Articoli di riviste sul tema "1893-1972"

The article presents the biography of O.A. Denisova (1893—1972), one of the first Russian female geologists involved in practical geology. In 1918, she graduated from the Natural Department of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of Moscow Higher Women’s Courses. During her studies, she participated in field research in the Moscow Region, on Volkhov and Vychegda rivers under the guidance of A.B. Missuna. In 1923, she graduated from Moscow State University with a degree in geology. Since 1918, O.A. Denisova had worked as a researcher in the Moscow branch of the Geological Committee, since 1920 as a geologist in the Geological Department of the Special Commission for the Study of the Kursk Magnetic Anomaly. Later she was engaged in the study of deposits of building materials and hydrogeological surveys. O.A. Denisova began her activity under the supervision of A.D. Arkhangelsky. The article contains her previously unpublished memories about this famous geologist. O.A. Denisova taught geology and hydrogeology at universities and technical schools in Moscow. In 1936 O.A. Denisova was awarded the degree of Candidate of Geological and Mineralogical Sciences without defending a thesis, and in 1946 the All-Union Certification Commission approved her with the academic rank of Associate Professor at the Department of Geology. O.A. Denisova was awarded the medal “For Valiant Labour during the Great Patriotic War of 1941— 1945” (1946) and “In memory of the 800th anniversary of Moscow” (1948). The collections of rocks and minerals collected by O.A. Denisova during field work in the Kursk and Belgorod regions, are stored in the State Geological Museum named after V.I. Vernadsky of RAS.

Eleven species are reviewed. A lectotype of Pompilus sogdianus Morawitz 1893 is designated, illustrated and redescribed. The distribution of Arachnospila sogdiana (Morawitz) is limited to Tajikistan only. A new species from Tajikistan, A. gussakovskii sp. nov., is described and illustrated. A new synonymy is proposed for Pompilus clericalis Morawitz 1893 =Arachnospila mongolorufa Wolf & Móczár 1972, syn. nov. Psammochares subocellatus Haupt 1933 is synonymized with Psammochares effodiens f. quadrimaculata Haupt 1929, syn. nov., which is raised to specific status and removed to Arachnospila. The synonymy of Arachnospila sogdiana koenigsmanni Wolf 1970 with Pompilus sogdianus Morawitz 1893 is confirmed. Pompilus turcorum de Dalla Torre 1897 (=Pompilus vagans Radoszkowski 1877, nom. praeocc., nec Costa 1874) is resurrected and moved to Arachnospila. A key to the species for both sexes is given.

Detailed tadpole descriptions for toads of the genus Werneria Poche, 1903 have been only published for W. preussi (Matschie, 1893) (Mertens 1938) and W. tandyi (Amiet, 1972) (Rödel et al. 2004), the latter description assigned to this species with reservation. A few characters of W. bambutensis (Amiet, 1972) tadpoles were mentioned by Amiet (1972). So far the assignment of tadpoles to a particular Werneria species was based on geography (locality and altitude). Three Werneria species, W. mertensiana, W. tandyi and W. bambutensis (Fig. 1), co-occur on Mount Manengouba in south-western Cameroon. There they inhabit forests and river edges in different but slightly overlapping altitudes (Rödel et al. 2004). During recent field work (November / December 2010) on Mount Manengouba we collected Werneria tadpoles which are herein described.

In 1968, former president of the American Sociological Association Kimball Young (1893–1972) gave a seminar at Arizona State University that was attended by both editors. The sessions were taped, for it was Young's intention to organize the tapes into a book that would document his life as a sociologist/social psychologist, a book to be called Man in Transition. The present article is the fourth in a series emerging from Young's tapes and subsequent notes.

The subgenus Pseudomegachile Friese of the large genus Megachile Latreille is revised for the Western Palaearctic region, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula. Twenty species are recognized, of which five are new: Megachile blepharis Dorchin & Praz from Israel, M. plumigera Dorchin & Praz from Oman and the United Arab Emirates, M. syriaca Dorchin & Praz from Syria and Turkey, M. yezidica Dorchin & Praz from Turkey and Iran, and M. maxschwarzi Dorchin & Praz from Iran and Central Asia. The following new synonymies are proposed: M. inermis Radoszkowski 1893 (as well as the replacement name M. mitis Cockerell 1899), M. albifasciata Rebmann 1970 and M. transgrediens Rebmann 1970 are placed in synonymy with M. saussurei Radoszkowski 1874; M. tuberculata Radoszkowski 1893 (as well as the replacement name M. tuberculosa Dalla Torre 1896) is placed in synonymy with M. seraxensis Radoszkowski 1893; M. rubripes Morawitz 1875 and M. persica Rebmann 1972 are placed in synonymy with M. flavipes Spinola 1838; M. stolzmanni Radoszkowski 1893 and M. flavidula Rebmann 1970 are placed in synonymy with M. tecta Radoszkowski 1888. Lectotypes are designated for M. cinnamomea Alfken 1926, M. nilotica Pérez 1897, M. inermis, M. seraxensis, M. tuberculata, M. farinosa Smith 1853, M. derasa Gerstäcker 1869, M. erythrocnemis Alfken 1930 and M. xanthocnemis Alfken 1938. An identification key is provided, a phylogenetic hypothesis including most species in the subgenus is presented, and the biology of the species is briefly summarized.

In this article, I map some of the US-Brazil networks of intellectuals who helped to develop the field of Afro-Brazilian studies in the 1930s. While discussing the emergence and institutionalization of the field, I highlight the role of figures such as Rüdiger Bilden (1893-1980), Melville Herskovits (1895-1963), Donald Pierson (1900-1995), Gilberto Freyre (1900-1987), Arthur Ramos (1903-1949), Ruth Landes (1908-1991), and Edison Carneiro (1912-1972). Together, these scholars from the United States and Brazil were key to the development of Afro-Brazilian studies as an interdisciplinary field.

This article assesses the work of Dorothy Parker (1893–1967) and Marianne Moore (1887–1972) in relation to the aesthetic category of whimsy. It considers how whimsy has been used as a term of dismissal for American women poets, outlines ways both writers’ receptions have been informed by this context, and explores questions of cost, worth, and value raised by their work. It situates whimsy in relation to Sianne Ngai’s account of diminutive modes in Our Aesthetic Categories (2015) and suggests why American women’s modernist poetry can be a useful context for exploring the aesthetic and cultural associations of whimsy.

When social ties are put to the test, proverbs affirm, those of consanguinity usually prevail: “Blood is thicker than water”; or as Arabs put it, “Blood is thicker than milk” (Lane 1893:1097). These enigmatic adages refer to former institutions ofadoptive kinshipin western Eurasia, contrasting the blood of natal kinship with the water of baptism or “spiritual kinship” in Christendom, and with infant fosterage or “milk kinship” in Islam. Other sayings, cited as epigraphs above, argue that the nurture of such adoptive kinship may match or supersede natal kinship, just as baptismal sponsorship was supposed to create a spiritual cognation superior to that of mere flesh and blood (Gudeman 1972; Guerreau-Jalabert 1995).

We report on one new cecidophyine species, Cecidophyes fibigiae n. sp. from Fibigia clypeata (L.) Medik. (Brassicaceae) and three new combinations and seven new records of phyllocoptine mites in Crimea: Abacarus hystrix (Nalepa 1896) from Elytrigia elongata (Host) Nevski (Poaceae), Aculodes cf holcusi Skoracka 2004 from Aegilops biuncialis Vis. (Poaceae), Aculops coronillae (Canestrini & Massalongo, 1893) n. comb. from Securigera varia (L.) Lassen (Fabaceae), Aculops longifilis (Canestrini 1891) n. comb. from Onobrychis miniata (Kit.) DC. (Fabaceae), Aculus sp. from Galium humifusum M.Bieb. (Rubiaceae), Anthocoptes recki (Bagdasarian, 1972) from Pistacia atlantica subsp. mutica (Fisch. & C.A. Mey.) (Anacardiaceae), and Anthocoptes thymi (Nalepa) n. comb. from Thymus callieri Borb. ex Velen. (Lamiaceae). Partial mitochondrial Cox1 sequences (about 1150 bp) of all found species were obtained (GB accession numbers MW439274–MW439282).

Editors' Introduction: In 1968, former president of the American Sociological Association Kimball Young (1893–1972) gave a seminar at Arizona State University that was attended by both editors. The sessions were taped, for it was Young's intention to organize the tapes into a book that would document his life as a sociologist, a book to be called Man in Transition. From these materials a first chapter has emerged that is Young's account of his experiences as a graduate student at the University of Chicago (1917–1919) as the Chicago School was evolving in the Department of Sociology. The editors' intention is to preserve the candid flavor of Young's storytelling. This candor sometimes has resulted in controversy as he cast his critical eye upon members of the sociological profession, a profession he participated in with remarkable vigor and enthusiasm.

Hans Scharoun (1893–1972), német modernista építész, munkásságát az utókor jellemzően az ún. organikus modern irányzathoz társítja. Egyedi életútját nagyban befolyásolta a viharos 20. századi európai történelem. Számos rendkívüli alkotása ellenére életműve még mindig nem kellőképpen feldolgozott, illetve megfelelően kiértékelt, az összkép vele kapcsolatban csak lassan válik teljessé. A földrajzi közelség ellenére munkáinak jelentős része magyar viszonylatban nem kellően, vagy egyáltalán nem ismert. Scharoun életpályájának korai, 1933 előtti szakasza meghúzódik a II. világháborút követő rendkívül termékeny és jól ismert időszakának árnyékában, annak ellenére, hogy fiatalon is számos jelentős alkotása született. A két periódus közötti bő évtized történései, az 1933 utáni évek pedig sokáig homályban maradtak, az első ezzel is foglalkozó publikáció2 csak 1978-ban jelent meg. Nem meglepő, hogy a róla kialakult összkép leegyszerűsítő. Írásunkban arra teszünk kísérletet, hogy Scharoun életművének, annak periódusainak megítélését árnyaljuk, korszakait a történelem tükrében és épületeinek vizsgálataival újraértelmezzük.

