Thèses sur le sujet « Yugoslavia – Economic policy – 20th century »

The Liberal welfare reforms were a series of bills passed in the British Parliament in the early twentieth-century. Initiated in response to a number of pressing economic and social issues, the Liberal welfare reforms were legislated with the purpose of combating poverty and improving the livelihood of the British working-class citizen. This thesis in economics outlines and examines critically the economic design behind the Liberal welfare reforms between 1906 and 1914.

This dissertation addresses the question of whether the Thai state is already a developmental state or could readily become one early in the 21St century. To begin with it identifies the two principal conditions that have to be satisfied, namely commitment to develop and state capacity to influence development. The latter of ‘which in turn depends on the state’s general authority (legitimacy) and its general regulatory capacity. The focus of the dissertation is on the particular capacities that can be said to characterise a developmental state in the present era. These particular capacities are, first, the particular capacities providing the basis of industry policy as identified in the analyses of the earlier formation of developmental states by Chalmers Johnson and his successors and, second, certain complementary capacities which are required to meet the challenges of the twenty—first century. The body of the dissertation is an examination of whether, and to what extent, the particular capacities exist within Thailand or could readily be brought into existence. The dissertation further examines the commitment to development in Thailand through an examination of contemporary Thai polity and specifically the state’s ability, under a Thaksin administration in particular, to govern conflicts within the Thai polity in a manner consistent with broad development. It is recognised that insofar as the state’s capacity to influence development also depends on its general authority (the legitimacy of the state), that authority also is sensitive to its ability to govern conflict resolution. The dissertation ends by speculating about how different the commitment to development might be under another Democrat-led administration. The overall conclusion of the dissertation is that, while the Thai state does indeed possess critical capacities for the pursuit of industry policy, other essential capacities - fundamental and complementary — as well as legitimacy and commitment to development are weak and not obviously being strengthened. That being the case, it would only be wishful thinking to say that Thailand is already a developmental state.

This dissertation compares the effects of progressive social reform on income inequality in the Southern Cone of South America, Scandinavia, and Australasia. These regions faced comparable economic challenges at the start of the 20th century, but experienced different trends of income inequality after they introduced progressive policies in this period. Australasia and Scandinavia converged on a downward trend while the Southern Cone remained comparatively more unequal. The dissertation concentrates on three areas that significantly predict inequality in contemporary research: labour markets, education, and taxation and spending policies. Existing explanations usually focus on supply-side aspects of policy reform: wage regulation, and increased taxation and spending on education and social insurance, are thought to bring inequality down in the long-run. These reforms are seen as the outcome of the relative power of working class groups over elites. Despite institutional variation, the three regions enacted progressive policies to address distributional conflict and protect their economies from global risks. I study the demand-side of policy reform; policies faced considerable collective action problems to promote compliance and cooperation in order to work in the long-time and include populations at large. The fact that most people were motivated to comply meant that labour markets generated formality and standard wages, education increased human capital, and spending became stable as the tax base increased in Scandinavia and the Antipodes. The opposite happened in the Southern Cone as social actors tried to link selectively with the state while state officials neglected the material constraints that limited access to welfare and education. Each chapter spells out the conditions through which policy addressed collective action problems to motivate cooperation with wage agreements, sending children to school, and compliance with taxation and spending policies. Behind comparable aggregate numbers in these areas, the underlying social processes differed as Australasians and Scandinavians fostered cooperation between state and social actors, while the Southern Cone did not.

In Brazil, the coincidence of massive growth and growing inequalities was also combined with an authoritarian regime. This coincidence led the dependency scholars to link the Brazilian economic model and the repressive and authoritarian nature of the political regime. However, the Brazilian democratization process, taking roots in the mid-70s, reformulated the issue. Indeed, while remaining committed to transnationalism, a democratization process was underway. This paper argues that the democratization process is consistent with, and even motivated by, the regulation imperatives of the regime of accumulation. However, these regulation imperatives limit the nature and scope of democratic reforms. Nevertheless, transnationalism also lay the foundations for more progressive and democratic option to emerge in formal politics and in civil society.

This dissertation is composed by three papers whose unifying themes are the origin and impact of fiscal institutions. The main contribution of this paper is twofold. First, it highlights the usefulness of the concept of fiscal capacity for the macroeconomics and international finance literatures by demonstrating its impact on sovereign default and fiscal dynamics during the Great Depression. Limits to the ability to tax have clear implications for macro-financial research, but are neglected by much of the literature. Second, my work contributes to the fiscal and state capacity literature by focusing on municipal level fiscal institutions in Brazil. Although research in this field is burgeoning, our understanding of the origin and impact of fiscal institutions in many parts of the world, including Latin America, is still very limited, particularly at the sub-national level. In terms of structure, the dissertation is a backwards journey from the impact of fiscal institutions to their origin. The first paper studies one of the ultimate outcomes of fiscal dynamics – sovereign default – by analyzing the debt crisis of the 1930s. The second paper takes the collapse in public revenues during the Great Depression as a starting point and demonstrates that fiscal institutions were a fundamental factor in the dynamics of fiscal aggregates. By shifting the focus to a single country and a different time period – the second half of the 19th and the early 20th centuries – the third paper demonstrates that slavery was deeply detrimental to the development of local governments’ ability to tax and provide fundamental growth and welfare-enhancing public goods in Brazil.

As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War. Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States, alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from Kuwait.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.

