFollowing the general strike in august 1906, in which wide sections of the population, businessmen, traders, and craftsmen included, participated; Muzaffar-al-Din Shah established a constitution. This was the result of a long battle that had started in the middle of the 19th century, a battle which sometimes took the form of a politico-religious movement and at other times that of an anti-colonialist and antiabsolutist movement. The intellectuals who had been dreaming of changing the country's political structures for a century took part in this battle, characterized by its clear goals. In order to reach their goal they instigated a battle that lasted for half a century and the modalities of which reflected the nature of the ruling authorities. In august 1906, this battle ended in the assumption of power by the constitutional regime and in a crystallization of their political goals. But the political struggle towards the realization of the social and economic objectives continued. These objectives were initially included in the main demands of the urban middle class and later in those of the rural middle class. In reality, the efforts to establish a democracy sometimes resembled armed resistance. At the same time a shift in the relations of power among the constitutionalist groups - both inside and outside
Cicero, Pedro Henrique de Moraes 1984. "Revolução Bolivariana e lutas sociais = o confronto político nos primeiros anos do governo Hugo Chávez Frías". [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281656.
Testo completoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A presente dissertação objetiva analisar as principais lutas sociais na Venezuela durante os dois primeiros mandatos do governo comandado por Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). Para tanto, três eixos conceituais permearão o trabalho: as idéias de neoliberalismo, de lutas sociais e a de confronto político. A partir delas serão expostas as conexões entre a vitória conquistada por Hugo Chávez nas eleições de 1998 e duas variáveis: o aumento na quantidade e intensidade dos conflitos sociais durante a década de 1990 (não obstante a debilidade dos movimentos sociais venezuelanos) e os desastrosos resultados obtidos pela investida neoliberal no país. Uma vez eleito, porém, o governo bolivariano pouco avançou no sentido de enfrentar o principal entrave para o contínuo e sustentável desenvolvimento da referida nação: a estrutural dependência de sua economia frente aos proventos advindos do comércio petroleiro. As relações de produção na Venezuela mantiveram-se, pois, eminentemente capitalistas. Houve, entretanto, a partir das transformações impostas pela administração bolivariana, a solidificação um novo "bloco no poder". A atual correlação de forças sociais é reflexo direto do embate entre duas estratégias bastante distintas no seio do chavismo: de um lado a perspectiva hegemônica que estrutura suas ações políticas em práticas partidaristas, hierarquizadas e orientadas "de cima para baixo"; de outro, uma vertente de oposição pautada por esforços no sentido de incentivar a construção de um cenário político no qual os movimentos sociais atuem como forças políticas capazes de comandar a Revolução Bolivariana "de baixo para cima". A alternância entre estas estratégias são uma constante no desenrolar do processo político liderado por Hugo Chávez. Tal dinâmica mostra-se extremamente importante para as análises que buscam entendê-lo em sua totalidade
Abstract: This dissertation aims to explore the major political actions and popular struggles waged in Venezuela during the first two terms of the administration led by Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). To this end, three central bases permeate the debate: the concepts of neoliberalism, social struggles and political confrontation. They all are necessary to express the clear interface between the victory by Hugo Chávez in the 1998 election and two variables: despite the weakness of the Venezuelan social movements, the increase in the quantity and intensity of social conflicts and, also, the disastrous results obtained by the neoliberal onslaught during the 1990s. However, once elected, the Chávez government has advanced little in order to confront the main obstacle to the continued and sustainable development of the country: its economy structurally depends on the proceeds from the oil market. In this sense, it is clear that the relations of production in Venezuela remained essentially capitalists. Yet, there was, since the transformations imposed by the Bolivarian administration, the solidification of a new "bloc in power". The current power correlation of social forces is a direct reflection of the clash between two very different strategies within the chavismo: in one side, the hegemonic perspective "top down", whose actions are structured in partisan and hierarchically oriented orders from the political party; on the another side, the view "bottom up": a strand of opposition guided by efforts to encourage the construction of a reality on which social movements end up acting as political forces capable of commanding the Bolivarian revolution "from below". The alternations between these strategies are constant in the course of the experience led by Hugo Chávez and, for that mean, are extremely important to analyze its entirety
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política
Ankili, Houssamoudine. "De la génération indépendantiste à la révolution socialiste d'Ali Soilihi aux Comores : 1958-1978". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris Cité, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023UNIP7168.