Eurotas Distant, 1884 is transferred from Mirinae, Mirini to Orthotylinae, Orthotylini (new subfamily placement) and Femurocoris Carvalho, 1977 is transferred from Mirinae, Mirini to Deraeocorinae, Hyaliodini (new subfamily placement). The following new combinations are suggested: Apolygus biannulatus (Poppius, 1915) comb. n. [Lygus], Apolygus bruneinensis (Carvalho, 1980) comb. n. [Lygus], Apolygus longirostris (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Apolygus umbratus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Guisardinus lineatus (Carvalho in Carvalho & Gross, 1979) comb. n. [Chrysorrhanis], Gutrida mocquerysi (Poppius, 1912) comb. n. [Lygus], Lampethusa attenuata (Distant, 1883). comb. n. [Taedia], Lygidolon vittatum (Reuter, 1903) comb. n. [Lygus], Lygocoris viridiflavus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Lygocoris vittulatus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Neolygus indicus (Poppius, 1914) comb. nov. [Lygus], Neolygus sondaicus (Poppius, 1914) [Lygus], Pleurochilophorus sexlineatus (Delattre, 1949) n. comb. [Corizidolon], Sabactiopus laevipennis (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Sabactiopus sublaevis (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Sabactus exiguus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus], Schoutedenomiris schmitzi (Chérot, 1996) comb. n. [Trigonotylus], and Taylorilygus oceanicus (Poppius, 1914) comb. n. [Lygus]. Lectotypes are designated for Corizidolon sexlineatum Delattre, 1949, Lygus exiguus Poppius, 1914, Lygus indicus Poppius, 1914, Lygus laevipennis Poppius, 1914, Lygus nebulosus Poppius, 1914, Lygus oceanicus Poppius, 1914, Lygus sondaicus Poppius, 1914, Lygus vittatus Reuter, 1903, and Miris cruentatus Brullé, 1832. Two replacement names – Tropidosteptes costai Schwartz & Chérot (nomen novum) and Phytocoris garyi Schwartz & Chérot (nomen novum) – are given respectively to Tropidosteptes scutellatus Carvalho & Costa, 1993 nec Tropidosteptes scutellatus Distant, 1893 and Phytocoris falcatus Stonedahl, 1995 nec Phytocoris falcatus Linnavuori, 1984. The following taxa are raised to species level: Neostenotus confluentus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Neostenotus itatiaianus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Neostenotus serranus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Neostenotus similimus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Neostenotus sulinus Carvalho & Fontes, 1972 stat. n., Poeas alvarengai Carvalho, 1975 stat. n., Poeas atlantica Carvalho, 1975 stat. n, Poeas caatinga Carvalho, 1975 stat. n., Poeas chapada Carvalho, 1975 stat. n., and Poeas2© 2005 Magnolia Presscipoa Carvalho, 1975 stat. n. The subgeneric classification of Hyalopeplus cuneatus Carvalho in Carvalho & Gross, 1979 is discussed.

Kazimierz Jaworski zaczął tłumaczyć utwory Łesi Ukrainki w połowie lat 50. Pierwsze translacje ukazały się w dziewiątym numerze „Kameny” z 1956 roku, w dziale Z poezji ukraińskiej. Przekłady K. A. Jaworskiego oraz w numerze piętnastym z 1958 roku. Wszystkie spolszczenia jej utworów zawiera trzeci tom Pism Jaworskiego pt. Przekłady poezji ukraińskiej, białoruskiej i narodów kaukaskich, opublikowany w 1972 roku w Lublinie. Znalazło się w nim dziewięć wierszy Ukrainki, pochodzących z wczesnych tomów poezji На крилах пісень (Na skrzydłach pieśni, 1893), Думи і мрії (Myśli i marzenia, 1899). Відгуки (Odgłosy, 1902). Wiersze Łesi Ukrainki w przekładach Jaworskiego stanowią swoistą kwintesencję jej twórczości poetyckiej. Zarówno ich selekcja, jak i sposób tłumaczenia są starannie przemyślane. Przy ich wyborze lubelski poeta nie stronił od utworów refleksyjnych, wierszy o tematyce egzystencjalnej i tych związanych z rolą poety w społeczeństwie. Liryka Łarysy Kosacz w przekładach Jaworskiego jest niezwykle ekspresyjna i dynamiczna. Jest to wynik odpowiednich zabiegów tłumacza w planie znaczeń pragmatycznych i emocjonalno-stylistycznych.

AbstractThe work of southern sociologist Thomas Jackson Woofter Jr. (1893–1972) is frequently cited by American historians, but his contribution to government policy on agriculture in the New Deal, Social Security in the 1940s, and demography in the Cold War remains underappreciated. He left the University of North Carolina to direct government research on rural relief in the 1930s, Social Security enhancement during and after World War II, and foreign population and manpower projections during the Cold War. Contributing to the delivery of essential programs in key agencies, he participated in internal and external debates over policy and social attitudes between 1930 and 1960. Woofter worked for the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, the Works Progress Administration, the Farm Security Agency, the Federal Security Agency, and the Central Intelligence Agency, improving data-gathering and assisting transitions in federal policymaking. This article assesses his role in those agencies, using official records, other primary materials, and secondary sources.

A key to the members of the subfamily Opilioninae is presented, including the genus Homolophus. That same genus is briefly reviewed, diagnosed, and redescribed based upon a study of approximately half of the described species. Many older museum specimens from the Zoological Institute (Saint-Petersburg, Russia) were identified and all species present were redescribed. A list of the 29 currently accepted species (all from Northeastern and Central Asia) is presented along with a list of another four species that their validity and proper inclusion in the genus are questioned (still need to be investigated extensively). Descriptions and redescriptions with many illustrations are presented for two new species and 15 previously described species of Homolophus: H. albofasciatus (Kulczyński, 1901); H. almasyi (Roewer, 1911); H. andreevae Staręga & Snegovaya, 2008; H. arcticus Banks, 1893; H. asiaticus (Gricenko, 1979a); H. betpakdalensis (Gricenko, 1976); H. charitonovi (Gricenko, 1972); H. chemerisi Staręga & Snegovaya, 2008; H. chevrizovi Staręga & Snegovaya, 2008; H. gobiensis Tsurusaki, Tchemeris & Logunov, 2000; H. kozlovi sp. nov.; H. martensi (Staręga, 1986); H. milkoi sp. nov.; H. nordenskioeldi (L. Koch, 1879a); H. pallens (Kulczyński, 1901); H. silhavyi Staręga & Snegovaya, 2008; H. tibetanus (Roewer, 1911); H. vladimirae (Šilhavý, 1967). New country distributional records are detailed for nine species, not including those for the two new species. Three new combinations with Homolophus (H. almasyi, H. asiaticus, H. charitonovi) are recognized for Opilio almasyi Roewer, 1911, Opilio asiaticus Gricenko, 1979a, and Globipes charitonovi Gricenko, 1972.

In this paper we discuss the professional activity of Leopoldo Nachbin (1922-1993) in the period in which he worked at National Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Brazil (FNFi/UB, in Portuguese) until his retirement by Institute of Mathematics of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (IM/UFRJ, in Portuguese). We identify the influence played by some mathematicians such as G. Mammana (1893-1980), L. Schwartz (1915-2002), A. Monteiro (1907-1980), A. Weil (1906-1998), J. Dieudonné (1906-1992), M. Stone (1903-1989), and A. A. Albert (1905-1972) in the professional training of L. Nachbin. We also address the serious difficulties he encountered in the Mathematics Department of FNFi when he was entered in the competition, opened in 1950, for the post of full Professor (Professor Catedrático) of Mathematics and Superior Analysis of FNFi. We emphasize in the paper, that the period from 1947 to the 1960s marks the most creative and productive phase in terms of scientific research in the academic life of L. Nachbin.

At the core of this publication are letters written by E. Livshits (1902–1987), the widow of B. Livshits, to her close friends: literary critic A. Deich (1893–1972), whom she knew ever since her Kiev days, and his wife E. Deich-Malkina (1919–2014). Kept at the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art, this epistolary collection spans over 20 years, starting from 1967. Along with accounts of private circumstances, each letter contains accounts related to B. Livshits, Osip and Nadezhda Mandelstam, I. Nappelbaum, A. Shadrin, and others. At the same time, E. Livshits’ comments and descriptions of people and literary works are very lifelike and fascinating. On the whole, the reader gets a picture of the period and certain literary process, viewed by a sophisticated connoisseur rather than squinted at by an aging disenfranchised widow of an executed writer. The publication is prefaced by P. Nerler, who collected and prepared the book of letters and reminiscences of E. Livshits, to be printed by Elena Shubina Publishers (AST).

A new genus, Desserobdella, is described to accommodate the leech Clepsine picta Verrill, 1872 which feeds exclusively on amphibians of northern and central North America. This leech belongs to the subfamily Glossiphoniinae and therefore deposits cocoons directly onto the substrate. The genus Desserobdella n.gen. has the following diagnostic characteristics: (i) two pairs of coalesced eyes; (ii) one pair of diffuse salivary glands; and (iii) a single pair of saccular mycetomes containing prokaryotic endosymbionts. Members of the new genus are distinguished from species of the closely related genus Placobdella Blanchard, 1893 on the basis of their salivary gland structure; Placobdella species have two pairs of compact salivary glands versus the single pair of diffuse salivary glands of the genus Desserobdella n.gen. Congenitors of the new genus are Desserobdella cryptobranchii (Johnson and Klemm, 1977) n.comb., Desserobdella michiganensis (Sawyer, 1972) n.comb., and Desserobdella phalera (Graf, 1899) Jones and Woo, 1990. Desserobdella picta n.gen. et comb. exhibited a stereotypical sequence of feeding behaviours on Rana catesbeiana tadpoles which involved picking at the site of proboscis insertion prior to probing, probing, and finally blood-feeding with the posterior sucker released.

AbstractThe jurists who entered Turkish academia during the 1930s built the foundations of their discipline under a regime that became increasingly authoritarian as war drew closer. Like their peers in Italy and France, therefore, they had to produce coherent doctrines but also support the frequent use of exceptional emergency powers. How did they solve this contradiction? More importantly, what consequences did their solutions have for the use of emergency powers after the war? This article adopts a Deleuzian reading of two strategies with which Turkish jurists met that challenge, approaching their work not simply as theories about law but also as models for the role law should play in the articulation of public authority. Focusing on Ali Fuad Başgil and Sıddık Sami Onar, law professors at Istanbul University, I argue that although both professors supported the regime, only a situational doctrine of the kind Onar produced was capable of ensuring that jurists would have a place in the exercise of “exceptional” state powers after the 1950 transition to democracy.

Abstract Greenland ice sheet mass loss to the marine environment occurs by some combination of iceberg calving and underwater melting (referred to here as marine ice loss, LM). This study quantifies the relation between LM and meltwater runoff (R) at the ice sheet scale. A theoretical basis is presented explaining how variability in R can be expected to govern much of the LM variability over annual to decadal time scales. It is found that R enhances LM through three processes: 1) increased glacier discharge by ice warming–softening and basal lubrication–sliding; 2) increased calving susceptibility through undercutting glacier front geometry and reducing ice integrity; and 3) increased underwater melting from forcing marine convection. Applying a semiempirical LM f(R) parameterization to a surface mass balance reconstruction enables total ice sheet mass budget closure over the 1840–2010 period. The estimated cumulative 171-yr net ice sheet sea level contribution is 25 ± 10 mm, the rise punctuated by periods of ice sheet net mass gain (sea level drawdown) (1893–1900, 1938–47, and 1972–98). The sea level contribution accelerated at 27.6 mm yr−1 century−1 over the entire reconstruction, reaching a peak sea level rise contribution of 6.1 mm decade−1 during 2002–10.

Although much of the history of women's suffrage has focused on the American and British struggles of the early twentieth century, a newer generation of interdisciplinary scholars is exploring its global trajectory. Fundamental to these cross-cultural comparisons is the establishment of an international timeline of women's suffrage; its order at once shapes and is shaped by its historiography. According to the currently dominant chronology, “Female suffrage began with the 1893 legislation in New Zealand” (Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan 1997: 738; see also Grimshaw 1987 [1972]: xiv). In this timeline, “Australia was next to act, in 1902” (ibid.). Despite the geographical location of New Zealand and Australia in greater Southeast Asia, the narrative that accompanies this timeline portrays “first world” women as leading the struggle for suffrage and “third world” women as following their example.1As Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan write, “A smaller early wave of suffrage extensions between 1900 and 1930 occurred mostly in European states. A second, more dramatic wave occurred after 1930” (ibid.). Similarly, Patricia Grimshaw writes, “It was principally in the English-speaking world, in the United States, in Britain and its colonial dependencies, and in the Scandinavian countries that sustained activity for women's political enfranchisement occurred. Other countries eventually followed suit” (1987: xiv).

В статье рассматриваются две связанные между собой темы. В первой части даётся критический обзор многотомного англоязычного собрания сочинений православного богослова протоиерея Георгия Васильевича Флоровского (1893-1979), а во второй - ставится вопрос о влиянии, оказанном этим изданием на составление российских сборников трудов Флоровского. Собрание начало выходить в США в 1972 г., но с середины 1980-х гг. было перенесено в княжество Лихтенштейн, где печатание и остановилось в 1989 г. на 14-м томе. Помимо множества статей, изначально написанных по-английски, собрание содержит большое количество материала, переведенного с русского, включая перевод известной книги «Пути русского богословия». Качество редактирования собранного материала весьма неровно. После в целом удовлетворительных первых четырёх томов (несмотря на один серьёзный срыв в третьем томе) и отличного перевода «Путей» (тома 5 и 6) начинается спад текстуальной достоверности, выражающийся в неадекватности приведенных переводов и в резком отступлении от общепринятых редакционных норм. Эти отрицательные тенденции достигают максимума в последних четырёх томах, делая почти невозможным полагаться на представленный в них материал. Во второй части статьи рассматриваются четыре сборника трудов протоиерея Георгия Флоровского, изданные в России в конце 1990-х и начале 2000-х гг. Подбор материалов в этих сборниках ясно показывает, что 14-томное собрание послужило российским составителям очень существенным источником. Детальная проверка показывает, что использованы были только материалы, расположенные в первых четырёх - самых текстуально достоверных - томах многотомного издания. The article pursues two mutually connected goals. In Рart One, it presents a critical review of the multivolume English-language Collected Works of the Orthodox theologian Georges Florovsky (1893-1979), while Part Two is an examination of the extent to which this edition influenced the formation of Russian-language compilations of Florovsky’s works. The Collected Works was launched in the USA in 1972, but in the mid-1980s the publication of the series was shifted to the principality of Liechtenstein, ending there in 1989 with the appearance of the 14th volume. Apart from holding a large number of articles originally written in English, a very substantial proportion of the material contained in the Collected Works consists of translations from Russian, including an English version of the well-known book Puti russkogo bogosloviia [The Ways of Russian Theology]. The Collected Works demonstrate a seriously uneven quality in terms of editorial policy. After the generally satisfactory editions of the first four volumes (despite a significant flaw in Volume 3) and the fine translation of Puti in the following two volumes, one notes a decline in textual accuracy, due to both the inadequacy of the translations offered and a radical departure from the accepted norms of editing the works of a major author. These negative tendencies attain their strongest expression in the last four volumes, making it virtually impossible to depend on the materials presented there. Part Two of the article is focused on four Russian compilations published in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The materials included in these single-volume collections indicate very clearly that the English-language Collected Works served as a major source for the Russian compilers. A detailed look at this issue reveals that the Russian compilations drew only on the textually reliable initial four volumes of the Collected Works.

Abstract Here, we present the latest findings on moth fly (Psychodidae: Diptera) species richness in the Moravskoslezské Beskydy Mts. and Podbeskydská Pahorkatina Uplands, based on both previously published and unpublished data and new samples collected between 2007 and 2020. Two species new to the fauna of the Czech Republic were recorded (Sycorax feuerborni Jung, 1954 and Jungiella (Jungiella) revelica Vaillant, 1972), bringing the total number of moth fly species in the Czech Republic to 180 (Ježek et al. 2021). In addition, five species were recorded for the first time in the area of interest: Trichomyia parvula Szabó, 1960 (second locality in the Czech Republic); Paramormia (Phyllotelmatoscopus) acuta (Krek, 1971) (third record in the Czech Republic); Philosepedon (Philosepedon) perdecorum Omelková & Ježek, 2012 (third locality and fourth record); Pericoma (Pericoma) ljubiniensis Krek, 1969 (second finding and third locality); Tonnoiriella pulchra (Eaton, 1893) (sixth area and first finding in the Czech Carpathians). The finding of Jungiella (Jungiella) valachica (Vaillant, 1963) confirms its historical occurrence in the region. In the latest survey, we collected 108 species from 29 localities, of which 16 are critically endangered, eight endangered and three vulnerable. Nine localities were evaluated as species-rich, i.e. Hluchý 1. (58 species), Vysutý 2. (56), Hluchý 2. (53), Vysutý 4. (49), Skalická Morávka 2. (46), Chladná voda 3. (44), Hluchý 3. (43), Morávka - spring and Obidová 1. (both 42). The total number of moth flies found within the Moravskoslezské Beskydy Mts. and Podbeskydská pahorkatina Uplands now stands at 124 species, representing 68.9 % of total Czech fauna.

У статті йдеться про видатного українського письменника, вченого, пере- кладача, мистецтво- та літературознавця, який народився, виріс і здобув освіту у Києві на помежів’ї культур та мов (української, єврейської та російської), Олександра Йосиповича Дейча. Увагу звернено на культурне оточення, у якому формувався світогляд О. Дейча, виник інтерес та проявилися любов і повага до української літератури, театру. З’ясовано біогра- фічні факти, пов’язані з його зацікавленістю життєтворчістю українських письменників, зокрема Лесі Українки. Простежено творчі та дружні зв’язки, які послугували підґрунтям для перекладів творів української літератури та її популяризації на світовому рівні: знайомство з М. Старицьким, М. Заньковецькою, родиною Косачів, дружба та співпраця з М. Рильським, Лесем Курбасом. Виявлено умови та етапи з’яви, формування та розвою «українського кон- тексту» в творчій спадщині та науковій і перекладацькій діяльності О. Дейча. Проаналізовано «україніку» О. Дейча, його російськомовні переклади, статті, спогади, есеї про представни- ків української культури: І. Котляревського, Т. Шевченка, В. Стефаника, Лесю Українку, Леся Курбаса, М. Куліша та ін. Особливу увагу приділено листуванню та дружбі з М. Рильським. Акцентовано на дослідженнях про самого О. Дейча, на жаль, сьогодні ще нечисленних і малопо- мітних. У статті перераховано найбільш значущі книги й переклади авторства О. Дейча, які становлять неабиякий інтерес для дослідників української літератури. Наголошено на необ- хідності глибокого осмислення наукової та творчої спадщини людини, яка, володіючи енцикло- педичними знаннями, будучи інтелектуалом і видатним ученим своєї доби (1893 – 1972 рр.), у непростих умовах радянського часу присвятила себе збереженню української культурної спадщини й промоції української літератури поза межами України; розставлено відпо- відні акценти крізь часові та ідеологічні нашарування, які заважали доброму імені вченого зайняти почесне місце в історії розвитку української культури. Цим умотивовано актуаль- ність розвідки.

The astigmatic mites (excluding feather mites) parasitic on, or associated with Australian vertebrates are reviewed, and keys and illustrations provided to enable separation of all 77 genera and 204 species recognised. Murichirus anabiotus, sp. nov. (Atopomelidae) is described from Pseudocheirus peregrinus (Boddaert) (Marsupialia: Petauridae). New synonymy in Echimyopodidae: Marsupiopus leporilli Fain, 1969a = M. l. pseudomys Fain & Lukoschus, 1976; in Acaridae: Thyreophagus Rondani, 1874 = Michaelopus Fain & Johnston, 1974; in Hypoderatidae: Hypodectes de Filippi, 1861 = Hypodectoides Fain & Bafort, 1966; Hypodectes propus (Nitzsch in Giebel, 1861) = H. p. bubulci Fain, 1967a = H. p. similimus Cerny, 1969; Neottialges Fain, 1966d = Suladectes Fain, 1969b; Tytodectes Fain, 1966d = Caprimuldectes Janssen Duijghuijsen, Lukoschus & Fain, 1979; in Laminosioptidae: Fainocoptes Lukoschus & Lombert, 1979 = Calamicoptes Lukoschus & Lombert, 1979 = Streetacarus Lukoschus & Lombert, 1979; Laminosioptes cisticola (Vizioli, 1868) = Acarus depilis Brown, 1897; in Listrophoridae: Leporacarus Fain, 1970b = Listracarus Domrow, present paper; in Chirodiscidae: Alabidocarpus recurvus (Womersley, 1943) = A. yandinae intersitus Fain & Lukoschus, 1981a; Dentocarpus Dusbabek & Cruz, 1966 = Paradentocarpus Fain, 1976a = Labidocarpellus Fain, 1976a; in Atopomelidae: Austrochirus Womersley, 1943 = Austrochiroides Fain, 1970e; Campylochirus Trouessart, 1893 = Campylochiroides Fain, 1971a; Dasyurochirus Fain, 1970e = Neodasyurochirus Fain, 1972a = Atopomelopsis Fain, 1972a; Dasyurochirus longipilis Fain, 1971a = Atopomelopsis gibberosa Fain, 1972a; D. sminthopsis (Womersley, 1954) = D. s. leucopus Fain & Lukoschus, 1981b; Murichirus Fain, 1971a = Murichiroides Fain, 1971a = Teinocheirus Fain & Lukoschus, 1981c; Murichirus a. alatus Fain & Lukoschus, 1981c = M. a. prosquamatus Fain & Lukoschus, 1981c. A host-parasite list and bibliography are included, and corrigenda and addenda to earlier parts of this checklist are provided. Laelaps elegans Canestrini, 1898 (Laelapidae) is a primary homonym of L. elegans Domrow, 1980a (= L. lampetes, nom. nov.); and L. manguinhosi calvescens Furman, 1972 of L. calvescens Domow, 1980b (= L. deanei, norn. nov.). Liponyssoides adsonis, sp. nov. (Dermanyssidae) is described from Climacteris leucophaea (Latham) (Passeriformes: Climacteridae).