Testo completoEver since Ahmed Abdallah made the unilateral declaration of independence of on 6 July 1975, the state of Comoros has experienced multiple political and institutional crises which have led specialists and non-specialists to revisit this foundational moment. In historiography as well as in popular memory, two figures in particular have come to represent two opposed trajectories. On the one hand, the figure of Ahmed Abdallah (1919-1989), the 'father of independence' (mbaba wahindépendasi), serves as the guarantor of conservative values. On the other hand, Ali Soilihi (1937-1978), a man from a different generation, represents a radical model of change associated with the revolutionary and anti-imperialist ideology of the 1960s and 1970s. Moving beyond this classic opposition between irreconcilable political ideas and external relationships, this thesis takes a fresh approach to the circumstances which brought to power Ali Soilihi and other members of a generation who were influenced by both the global context of decolonisation and the circulation of socialist ideas from the Eastern Bloc as well as Africa. Using new or little known sources, it seeks to retrace carefully the political and social history of the regime introduced by Ali Soilihi following a coup d'état. It shows that the Comorian revolution initially aroused enthusiasm, especially among the youth. However, the authoritarian drift of the regime and its profound inability to confront multiple challenges weakened its foundations and fuelled an increasingly strong opposition
Tonsy, Mahmoud Sara. "Mobilisation politique, pouvoir et symboles : le cas de l'armée et les frères musulmans en Égypte". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0431.
Testo completoThe 2011 uprising in Egypt brought to the forefront many political actors back tothe political field. The politicization that took place of space, public discourse, art and religion resulted in an array of symbols and power dynamics between various politicalactors. Among those political actors are two of the longest living political actors in Egypt, the Egyptian army and muslim brotherhood organization. The rejuvenation of the army, MB and people as politicized actors in the Egyptian political field raised numerousquestions among which are questions surrounding resilience of the army and MB aspolitical actors; and the way by which their discourse was rejuvenated. This study concentrated on answering the following questions: How in examining and analyzing, comparatively, the relationship and history of mobilization and interaction of the Egyptian army and the muslim brotherhood can we understand the different aspects of the Egyptian political field today – its power dynamics; political and social mobilization; and/or political violence?
Poirier, Emilie. "Néoréalisme et cinéma cubain : une influence à l'épreuve de la Révolution (1951-1962)". Thesis, Rennes 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014REN20021/document.
Testo completoFrom the early fifties to the late sixties, a certain number of films, representing the new paths of latin-american cinema, were influenced by the italian neo-realism. Cuban cinema is usually perceived as a part of this phenomenon and, mainlyamongst other things, the privileged relations with the italian screenwriter Cesare Zavattini tend to confirm this statement. However, after 1959, many contradictions rise up and lead to question this so-called filiation, still many times re-affirmed. It is the aim of the present study to question the former statement and measure the impact of the Cuban Revolution on this cinematographic inter-relation
Rauer, Selim. "Les frontières de l'exil, ou les figures et territoires de l'étranger". Thesis, Paris 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA030057.
Testo completoThis doctoral dissertation, entitled The Borders of Exile: Figures and Territories of Foreignness, reinterprets the notion of the border as an expanding territory of estrangement and seclusion in the aftermath of colonialism and the Shoah, in an era characterized by global market economies. While allegedly situated beyond racial and sexual hegemonic claims, Selim Rauer shows how this globalized economy, in fact, recreates or intensifies a concept of “zone(s)” --as defined by Frantz Fanon in Les damnés de la terre, 1961--that draws centers and margins, and establishes sites of domination structured by a historical and political unconscious. At the core of this unconscious lies the figure of the enemy or the adversary. The latter is an essential biopolitical and theological representation of otherness and foreignness through which a specific border definition can be established as limit rather than hyphen. Thus, in this project, Rauer scrutinizes a multidimensional literary corpus comprised of works by figures such as Jean Genet (1910-1986), Patrick Modiano (1945), Bernard-Marie Koltès (1948-1989), Koffi Kwahulé (1956), Marie NDiaye (1967), Wajdi Mouawad (1968), and Léonora Miano (1973), each of whose works investigate a certain definition and practice of power and sovereignty as part of an ethical and moral reflection on “evil,” or as Rüdiger Safranski defined it, as the moral and ethical burden that accompanies the practice of freedom (Evil, or the Drama of Freedom, 1997)
Murphey, Oliver Rhoads. "A Bond that will Permanently Endure: The Eisenhower administration, the Bolivian revolution and Latin American leftist nationalism". Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D87D30RB.