Статья посвящена исследованию двух городских пейзажей, обозначенных как виды Лейдена, из собрания Саратовского государственного художественного музея имени А.Н. Радищева. Пейзаж, поступивший в 1920 г. как работа голландского художника XVII века, является имитацией старой голландской живописи, выполненной, предположительно, на рубеже XVIII–XIX веков. Имитатор, изображая в качестве типичного голландского городка XVII века фантазийный образ Лейдена, стремится указать на связь с традициями старых голландцев. Другой пейзаж, поступивший как работа неизвестного мастера, атрибутирован голландскому мастеру XIX века П.Г. Вертину (1819–1893). Художник соединяет реальность и фантазию, главная задача, которую он решает, — передать игру света на узкой улице. Сравнение двух работ из собрания Радищевского музея наглядно иллюстрирует два разных подхода к традиции голландского городского пейзажа. Имитация XVIII – начала XIX века является примером механического обращения к искусству старых мастеров, работа П.Г. Вертина показывает, как профессиональный художник XIX столетия, опираясь на наследие предшественников, решает художественные задачи, соответствующие своему времени. При всём различии решаемых художниками задач работы объединяет одно — обращение к образу Лейдена как к эмблеме, олицетворению Голландии эпохи золотого века живописи. The article is about the paintings of two town views (oil on panel) which are marked as the views of Leiden, from the collection of the Radishchev State Art Museum in Saratov. The first landscape was transferred to the museum in 1920. It was created by an unknown Dutch artist by the late 18th – early 19th century, imitating old Dutch painting tradition. The artist was deeply influenced by Dutch painting tradition of the 17th century both stylistically and technically. He created the fantasy image of Leiden as a typical Dutch river town of the 17th century to highlight a connection with the old Dutch painting tradition. Another town view was transferred to Radishchev Museum as a work of an unknown master in 1972. The painting was later attributed to the Dutch master of the 19th century P.G. Vertin (1819–1893). It is a typical artwork done by P.G. Vertin who used to play with reality and fantasy. The artist aims to solve the subtle play of the light and shadows on a narrow town street. The comparison of two Leiden views from the Radishchev State Art Museum in Saratov collection clearly illustrates two different approaches to the tradition of the Dutch town landscape. The imitation painting is an example of a mechanical approach to the old Dutch art. The artwork by P.G. Vertin shows how a professional artist of 19th century sees the art heritage of his predecessors as a solid base, but solves artistic problems in a modern way, corresponding to his time. The image of Leiden as a typical Dutch town is a reflection of the general art trend. The artists had different approaches and solved different tasks. However, they have one important thing in common: both of them see the image of Leiden as an emblem, the embodiment of Holland in the era of the Golden painting age.

The first and still the only film about Andranik Ozanian (1865– 1927) was shot during the summer of 1928 in Bulgaria. Who financed and created the movie, why did the director Archavir Chakhatouny (1882–1957) choose Bulgaria for the scenes in the open, why wasn’t the film shown in Soviet Armenia and how did it get to Yerevan – those are part of the questions the paper will try to answer. To that end the author searched for the archival documents in the archives and museums of Armenia and Bulgaria. The richest source is the personal fund of the Armenian emigrant in Paris Arshavir Shakhatuni (1882–1957). After his death, the documents were transferred to the Yeghishe Charents Museum of Literature and Arts in Yerevan. Among them, a special place is occupied by biographical documents, documents about theatrical roles and roles in cinema, which he performed, materials about early cinema and the history of the creation of the film “Andranik”. The National Archives of Armenia keeps the documents which detail the participation of Chakhatouny in the First World War and in the government of the First Armenian Republic (1918–1920) as the commandant and chief of police of Yerevan. The most valuable source is the film “Andranik” which was received by the State Archives of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) in 1972. During the period, the name of Andranik was banned until the end of the 80s of the 20th century. There was censorship and contradicting assessments of Andranik by Armenians and Azerbaijanis (“hero” or “enemy”) were “concealed”. For this reason, the film might have got into Armenia through the Armenian Society for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, founded by the resolution of the Communist Party of the ASSR. The official activity of the Society was related to the cultural events abroad but in fact it was used to gather information about the political emigrants. In the Bulgarian archives one may find the archive “traces” of Chakhatouny’s performances on the Bulgarian theatrical scenes and also his correspondence with the actor Georgi Stamatov (1893–1965), that documents contain the valuable data on the history of the film creation. Thanks to the archives, the film ‘Andranik’ can be seen and the story of its creation and distribution in the past century can be reproduced.

“In my entire life I did not produce a single painting that was uppermost in mind to create,” the celebrated painter Dong Xiwen (1914–1973) reportedly lamented on his deathbed. Dong may not have produced the dream piece that he would truly cherish, but he did create, albeit unwillingly, a deeply controversial work of art in his 1953 oil painting The Founding Ceremony of the Nation (Kaiguo dadian) (Figures 1 and 2), for it epitomizes the tension between art and politics in the People's Republic of China (PRC). In this famous piece, Dong portrays Chairman Mao Zedong (1893–1976) in Tiananmen Square on 1 October 1949, with his senior associates in attendance—Liu Shaoqi (1898–1969), Zhu De (1886–1976), Zhou Enlai (1898–1976), Gao Gang (1905–1954), Lin Boqu (1886–1960), and others. They are surrounded by huge lanterns, a Chinese symbol of prosperity, and a sea of red banners that declare the founding of a new nation. When first unveiled in 1953, the painting was widely hailed as one of the greatest oil paintings ever produced by a native artist. In just three months more than half-a-million reproductions of the painting were sold. But the fate of this work soon took an ominous turn, and the artist was requested to make three major revisions during his lifetime. In 1954 Dong was instructed to excise Gao Gang from the scene when Gao was purged by the Party for allegedly plotting to seize power and create an “independent kingdom” in Manchuria. During the Cultural Revolution in the mid-1960s Liu Shaoqi was accused of advocating a “bourgeois reactionary line” and subsequently was purged, and Dong was ordered in 1967 to redo his painting again and erased Liu from the inauguration scene. Then, in 1972, also during the Cultural Revolution, the radicals, commonly labeled the “Gang of Four,” ordered a third revision, namely, that Lin Boqu be eliminated from the painting for allegedly opposing the marriage of Mao and Jiang Qing (1914–1991) during the Yan'an days. By this time Dong was dying of cancer and was too ill to pick up the brush, so his student Jin Shangyi (b. 1934), and another artist, Zhao Yu (1926–1980), were assigned the task. These two artists, afraid of doing further damage to the original piece, eventually produced a replica of the painting, with the ailing Dong brought from the hospital for consultation on his embattled work. Though Dong died the following year, the ill-fated story of The Founding Ceremony of the Nation did not end: in 1979, with the demise of the Gang of Four and the Party's official rehabilitation of Liu Shaoqi, the images of Liu, Gao Gang, and Lin Boqu were restored in the painting. Because Jin Shangyi was on a foreign tour, Yan Zhenduo (b. 1940), a graduate of the Department of Oil Painting at the Central Academy of Fine Arts (CAFA), was called upon to help reinstall the three leaders.

Among flabelligerid genera Brada Stimpson, 1853 includes several species whose bodies are fusiform or club-shaped, often with a reduced number of chaetigers, and their members are found in temperate and polar waters. In contrast, Bradabyssa Hartman, 1967 is regarded as a monotypic genus with a single Antarctic species with a cylindrical body and a variable number of chaetigers. After examination of all type and non-type material available of both genera, two distinct body patterns were distinguished: one includes the type species for Brada, B. granosa Stimpson, 1853, has only 8 branchial filaments and the neurochaetae are thick, blunt, often falcate, whereas the other includes the type species of Bradabyssa, B. papillata Hartman, 1967, usually has many branchial filaments and neurochaetae are straighter and mucronate. Consequently, Brada is herein restricted to include only 5 species, one of which is new, Brada kudenovi n. sp. Bradabyssa is herein emended to include many species formerly regarded as belonging in Brada, as new combinations, and species can be separated into four groups according to the development of the tunic and its sediment load. Thirteen new species of Bradabyssa are also described: B. indica n. sp., B. mexicana n. sp., B. alaskensis n. sp., B. elinae n. sp., B. grangieri n. sp., B. levensteinae n. sp., B. harrisae n. sp., B. hartmanae n. sp., B. jirkovi n. sp., B. kirkegaardi n. sp., B. monnioti n. sp., B. mezianei n. sp. and B. willeyi n. sp. The species belonging to Brada are B. granosa, B. granulosa Hansen, 1880, B. incrustata Støp-Bowitz, 1948, B. inhabilis (Rathke, 1843), and B. kudenovi n. sp. The species belonging to Bradabyssa are separated into four groups according to the development of their tunic and its sediment load. Group crustosa includes B. indica n. sp., B. mexicana n. sp., B. minuta (Amoureux, 1986) n. comb., and B. sachalina (Annenkova-Chlopina, 1922) n. comb. Group nuda includes B. alaskensis n. sp., B. antarctica (Hartman, 1978) n. comb., B. bransfieldia (Hartman, 1966) n. comb., B. nuda (Annenkova-Chlopina, 1922) n. comb., B. rugosa (Hansen, 1880) n. comb., and B. strelzovi (Jirkov & Filippova in Jirkov, 2001) n. comb. Group verrucosa contains B. abyssalis (Fauchald, 1972) n. comb., B. annenkovae (Buzhinskaja, 2001) n. comb., B. elinae n. sp., B. grangieri n. sp., B. irenaia (Chamberlin, 1919) n. comb., B. levensteinae n. sp., B. mammillata (Grube, 1877) n. comb., B. ochotensis (Annenkova-Chlopina, 1922) n. comb., B. papillata Hartman, 1967, B. tenebricosa (Berkeley, 1966) n. comb., n. status, and B. verrucosa (Chamberlin, 1919) n. comb. Group villosa contains B. capensis (Day, 1961) n. comb., n. status, B. harrisae n. sp., B. hartmanae n. sp., B. ilyvestis (Hartman, 1960) n. comb., B. intoshi (Caullery, 1944) n. comb., B. jirkovi n. sp., B. kirkegaardi n. sp., B. monnioti n. sp., B. parthenopeia (Lo Bianco, 1893) n. comb., B. pilosa (Moore, 1906) n. comb., B. pluribranchiata (Moore, 1923) n. comb., B. setosa (Verrill, 1873) n. comb., B. mezianei n. sp., B. tzetlini (Jirkov & Filippova in Jirkov, 2001) n. comb, B. villosa (Rathke, 1843) n. comb., B. whiteavesi (McIntosh, 1885) n. comb and B. willeyi n. sp. Keys to aid identification of all genera in Flabelligeridae, to species in Brada, and for the species belonging in the four species groups of Bradabyssa are included.

Мета цього дослідження – проаналізувати можливість використовувати погляди Р. В. Ленекера на когнітивну семантику як семантико-текстологічну модель перекладознавчого аналізу. Матеріалом для розгляду обрано твір «Слово некоего калугера о чьтьи книг» із «Ізборника Святослава» 1076 р. та його три переклади: два переклади сучасною українською мовою (повний – В. Яременка, частковий – Є. Карпіловської й Л. Тарновецької) та один переклад англійською мовою (В. Федера). Теорія когнітивної семантики Р. Ленекера орієнтується здебільшого на граматичні проблеми й опис мови через параметри простору. Параметрам опису образности, які пропонує когнітивна семантика, бракує чіткости, які мають аналітичні методи структуралізму. Однак, вони виконують головну аналітичну функцію: вони дозволяють усвідомити наявні в перекладі порушення й відхилення від першотвору та намагатися усвідомити їхню природу й межі. Література References Бычков В. 2000 лет христианской культуры sub specie aesthetica : в 2 т. 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В предлагаемой статье описывается архитектурный декор древних тюрок Жетысу на примере средневекового города Кулан. Образование и развитие городов в Средней Азии и на территории Казахстана при всех общих закономерностях имело свои особенности. Этот вывод особенно важен для средневекового Казахстана, где формирование городских центров происходило в условиях исторически сложившегося взаимодействия оседло-земледельческого и кочевого населения, что сказалось на топографии и типах городов, своеобразии городской культуры Резная глина, украшавшая интерьеры монументальных построек в средневековых городах Жетысу (Семиречья), представляет собой уникальный материал. Общепринято считать, что она была способом выражения религиозных, мифологических и, возможно, светских сторон мировоззрения. Для некоторых культур в решении вопросов идеологии и искусства резная глина является одним из основных источников, так как иные источники либо отсутствуют, либо слишком фрагментарны. 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A supertribe Setapiitae Legalov, supertrib. n. (type genus <em>Setapion</em> Balfour-Browne, 1944), four new tribes Acanthopygini Legalov, trib. n. (type genus <em>Acanthopygus</em> Montrouzier, 1861), Philippinauletini Legalov, trib. n. (type genus <em>Philippinauletes</em> Legalov, gen. n.), Setapiini Legalov, trib. n. (type genus <em>Setapion</em> Balfour-Browne, 1944), Apiomorphini Legalov, trib. n. (type genus <em>Apiomorphus</em> Wagner, 1912), new genus <em>Philippinauletes</em> Legalov, gen. n. (type species <em>Philippinauletes rubrauletiformis</em> Legalov, sp. n.), and new subgenus <em>Apiomorphilus</em> Legalov, subgen. n. (type species <em>Apiomorphus inermipes</em> Voss, 1931) of the genus <em>Apiomorphus</em> Wagner, 1912, <em>Orthorhynchoides</em> (<em>Guineorhinotia</em>) <em>telnovi</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Vossicartus kakumensis </em>Legalov, sp. n., <em>Philippinauletes rubrauletiformis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Deneauletes lackneri</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Auletanus </em>(<em>Neauletes</em>) <em>palawanensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>N.</em>) <em>versicolor</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>N.</em>) <em>banggiensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>N.</em>) <em>kuscheli</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>N.</em>) <em>kurimansis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A.</em> (<em>Stictauletes</em>) <em>mabilabolensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Macroauletes philippinensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>M. luzonensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Auletobius </em>(<em>Auletobius</em>) <em>barligensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>crockerensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>emeljanovi</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>indochinensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>kapataganensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>weigeli</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>Pseudometopum</em>) <em>hartmanni</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Pseudauletes </em>(<em>Eopseudauletes</em>) <em>parvus</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Pseudomesauletes </em>(<em>Pseudomesauletes</em>) <em>boettcheri</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>P. </em>(<em>P.</em>) <em>luzonensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Lasioauletes insolitus</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Cyllorhynchites </em>(<em>Pseudocyllorhynus</em>) <em>limbourgi</em> Legalov, sp. n. are described. Trigonorhinini Valetnine, 1999, syn. n. is synonymized with Anthribini Billberg, 1820, Jordanthribini Morimoto, 1980, syn. n. with Proscoporhinini Lacordaire, 1866, Platyrhinini Bedel, 1882, syn. n. with Zygaenodini Lacordaire, 1866, Auletobiina Legalov, 2001, syn. n. and Guineauletina Legalov, 2003, syn. n. with Auletorhinina Voss, 1935, <em>Eosalacus</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n. with <em>Pseudominurus</em> Voss, 1956, Acritorrhynchitina Legalov, 2007, syn. n. with Eugnamptini Voss, 1930, Chonostropheina Morimoto, 1962, syn. n. with Deporaini Voss, 1929, Anisomerinina Legalov, 2003, syn. n. with Temnocerina Legalov, 2003, Rhynchitallina Legalov, 2003, syn. n. with Rhynchitina Gistel, 1856, <em>Zherichiniletus</em> <em>cinerascens</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n. and <em>Zh.</em> <em>luchti</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n. with <em>Parauletanus</em> <em>kabakovi</em> (Legalov, 2003), <em>Stictauletoides</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n., <em>Neauletoides</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n., <em>Javaeletobius</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n., <em>Auletanoides</em> Legalov, 2013, syn. n. with <em>Neauletes</em> Legalov, 2003, <em>Auletobius insularis</em> Voss, 1933, syn. n. with <em>Auletanus</em> (<em>Stictauletes</em>) <em>punctiger</em> (Voss, 1922), <em>Auletorhinus</em> Voss, 1935, syn. n. and <em>Zherichiniletoides</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n. with <em>Auletobius</em> s. str., <em>Auletobius</em> <em>pumilio</em> Marshall, 1954, syn. n. with <em>Pseudomesauletes</em> (<em>Pseudomesauletes</em>) <em>gamoensis</em> (Marshall, 1954), Oxystomatina Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, syn. n. with Toxorhynchina Scudder, 1893, Acratini Alonso-Zarazaga, Lyal, Bartolozzi et Sforzi, 1999, syn. n. with Ithystenina Lacordaire, 1866. The systematic position of Distenorrhinoidini Legalov, 2009, placem. n., <em>Parexillis</em> Jordan, 1904, placem. n., <em>Isanthribus</em> Holloway, 1982, placem. n., <em>Polycorynus</em> Schoenherr, 1839, placem. n., <em>Mecocerina</em> Jordan, 1895, placem. n., Ischnocerides Lacordaire, 1866, placem. n., <em>Sharpius</em> Holloway, 1982, placem. n., <em>Systellorhynchus</em> Blanchard, 1849, placem. n., Nessiarini Morimoto, 1972, placem. n., <em>Exillis</em> Pascoe, 1860, placem. n., <em>Phloeops</em> Lacordaire, 1866, placem. n., <em>Lagopezus</em> Dejean, 1834, placem. n., <em>Neoxenus</em> Valentine, 1999, placem. n., <em>Cyptoxenus</em> Valentine, 1982, placem. n., <em>Sicanthus</em> Valentine, 1989, placem. n., <em>Holostilpna</em> Jordan, 1907, placem. n., <em>Euxenulus</em> Valentine, 1960, placem. n., <em>Acaromimus</em> Jordan, 1907, placem. n., <em>Habroxenus</em> Valentine, 1989, placem. n., Auletanina Legalov, 2003, placem. n., <em>Parauletanus</em> <em>kabakovi</em> (Legalov, 2003), placem. n., <em>Auletobius</em> (<em>Auletobius</em>) <em>horaki</em> (Legalov, 2007), placem. n., Eosalacina Legalov, 2007, placem. n., Trichapiina Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, placem. n., <em>Mythapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., <em>Hecyrapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., <em>Rhamnapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., <em>Acarapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., <em>Pystapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., Stereodermina Sharp, 1895, placem. n., Atopobrentina Damoiseau, 1965, placem. n., Hoplopisthiina Senna et Calabresi, 1919, placem. n., <em>Schizotrachelus</em> Lacordaire, 1866, placem. n., Tychaeina Schoenfeldt, 1908, placem. n., Ithystenina Lacordaire, 1866, placem. n. and Pholidochlamydina Damoiseau, 1962, placem. n. are changed. Status of Phloeotragini Lacordaire, 1866, stat. res., Apolectini Lacordaire, 1866, stat. res., Cappadocini Alonso-Zarazaga et Lyal, 1999, stat. res., Valenfriesiini Alonso-Zarazaga et Lyal, 1999, stat. res., Homoeoderini Pierce, 1930, stat. res., <em>Australobelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Blackburnibelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Leabelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Pascoebelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Pseodorhinotia</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Tasmanobelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Germaribelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., Afrocorynini Voss, 1957, stat. res. , Hispodini Voss, 1957, stat. res., <em>Crowsonicar</em> Legalov, 2013, stat. res., <em>Daulaxius</em> Pascoe, 1887, stat. res., Vossicartini Legalov, 2003, stat. res., Parauletanini Legalov, 2007, stat. res., <em>Australetobius</em> Legalov, 2007, stat. res., <em>Longoauletes</em> Legalov, 2007, stat. res., <em>Micrauletes</em> Legalov, 2003, stat. res., <em>Pseudoparauletes</em> Legalov, 2001, stat. res., Eugnamptini Voss, 1930, stat. res., Synapiina Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, stat. res. and Paussobrenthina Gestro, 1919, stat. res. are recovered. Changes of status for Montsecanomalinae Legalov, 2015, stat. n., <em>Neauletes</em> Legalov, 2003, stat. n., <em>Stictauletes</em> Voss, 1934, stat. n., Mecolenini Wanat, 2001, stat. n., Catapiini Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, stat. n., Hephebocerina Lacordaire, 1866, stat. n., Pholidochlamydina Damoiseau, 1962, stat. n., Pholidochlamydina Damoiseau, 1962, stat. n. and <em>Protocylas</em> Pierce, 1941, stat. res. are made. New combinations for <em>Parauletanus</em> <em>kabakovi</em> (Legalov, 2003), comb. n., <em>Auletanus</em> (<em>Neauletes</em>) <em>baitetensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>drescheri</em> Voss, 1935, <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>madangensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>mindanaoensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>relictus</em> (Legalov, 2003), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>salomonicus</em> (Thompson, 1982), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>sumbaensis</em> (Legalov, 2013), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>tawitawensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>toxopeusi</em> (Voss, 1957), comb. n., <em>Auletanus</em> (<em>Stictauletes</em>) <em>punctiger</em> (Voss, 1922), comb. n., <em>Auletobius</em> (<em>Auletobius</em>) <em>horaki</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>Pseudominurus</em> (<em>Pseudominurus</em>) <em>reunionensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n. are established. A key to the families of Curculionoidea is given. The keys to subfamilies, supertribes, tribes and subtribes of Nemonychidae, Anthribidae, Belidae, Ithyceridae, Rhynchitidae and Brentidae, key to Oriental genera of tribe Parauletanini, key to genera of subtribe Auletorhinina, key to subgenera of genus <em>Auletanus </em>and key to subfamilies and genera of Brachyceridae are provided.

Настоящая работа является первым общим описанием на русском языке двух некрополей Кампокиаро (Кампобассо, Италия) – Виченне и Морионе, датируемых последней третью VII в. – началом VIII в. Культурное содержание некрополей показывает прочные связи с населением центральноазиатского происхождения. Важнейшим признаком некрополей являются захоронения с конем, соответствующие евразийскому кочевому погребальному обряду. Автор поддержал выводы европейских исследователей о том, что с большой долей вероятности некрополи оставлены булгарами дукса–гаштальда Алзеко, зафиксированными Павлом Диаконом в VIII в. на территориях Бояно, Сепино и Изернии. Аналогии некрополей Кампокиаро с погребениями Аварского каганата показывают присутствие в аварском обществе булгар со схожим погребальным обрядом. Из тысяч погребений с конем, оставленных аварским населением, булгарам могла принадлежать большая часть. Авары и булгары составляли основу и правящую верхушку каганата. Народ Алзеко являлся той частью булгар, которая в 631 г. боролась за каганский престол, что указывает на высокое положение булгар и их большое количество. После поражения эта группа булгар мигрировала последовательно в Баварию, Карантанию и Италию. Несколько десятков лет проживания в венедской, а затем в лангобардской и романской среде привели к гетерогенности погребального инвентаря, но не изменили сам обряд. Булгары лангобардского королевства составляли новый военный слой, который представлял из себя профессиональную кавалерию, получивший землю. Эта конная дружина является ранним примером европейского феодального воинского и социального сословия, которое станет называться рыцарством. Библиографические ссылки Акимова М.С. Материалы к антропологии ранних болгар // Генинг В.Ф., Халиков А.Х. Ранние болгары на Волге (Больше–Тарханский могильник). М.: Наука, 1964. С. 177–191. Амброз А.К. Кинжалы VI – VIII вв, с двумя выступами на ножнах // СА. 1986. № 4. С. 53–73. 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The New Zealand alpine cave wētā genus Pharmacus was first described by Pictet &#38; de Saussure (1893) as a monotypic taxon. Three species were added to the genus by Richards in 1972. Here we clarify the status and appearance of all known species of Pharmacus. Based on morphology and mtDNA sequences we determine that the species Pharmacus brewsterensis Richards, 1972 is better placed within the genus Notoplectron Richards, 1964. We also resolve the species Isoplectron cochleatum Karny, 1935 and show that it belongs to the genus Pharmacus. Additionally, we describe six new species and three new subspecies from the southern regions of South Island, New Zealand. We provide key traits and known distributions for all known species and subspecies in this alpine genus. New combinations: Pharmacus brewsterensis Richards, 1972 becomes Notoplectron brewsterense (Richards, 1972) comb. nov.; Isoplectron cochleatum Karny, 1935 becomes Pharmacus cochleatus (Karny, 1935) comb. nov. New species and subspecies: Pharmacus cochleatus rawhiti subsp. nov., Pharmacus cochleatus fiordensis subsp. nov., Pharmacus cochleatus nauclerus subsp. nov., Pharmacus concinnus sp. nov., Pharmacus cristatus sp. nov., Pharmacus notabilis sp. nov., Pharmacus perfidus sp. nov., Pharmacus senex sp. nov. and Pharmacus vallestris sp. nov. New synonyms: Pharmacus dumbletoni Richards, 1972 = Pharmacus montanus Pictet &#38; de Saussure, 1893 syn. nov.; Pharmacus chapmanae Richards, 1972 = Pharmacus cochleatus (Karny, 1935) syn. nov.