Testo completoAPOR, Balazs. "Methods of cult-building and cult-dismantling in communist Hungary : the case of Mátyás Rákosi, 1945-1956". Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6594.
Testo completoExamining board: Prof. Arfon Rees (Supervisor) ; Prof. László Bruszt ; Prof. Robert Service ; Prof. Árpád von Klimo
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Léblová, Kateřina. "Hořovice v letech 1945-1989". Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-390527.
Testo completoLin, Zi-Xin, e 林子新. "Encompassing Villages with Cities: China’s Nation-State Revolution and Taiwan’s Urban-rural Reverse(1945-1953)". Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/fjst45.
Testo completo國立臺灣大學
建築與城鄉研究所
101
This dissertation aims to elucidate Taiwan’s urban-rural reverse during 1945-1953. In many existing literatures, it has been well documented that urban-rural reverses—a demographical phenomenon composed of peasantry migration, urbanization, and uneven geographical development—might be triggered by either corrosion on agriculture, industrialization, or export expansion. However, in Taiwan, none of these three factors existed when urban-rural reverse had occurred. Based on the fact, I then assume that monetary reform in 1949 and land reform in 1953 are not only continuation of China’s nation-state revolution led by Kai-Shek Chiang, but also critical factors for Taiwan’s urban-rural reverse. To confirm the assumption, it is important to identify characters of Chiang’s revolution strategy in building a nation-state. Compared with Ze-Dong Mao, who aimed to encompass cities with villages and gained his momentum mainly from land reform, Kai-Shek Chiang tried to rule villages by cities and exercised his authority through an unprecedented control over currency. He then followed in Yat-Sen Sun’s steps, prioritizing monetary reform, regarding a well-functional national-monetary system as a necessary base of the nation-state revolution. As a result, once the Nanjing national government’s financial deficit arouse hyperinflation, overestimation of foreign exchange rate became necessary for the government to lower consumer price, so as to function the national-monetary system. The long-term overestimation of foreign exchange rate affected not only China’s geographical development during 1927-1945, but also Taiwan’s urban-rural reverse during 1945-1953. Specifically, the monetary reform reconstructed Taiwan’s accumulation regime, making cities substituted for villages to be geographical centers of capital accumulation. Since the reform made the overestimation of foreign exchange rate necessary for maintaining Chiang’s nation-state revolution, reproduction and exportation of agricultural products became profitless from then on. At the same time, consumption and importation of industrial products became profitable, which could be held merely in cities. The two outcomes of the monetary reform made accumulation of capital possible without any of the following investiments in agricultural land, agricultural products, or peasantry loan. The rise of city-centered accumulation regime that led to the urban-rural reverse thus became one of the most revolutionary achievements in Chiang’ nation-state revolution in post-war Taiwan. Ideally, Taiwan’s land reform in 1953 was supposed to suppress land speculation by restricting land use rezoning. However, an actual effect about which the reform has brought was far from suppressing but facilitating land speculation in terms of legitimizing the land use rezoning. The proliferation of land speculation that further consolidated the newly city-centered accumulation regime then became one of the most ironical consequences of Taiwan’s land reform in 1953.
Boniface, Donna. "Making moments of history : how the comparison between the 1953 uprising and the 1989 revolution is contributing to a new German story". Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298910.
Testo completo"Car il y a beaucoup d’appelés, mais peu d’élus: Military Conscription in French Literary Representations of the Algerian War". Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-kte1-c447.
Testo completoHarger, Jennifer Leigh. ""Living in truth" : moral and political intersections in Samuel Beckett, Tom Stoppard, and Václav Havel". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3327.
Testo completotext