The aim of the study is to present the development of hospital services and the teaching of medicine, and the development of urology in Danzig (Gdańsk). Well known Danzig surgeons who were interested in surgery of the genitourinary system are also presented. The beginning of urological surgery and its development within the framework of the department of surgery and as an independent facility at the Medical Academy of Gdańsk in the post‑war period is also described. Extensive research was undertaken for the collection of literature and documents in German and Polish archives and libraries in order to prepare this study. The history of hospitals in Danzig goes back to the arrival of the Teutonic Knights in 1308. The earliest institution, according to historical sources, was the Hospital of the Holy Spirit, built in the years 1310–1311. It was run by the Hospitalet Order until 1382, and was intended for the sick, elderly and disabled people, orphans and needy pilgrim, and the poor. Later centuries saw the further development of hospital services in Danzig. In the 19th century, the city’s increasing population, the development of the sciences, and rapid advances in medicine subsequently led to the establishment of three more hospitals in Gdańsk: The Hospital for Obstetrics and Gynaecological Disease (1819), the Holy Virgin Hospital (1852), and the Evangelical Hospital of Deaconess Sisters (1857), in addition to the old Municipal Hospital. In 1911, new modern buildings of Municipal Hospital in Danzig were finished. On the basis of the Municipal Hospital, the Academy of Practical Medicine was established in 1935. It was known under the name Staatliche Akademie für Praktische Medizin in the Free City of Danzig. Five years later (in 1940) the Academy was developed and changed to the Medical Academy of Danzig (Medizinische Akad‑ emie Danzig – MAD). The beginning of medical teaching at the middle level in Danzig (Gdańsk) dates back to the 16th century. It had its origins in the Chair of Anatomy and Medicine at Danzig Academic Gymnasium (GA; Sive Illustre), an establishment which lasted for 239 years, from 1584 to 1812. The history of surgery in Danzig has its roots in the centuries‑old tradition of the medical practice of surgeons who were associated in the Surgeons Guild, teaching, as well medical and scientific research. The Surgeons Guild existed in Danzig from 1454 to 1820. Over the centuries manual intervention was also in the hands of academically uneducated persons such as bath house attendants, barbers, and wandering surgeons. Until the end of 1946 there was no separate urology department in Danzig. Urological surgery was in the hands of surgeons. Interventions and operations on genitourinary organs were carried out, more or less, in all surgical depart‑ ments. The end of World War II created a new political situation in Europe. Danzig (now Gdańsk) and Pomerania became part of Poland. In 1945, on the basis of the former MAD, the Polish Government established the Polish Academy of Physicians, later renamed the Medical Academy in Gdańsk (Gdańska Akademia Medyczna – GAM). In 2009, GAM was again renamed, as the Medical University of Gdańsk (Gdański Uniwersytet Medyczny). The political changes after World War II accelerated the process of the separation of urology from surgery. In May 1947, a 30‑bed Urological Ward was opened in Gdańsk, in Dębinki Street, forming part of the First Surgical Clinic of the Academy of Physicians (headed by Prof. Kornel Michejda, 1887–1960, later by Prof. Stanisław Nowicki, 1893–1972, and lastly by Prof. Zdzisław Kieturakis, 1904–1971). The first head doctor of the new urological ward was Dr. Tadeusz Lörenz (1906–1986), a urologist from Lvov (Lemberg). After the departure of Professor Lorenz to Wrocław (Breslau) in 1958, Dr. Jan Renkielski was acting as Head of the Uro‑ logical Ward until 1971. In 1971 the ward was transformed to the separate Department of Urology. Docent (“lecturer”), and later Professor, Kazimierz Adamkiewicz from Zabrze (Hindenburg) became its Head. Professor Adamkiewicz organized and equipped the Department, leading it quickly to the level of modern departments in the areas of research, teaching, and therapy. During Professor Adamkiewicz’s illness, and after his retirement in 1988, Docent Kazimierz Krajka, Later Professor) headed the urological department until his retirement in 2012. Since 1 October 2012, Associate Professor (Docent) Marcin Matuszewski (*1965) has been the head of the Department of Urology in Gdańsk.

Le châtiment est généralement considéré comme la réponse à une violation des lois ou des normes. Plus spécifiquement, dans le langage juridique, on parle de peine. On se réfère alors à la définition qui en a été donnée par le philosophe du droit britannique H. L. A. Hart (1959), selon lequel il s’agit de l’infliction d’une souffrance ou d’un équivalent à l’auteur réel ou supposé d’une infraction à l’encontre des règles légales, la décision et l’exécution en revenant à des êtres humains autres que le contrevenant qui agissent dans le cadre d’une autorité instituée. Ces cinq critères sont typiquement présents lorsqu’une personne accusée d’un crime ou d’un délit est jugée par un tribunal et, au terme du procès, se voit condamnée à une sanction telle qu’un emprisonnement. Cette situation est celle qu’étudie David Garland (1990). Deux faits méritent toutefois d’être relevés à propos de cette définition. D’une part, elle produit implicitement une légitimation du châtiment, qui est à la fois morale, puisqu’il punit l’auteur d’une infraction, et légale, puisqu’il procède d’une pure application de la loi. D’autre part, elle suppose un travail de normalisation et une forme de publicité, excluant notamment les punitions dans le cadre familial ou scolaire. Face à cette lecture normative, l’anthropologue s’interroge : qu’en est-il dans les faits ? Comme l’a établi Bronislaw Malinowski (1926) dans le cas des sociétés qu’on appelait alors primitives, ce déplacement ethnographique a une fonction critique, dans la mesure où il soulève des questions qui vont à l’encontre du sens commun et dévoilent des faits inattendus. Il convient d’abord de se demander avec Nietzsche (1993 [1887]) dans une perspective généalogique comment il se fait qu’une équivalence soit ainsi établie entre la commission d’une infraction et l’infliction d’une souffrance. Cette interrogation conduit à une autre : en a-t-il été ainsi toujours et partout ? Le philologue s’avère ici d’un certain secours, puisqu’Émile Benveniste (1969) note que le verbe punir provient du latin pœna et du grec poin?, lequel correspond à la dette que l’on doit payer pour réparer un crime, la connotation doloriste du mot n’étant apparue que dans le latin tardif. Au départ, donc, la réponse à l’infraction commise procédait d’une logique de réparation. Il fallait indemniser la violation de la loi ou de la norme par un paiement, par exemple à la famille de la victime s’il s’agissait de violence ou de meurtre. Les études historiques confirment que tel était bien le cas dans les sociétés anciennes, et Georg Simmel (1997 [1907]) montre notamment que, dans l’Angleterre anglo-saxonne, le montant de la somme due pour la compensation d’un meurtre, appelée wergeld, était établi en fonction du statut de la personne tuée et que le châtiment dans ces cas est intervenu tardivement. Les données ethnologiques vont dans le même sens, et par exemple l’enquête conduite par Kalervo Oberg (1934) parmi les Tlingit d’Alaska révèle que le meurtre du membre d’un clan était réparé par la mise à mort d’un membre du clan de l’auteur du crime de rang égal, cette réparation se réduisant toutefois à une simple somme d’argent lorsque la victime était de statut inférieur. Quand cette logique de la dette et de sa restitution s’est-elle éteinte ? Dans le monde occidental, le fait essentiel a été le passage de l’ancien droit germanique au droit romain et de la réparation à la peine. Comme l’analyse Michel Foucault (2015 [1971]), cette évolution s’est faite en France sous la double influence de la Royauté, qui affaiblit ainsi les structures féodales, et de l’Église, qui introduit les notions de péché et de pénitence. Dans les sociétés précoloniales, c’est précisément la colonisation qui introduit ce changement, et Leopold Pospisil (1981) raconte la douloureuse rencontre des deux mondes dans le cas des Kapauku de Papouasie-Nouvelle Guinée, brutalement passés d’une situation où le paiement de dommages réparait une transgression de la norme à un paradigme juridique dans lequel l’emprisonnement était la réponse à la violation de la loi. L’imposition de cette sanction, qui n’était pas comprise par des populations dont la liberté était vue comme un bien supérieur, a donné lieu à des suicides et des révoltes. Un élément essentiel de cette transformation de la signification du châtiment, relevé par E. E. Evans-Pritchard (1972 [1937]), est son individualisation. Dans les sociétés sous le régime de la réparation, le collectif, qu’il s’agisse de la famille ou du clan, doit répondre de l’acte commis. Dans les sociétés sous le régime de la peine, c’est l’individu qui doit en rendre compte. Au principe d’échange entre des groupes se substitue un principe de responsabilité de la personne. D’une manière générale, on peut donc dire, au regard de cette analyse généalogique, que l’évolution s’est opérée, dans le long terme, d’une économie de la dette à une morale de la souffrance. Pour autant, la première n’a pas totalement disparu au bénéfice de la seconde. Il en existe de nombreuses illustrations contemporaines, dont la plus manifeste concerne le monde musulman. En effet, selon la loi islamique, pour autant qu’un crime n’ait pas été commis contre Dieu, le juge propose à la famille de la victime une alternative : soit la qisas, châtiment imposé sur la base de la loi du talion, impliquant donc la mort en cas de meurtre ; soit la diyya, réparation par une somme d’argent déterminée par le magistrat. Comme le montre Arzoo Osanloo (2012) à propos de l’Iran contemporain, la seconde formule est bien plus souvent utilisée que la première, mais le juge ajoute souvent au paiement du dommage une peine d’emprisonnement. Au regard de l’évolution qui vient d’être décrite, une autre question se pose, dont John Rawls (1955) souligne combien elle est débattue : comment justifie-t-on l’infliction d’une souffrance ? La philosophie morale et le droit ont en effet une double réponse. La première, utilitariste, dans la suite de Jeremy Bentham (2011 [1780]), pose que la souffrance de l’auteur d’un crime ne se justifie que pour autant qu’elle augmente le bonheur dans la société, autrement dit, qu’elle diminue la criminalité. Ce peut être par effet de neutralisation (l’exécution, l’emprisonnement, l’exil), dissuasion (pour l’individu et la collectivité) et réhabilitation (par la réforme morale ou la réinsertion sociale). La seconde, rétributiviste, héritière d’Emmanuel Kant (2011 [1795]), affirme que la souffrance ne se justifie qu’en tant qu’elle expie l’acte répréhensible commis, indépendamment de toute conséquence sociale, positive ou négative. La peine ainsi infligée doit en principe être équivalente de la violation de la loi ou de la norme (allant donc jusqu’à l’exécution en cas de meurtre). Le tournant punitif des dernières décennies dans la plupart des pays manifeste un glissement de la première justification vers la seconde. Ces deux théories, qui ont donné lieu, au cours des deux derniers siècles à une considérable littérature visant à contester ou affiner l’une ou l’autre, énoncent ce qui devrait justifier le châtiment, mais est-ce bien ainsi que les choses se passent dans le monde réel ? Rien n’est moins sûr, et nombre de travaux de sciences sociales le montrent. On peut trouver une justification au châtiment d’une personne, même possiblement innocente, pour faire un exemple, pour humilier un adversaire, pour pacifier un mécontentement populaire, pour satisfaire le désir de vengeance des proches d’une victime, pour instituer un ordre social inégal fondé sur la peur, pour simplifier des procédures judiciaires grâce au plaider coupable, et pour bien d’autres raisons encore. Mais quand bien même on a énuméré ces justifications rationnelles, on n’a pas épuisé les fondements de l’acte de punir car il demeure une forme de jouissance dans l’administration de la souffrance, qu’en paraphrasant Georges Bataille (1949), on peut appeler la part maudite du châtiment. Cette dimension affective se manifeste à travers les gestes de cruauté constatés dans les métiers de la répression et les excès de tourment habituels dans les institutions carcérales qui, comme l’analyse Everett Hughes (1962), ne sont pas seulement le fait d’individus ou même de professions. C’est la société qui leur délègue ce qu’elle considère comme ses basses œuvres, sans guère chercher à les réguler ou à en sanctionner les abus. On se souvient que Claude Lévi-Strauss (1955) établissait un parallèle entre l’anthropophagie, qui semble une pratique barbare aux yeux des Occidentaux, et les formes contemporaines du châtiment, notamment la prison, qui paraîtraient tout aussi choquantes aux Amérindiens. Comment expliquer que le châtiment tel qu’il existe dans les sociétés modernes non seulement se maintienne mais plus encore se développe considérablement ? Pour répondre à cette question, il faut probablement prendre en considération une dimension à laquelle la philosophie morale et le droit ont rarement prêté attention : c’est la manière dont le châtiment est réparti dans la société. Les théories normatives supposent en effet que l’on punisse de façon juste, ce qui implique à la fois que plus une infraction est grave et plus elle est lourdement sanctionnée et que pour une même infraction deux individus soient également sanctionnés. Est-ce le cas ? Les travaux menés par des chercheurs, à l’instar de Bruce Western (2006), sur la distribution du châtiment dans la société révèlent que les classes populaires et les minorités ethnoraciales sont très surreprésentées dans les prisons et plus largement dans l’ensemble de l’appareil punitif. Est-ce parce que leurs membres commettent plus de violations de la loi ou que ces violations sont plus graves ? Les études montrent que la sévérité du système pénal, depuis le niveau législatif de fabrication des lois jusqu’au niveau judiciaire de leur application, n’est pas principalement lié aux conséquences néfastes des actes commis mais tient à des choix opérés en fonction de ceux qui les commettent. Ainsi le vol à la tire est-il souvent plus durement réprimé que l’abus de biens sociaux et, plus généralement, la petite délinquance que la criminalité financière, même lorsque cette dernière a des effets désastreux en termes de paupérisation et de surmortalité des segments les plus fragiles de la société. Ce qui conduit Émile Durkheim (1996 [1893]) à inverser la définition habituelle du châtiment, en affirmant qu’on ne condamne pas un acte parce qu’il est criminel, mais qu’il est criminel parce qu’on le condamne. À quoi sert donc le châtiment si ce qui détermine sa sévérité est moins la gravité de l’acte que les caractéristiques sociales de son auteur ? En prolongeant la réflexion de Michel Foucault (1975), on peut penser que le châtiment n’a peut-être pas pour vocation première de sanctionner les transgressions de la loi, de protéger la société de leurs auteurs et in fine de réduire la délinquance et la criminalité, mais que sa fonction sociale principale est plutôt d’opérer des différenciations entre ceux que l’on peut punir et ceux que l’on veut épargner. Ainsi relève-t-il tout autant d’une politique de la justice, au sens du droit, que d’une politique de l’injustice, dans un sens moral. Dans un contexte où la population carcérale atteint des niveaux records dans le monde et où les pratiques punitives participent de la reproduction des inégalités (Fassin 2017), la réflexion anthropologique sur le châtiment est assurément une tâche essentielle.

Introduction The first “Aquarius Festival” came together in Canberra, at the Australian National University, in the autumn of 1971 and was reprised in 1973 in the small rural town of Nimbin, in northern New South Wales. Both events reflected the Zeitgeist in what was, in some ways, an inchoate expression of the so-called “counterculture” (Roszak). Rather than attempting to analyse the counterculture as a discrete movement with a definable history, I enlist the theory of cultural memes to read the counter culture as a Dawkinsian cluster meme, with this paper offered as “testimonio”, a form of quasi-political memoir that views shifts in the culture through the lens of personal experience (Zimmerman, Yúdice). I track an evolving personal, “internal” topography and map its points of intersection with the radical social, political and cultural changes spawned by the “consciousness revolution” that was an integral part of the counterculture emerging in the 1970s. I focus particularly on the notion of “consciousness raising”, as a Dawkinsian memetic replicator, in the context of the idealistic notions of the much-heralded “New Age” of Aquarius, and propose that this meme has been a persistent feature of the evolution of the “meme cluster” known as the counterculture. Mimesis and the Counterculture Since evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins floated the notion of cultural memes as a template to account for the evolution of ideas within political cultures, a literature of commentary and criticism has emerged that debates the strengths and weaknesses of his proposed model and its application across a number of fields. I borrow the notion to trace the influence of a set of memes that clustered around the emergence of what writer Marilyn Ferguson called The Aquarian Conspiracy, in her 1980 book of that name. Ferguson’s text, subtitled Personal and Social Transformation in Our Time, was a controversial attempt to account for what was known as the “New Age” movement, with its late millennial focus on social and personal transformation. That focus leads me to approach the counterculture (a term first floated by Theodore Roszak) less as a definable historical movement and more as a cluster of aspirational tropes expressing a range of aspects or concerns, from the overt political activism through to experimental technologies for the transformation of consciousness, and all characterised by a critical interrogation of, and resistance to, conventional social norms (Ferguson’s “personal and social transformation”). With its more overtly “spiritual” focus, I read the “New Age” meme, then, as a sub-set of this “cluster meme”, the counterculture. In my reading, “New Age” and “counterculture” overlap, sharing persistent concerns and a broad enough tent to accommodate the serious—the combative political action of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), say, (see Elbaum)—to the light-hearted—the sport of frisbee for example (Stancil). The interrogation of conventional social and political norms inherited from previous generations was a prominent strategy across both movements. Rather than offering a sociological analysis or history of the ragbag counterculture, per se, my discussion here focuses in on the particular meme of “consciousness raising” within that broader set of cultural shifts, some of which were sustained in their own right, some dropping away, and many absorbed into the dominant mainstream culture. Dawkins use of the term “meme” was rooted in the Greek mimesis, to emphasise the replication of an idea by imitation, or copying. He likened the way ideas survive and change in human culture to the natural selection of genes in biological evolution. While the transmission of memes does not depend on a physical medium, such as the DNA of biology, they replicate with a greater or lesser degree of success by harnessing human social media in a kind of “infectivity”, it is argued, through “contagious” repetition among human populations. Dawkins proposed that just as biological organisms could be said to act as “hosts” for replicating genes, in the same way people and groups of people act as hosts for replicating memes. Even before Dawkins floated his term, French biologist Jacques Monod wrote that ideas have retained some of the properties of organisms. Like them, they tend to perpetuate their structure and to breed; they too can fuse, recombine, segregate their content; indeed they too can evolve, and in this evolution selection must surely play an important role. (165, emphasis mine) Ideas have power, in Monod’s analysis: “They interact with each other and with other mental forces in the same brain, in neighbouring brains, and thanks to global communication, in far distant, foreign brains” (Monod, cited in Gleick). Emblematic of the counterculture were various “New Age” phenomena such as psychedelic drugs, art and music, with the latter contributing the “Aquarius” meme, whose theme song came from the stage musical (and later, film) Hair, and particularly the lyric that runs: “This is the dawning of the Age of Aquarius”. The Australian Aquarius Festivals of 1971 and 1973 explicitly invoked this meme in the way identified by Monod and the “Aquarius” meme resonated even in Australia. Problematising “Aquarius” As for the astrological accuracy of the “Age of Aquarius meme”, professional astrologers argue about its dating, and the qualities that supposedly characterise it. When I consulted with two prominent workers in this field for the preparation of this article, I was astonished to find their respective dating of the putative Age of Aquarius were centuries apart! What memes were being “hosted” here? According to the lyrics: When the moon is in the seventh house And Jupiter aligns with Mars Then peace will guide the planets And love will steer the stars. (Hair) My astrologer informants assert that the moon is actually in the seventh house twice every year, and that Jupiter aligns with Mars every two years. Yet we are still waiting for the outbreak of peace promised according to these astrological conditions. I am also informed that there’s no “real” astrological underpinning for the aspirations of the song’s lyrics, for an astrological “Age” is not determined by any planet but by constellations rising, they tell me. Most important, contrary to the aspirations embodied in the lyrics, peace was not guiding the planets and love was not about to “steer the stars”. For Mars is not the planet of love, apparently, but of war and conflict and, empowered with the expansiveness of Jupiter, it was the forceful aggression of a militaristic mind-set that actually prevailed as the “New Age” supposedly dawned. For the hippified summer of love had taken a nosedive with the tragic events at the Altamont speedway, near San Francisco in 1969, when biker gangs, enlisted to provide security for a concert performance by The Rolling Stones allegedly provoked violence, marring the event and contributing to a dawning disillusionment (for a useful coverage of the event and its historical context see Dalton). There was a lot of far-fetched poetic licence involved in this dreaming, then, but memes, according to Nikos Salingaros, are “greatly simplified versions of patterns”. “The simpler they are, the faster they can proliferate”, he writes, and the most successful memes “come with a great psychological appeal” (243, 260; emphasis mine). What could be retrieved from this inchoate idealism? Harmony and understanding Sympathy and trust abounding No more falsehoods or derisions Golden living dreams of visions Mystic crystal revelation And the mind’s true liberation Aquarius, Aquarius. (Hair) In what follows I want to focus on this notion: “mind’s true liberation” by tracing the evolution of this project of “liberating” the mind, reflected in my personal journey. Nimbin and Aquarius I had attended the first Aquarius Festival, which came together in Canberra, at the Australian National University, in the autumn of 1971. I travelled there from Perth, overland, in a Ford Transit van, among a raggedy band of tie-dyed hippie actors, styled as The Campus Guerilla Theatre Troupe, re-joining our long-lost sisters and brothers as visionary pioneers of the New Age of Aquarius. Our visions were fueled with a suitcase full of potent Sumatran “buddha sticks” and, contrary to Biblical prophesies, we tended to see—not “through a glass darkly” but—in psychedelic, pop-, and op-art explosions of colour. We could see energy, man! Two years later, I found myself at the next Aquarius event in Nimbin, too, but by that time I inhabited a totally different mind-zone, albeit one characterised by the familiar, intense idealism. In the interim, I had been arrested in 1971 while “tripping out” in Sydney on potent “acid”, or LSD (Lysergic acid diethylamide); had tried out political engagement at the Pram Factory Theatre in Melbourne; had camped out in protest at the flooding of Lake Pedder in the Tasmanian wilderness; met a young guru, started meditating, and joined “the ashram”—part of the movement known as the Divine Light Mission, which originated in India and was carried to the “West” (including Australia) by an enthusiastic and evangelical following of drug-toking drop-outs who had been swarming through India intent on escaping the dominant culture of the military-industrial complex and the horrors of the Vietnam War. Thus, by the time of the 1973 event in Nimbin, while other festival participants were foraging for “gold top” magic mushrooms in farmers’ fields, we devotees had put aside such chemical interventions in conscious awareness to dig latrines (our “service” project for the event) and we invited everyone to join us for “satsang” in the yellow, canvas-covered, geodesic dome, to attend to the message of peace. The liberation meme had shifted through a mutation that involved lifestyle-changing choices that were less about alternative approaches to sustainable agriculture and more about engaging directly with “mind’s true liberation”. Raising Consciousness What comes into focus here is the meme of “consciousness raising”, which became the persistent project within which I lived and worked and had my being for many years. Triggered initially by the ingestion of those psychedelic substances that led to my shocking encounter with the police, the project was carried forward into the more disciplined environs of my guru’s ashrams. However, before my encounter with sustained spiritual practice I had tried to work the shift within the parameters of an ostensibly political framework. “Consciousness raising” was a form of political activism borrowed from the political sphere. Originally generated by Mao Zedong in China during the revolutionary struggle to overthrow the vested colonial interests that were choking Chinese nationalism in the 1940s, to our “distant, foreign brains” (Monod), as Western revolutionary romantics, Chairman Mao and his Little Red Book were taken up, in a kind of international counterculture solidarity with revolutionaries everywhere. It must be admitted, this solidarity was a fairly superficial gesture. Back in China it might be construed as part of a crude totalitarian campaign to inculcate Marxist-Leninist political ideas among the peasant classes (see Compestine for a fictionalised account of traumatic times; Han Suyin’s long-form autobiography—an early example of testimonio as personal and political history—offers an unapologetic account of a struggle not usually construed as sympathetically by Western commentators). But the meme (and the processes) of consciousness raising were picked up by feminists in the United States in the late 1960s and into the 1970s (Brownmiller 21) and it was in this form I encountered it as an actor with the politically engaged theatre troupe, The Australian Performing Group, at Carlton’s Pram Factory Theatre in late 1971. The Performance Group I performed as a core member of the Group in 1971-72. Decisions as to which direction the Group should take were to be made as a collective, and the group veered towards anarchy. Most of the women were getting together outside of the confines of the Pram Factory to raise their consciousness within the Carlton Women’s Liberation Cell Group. While happy that the sexual revolution was reducing women’s sexual inhibitions, some of the men at the Factory were grumbling into their beer, disturbed that intimate details of their private lives—and their sexual performance—might be disclosed and raked over by a bunch of radical feminists. As they began to demand equal rights to orgasm in the bedroom, the women started to seek equal access within the performance group, too. They requested rehearsal time to stage the first production by the Women’s Theatre Group, newly formed under the umbrella of the wider collective. As all of the acknowledged writers in the Group so far were men—some of whom had not kept pace in consciousness raising—scripts tended to be viewed as part of a patriarchal plot, so Betty Can Jump was an improvised piece, with the performance material developed entirely by the cast in workshop-style rehearsals, under the direction of Kerry Dwyer (see Blundell, Zuber-Skerritt 21, plus various contributors at www.pramfactory.com/memoirsfolder/). I was the only male in the collective included in the cast. Several women would have been more comfortable if no mere male were involved at all. My gendered attitudes would scarcely have withstood a critical interrogation but, as my partner was active in launching the Women’s Electoral Lobby, I was given the benefit of the doubt. Director Kerry Dwyer liked my physicalised approach to performance (we were both inspired by the “poor theatre” of Jerzy Grotowski and the earlier surrealistic theories of Antonin Artaud), and I was cast to play all the male parts, whatever they would be. Memorable material came up in improvisation, much of which made it into the performances, but my personal favorite didn’t make the cut. It was a sprawling movement piece where I was “born” out of a symbolic mass of writhing female bodies. It was an arduous process and, after much heaving and huffing, I emerged from the birth canal stammering “SSSS … SSSS … SSMMMO-THER”! The radical reversioning of culturally authorised roles for women has inevitably, if more slowly, led to a re-thinking of the culturally approved and reinforced models of masculinity, too, once widely accepted as entirely biologically ordained rather than culturally constructed. But the possibility of a queer re-versioning of gender would be recognised only slowly. Liberation Meanwhile, Dennis Altman was emerging as an early spokesman for gay, or homosexual, liberation and he was invited to address the collective. Altman’s stirring book, Homosexual: Oppression and Liberation, had recently been published, but none of us had read it. Radical or not, the Group had shown little evidence of sensitivity to gender-queer issues. My own sexuality was very much “oppressed” rather than liberated and I would have been loath to use “queer” to describe myself. The term “homosexual” was fraught with pejorative, quasi-medical associations and, in a collective so divided across strict and sometimes hostile gender boundaries, deviant affiliations got short shrift. Dennis was unsure of his reception before this bunch of apparent “heteros”. Sitting at the rear of the meeting, I admired his courage. It took more self-acceptance than I could muster to confront the Group on this issue at the time. Somewhere in the back of my mind, “homosexuality” was still something I was supposed to “get over”, so I failed to respond to Altman’s implicit invitation to come out and join the party. The others saw me in relationship with a woman and whatever doubts they might have carried about the nature of my sexuality were tactfully suspended. Looking back, I am struck by the number of simultaneous poses I was trying to maintain: as an actor; as a practitioner of an Artaudian “theatre of cruelty”; as a politically committed activist; and as a “hetero”-sexual. My identity was an assemblage of entities posing as “I”; it was as if I were performing a self. Little gay boys are encouraged from an early age to hide their real impulses, not only from others—in the very closest circle, the family; at school; among one’s peers—but from themselves, too. The coercive effects of shaming usually fix the denial into place in our psyches before we have any intellectual (or political) resources to consider other options. Growing up trying to please, I hid my feelings. In my experience, it could be downright dangerous to resist the subtle and gross coercions that applied around gender normativity. The psychoanalyst D. W. Winnicott, of the British object-relations school, argues that when the environment does not support the developing personality and requires the person to sacrifice his or her own spontaneous needs to adapt to environmental demands, there is not even a resting-place for individual experience and the result is a failure in the primary narcissistic state to evolve an individual. The “individual” then develops as an extension of the shell rather than that of the core [...] What there is left of a core is hidden away and is difficult to find even in the most far-reaching analysis. The individual then exists by not being found. The true self is hidden, and what we have to deal with clinically is the complex false self whose function is to keep this true self hidden. (212) How to connect to that hidden core, then? “Mind’s true liberation...” Alienated from the performative version of selfhood, but still inspired by the promise of liberation, even in the “fuzzy” form for which my inchoate hunger yearned (sexual liberation? political liberation? mystical liberation?), I was left to seek out a more authentic basis for selfhood, one that didn’t send me spinning along the roller-coaster of psychedelic drugs, or lie to me with the nostrums of a toxic, most forms of which would deny me, as a sexual, moral and legal pariah, the comforts of those “anchorage points to the social matrix” identified by Soddy (cited in Mol 58). My spiritual inquiry was “counter” to these institutionalised models of religious culture. So, I began to read my way through a myriad of books on comparative religion. And to my surprise, rather than taking up with the religions of antique cultures, instead I encountered a very young guru, initially as presented in a simply drawn poster in the window of Melbourne’s only vegetarian restaurant (Shakahari, in Carlton). “Are you hungry and tired of reading recipe books?” asked the figure in the poster. I had little sense of where that hunger would lead me, but it seemed to promise a fulfilment in ways that the fractious politics of the APG offered little nourishment. So, while many of my peers in the cities chose to pursue direct political action, and others experimented with cooperative living in rural communes, I chose the communal lifestyle of the ashram. In these different forms, then, the conscious raising meme persisted when other challenges raised by the counterculture either faded or were absorbed in the mainstream. I finally came to realise that the intense disillusionment process I had been through (“dis-illusionment” as the stripping away of illusions) was the beginning of awakening, in effect a “spiritual initiation” into a new way of seeing myself and my “place” in the world. Buddhist teachers might encourage this very kind of stripping away of false notions as part of their teaching, so the aspiration towards the “true liberation” of the mind expressed in the Aquarian visioning might be—and in my case, actually has been and continues to be—fulfilled to a very real extent. Gurus and the entire turn towards Eastern mysticism were part of the New Age meme cluster prevailing during the early 1970s, but I was fortunate to connect with an enduring set of empirical practices that haven’t faded with the fashions of the counterculture. A good guitarist would never want to play in public without first tuning her instrument. In a similar way, it is now possible for me to tune my mind back to a deeper, more original source of being than the socially constructed sense of self, which had been so fraught with conflicts for me. I have discovered that before gender, and before sexuality, in fact, pulsing away behind the thicket of everyday associations, there is an original, unconditioned state of beingness, the awareness of which can be reclaimed through focused meditation practices, tested in a wide variety of “real world” settings. For quite a significant period of time I worked as an instructor in the method on behalf of my guru, or mentor, travelling through a dozen or so countries, and it was through this exposure that I was able to observe that the practices worked independently of culture and that “mind’s true liberation” was in many ways a de-programming of cultural indoctrinations (see Marsh, 2014, 2013, 2011 and 2007 for testimony of this process). In Japan, Zen roshi might challenge their students with the koan: “Show me your original face, before you were born!” While that might seem to be an absurd proposal, I am finding that there is a potential, if unexpected, liberation in following through such an inquiry. As “hokey” as the Aquarian meme-set might have been, it was a reflection of the idealistic hope that characterised the cluster of memes that aggregated within the counterculture, a yearning for healthier life choices than those offered by the toxicity of the military-industrial complex, the grossly exploitative effects of rampant Capitalism and a politics of cynicism and domination. The meme of the “true liberation” of the mind, then, promised by the heady lyrics of a 1970s hippie musical, has continued to bear fruit in ways that I could not have imagined. References Altman, Dennis. Homosexual Oppression and Liberation. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1972. Blundell, Graeme. The Naked Truth: A Life in Parts. 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