This paper examines the ability of the yield curve to predict recessions in South Africa, and compares its predictive power with other commonly used variables that include the growth rate in real money supply, changes in stock prices and the index of leading economic indicators. The study also makes an attempt to find out if monetary policy explains the yield spread's predictive power with regards to future economic activity. Regarding methodology, the standard probit model proposed by Estrella and Mishkin (1996) that directly estimates the probability of the economy going into recession is used. Results from this model are compared with a modified probit model suggested by Dueker (1997) that includes a lagged dependent variable. Results presented in the paper provide further evidence that the yield curve, as represented by the yield spread between 3-month and IO-year government paper, can be used to estimate the likelihood of recessions in South Africa. The yield spread can produce recession forecasts up to 18 months, although it's best predictive power is seen at two quarters. Results from the standard probit model and the modified pro bit model with a lagged dependent variable are somewhat similar, although the latter model improves forecasts at shorter horizons up to 3 months. Compared with other indicators, real M3 growth is a noisy indicator and does not provide much information about future recessions, whilst movements in the All-Share index can provide information for up to 12 months but does not do better than the yield curve. The index of leading economic indicators outperforms the yield spread in the short run up to 4 months but the spread performs better at longer horizons. Based on the results from the study, it appears that changes in monetary policy explain the yield spread's predictive power. This is because the yield spread loses its explanatory power when combined with a variable representing the monetary policy stance of the central bank.

This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.

En Belgique, 85% des chômeurs sont affiliés à une organisation syndicale. Cette situation inhabituelle est principalement due à la fonction d’organisme de paiement des allocations de chômage que remplissent les trois syndicats interprofessionnels. L’objet de la thèse est d’examiner les origines de la relation particulière qui découle de cet état de fait et de questionner ses implications tout à la fois pour les syndicats et pour les chômeurs.

Les développements théoriques se penchent sur le mode de fonctionnement et sur les déterminants de l’action des organisations syndicales, sur les causes du chômage et ses conséquences pour les travailleurs salariés et leurs organisations, ainsi que sur les obstacles et les incitants à l’action collective contestataire des sans-emploi.

Ces outils d’analyse sont ensuite utilisés pour examiner, depuis l’origine des organisations syndicales contemporaines et de l’indemnisation du chômage, au XIXe siècle, jusqu’à la réforme du mode de contrôle des chômeurs en 2004, les fondements et l’évolution de la relation que les syndicats belges entretiennent avec les questions de l’emploi et du chômage d’une part, avec les chômeurs d’autre part.

In Belgium, 85% of the unemployed are unionised. This peculiar situation is mainly related to the specific position of the trade unions, as the jobless can choose to receive their benefits through the intervention of one of the three national unions. The Ph.D. dissertation aims at examining the origins of that specific relationship and its implications on both the trade unions and the unemployed.

The theoretical part explores the features of union action and functioning, the causes of unemployment and its consequences for the workers and their organisations, as well as the impediments and impetus to the contentious mobilisation of the unemployed.

Based on that theoretical framework, the Ph.D. dissertation then examines the origins and the evolution from the 19th century till 2004 of the union positions on the issues of employment and unemployment on the one hand, and their links with the jobless on the other.

Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Defence date: 14 July 2017
Examining Board: Prof Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Pavel Kolář, European University Institute; Prof Josip Glaurdić, University of Luxembourg; Prof Tvrtko Jakovina, University of Zagreb
This thesis examines the origins and evolution of Yugoslav policy towards Western European integration from the early 1950s until the signing of the first Yugoslav–EEC Trade Agreement in 1970. It examines the emerging role of Western Europe in the Yugoslav foreign and internal politics within the larger context of the Cold War and development of European integration. Increased trade relations with the EEC and the domestic introduction of the 1965 Economic Reform proved vital in persuading Belgrade to become the first socialist country to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the Community in 1968. The thesis argues that these relations became of increasing relevance to the economic and, ultimately, political stability of Yugoslavia. Besides the basic foreign (trade) policy concepts towards the EEC, this study focuses on the perceptions of the Western European integration process among the political elite by addressing the following research questions: How did Yugoslav policymakers react to the Western European integration process? What impact did the success of the EEC have on Yugoslav foreign policy and internal differences among the political elite? In what way did the League of Communists of Yugoslavia rationalize their cooperation with the EEC? What did it mean for the internal coherence of the LCY and for Yugoslavia’s pronounced cooperation with the developing countries? The overarching question is how and why already in the 1960s the EEC became such an important external factor, crucial for the economic development and stability of Yugoslavia. By analysing the complex interaction between the external factors and internal dynamics of Yugoslavia and their impact on Belgrade´s policy towards the EEC, this study provides an explanation of the underlying long-term structural problems of the economy that determined the Yugoslav diplomatic and economic responses to the creation and evolution of the EEC until the breakup of the country.
Chapter ‘Conclusion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'A troubled relationship : Yugoslavia and the European economic community in détente' (2014) in the journal ‘European review of history’

Defence date: 8 September 2015
Examining Board: Professor Youssef Cassis, EUI; Professor Federico Romero, EUI; Professor Joachim Scholtyseck, University of Bonn; Professor Harold James, Princeton University.
When in 1929 the world economy went into crisis, a new approach to international trade and finance appeared on the scene. Characterised by bilateralism, protectionism and autarchy, this approach challenged the idea of liberal free trade. Its main proponents were Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. This thesis is about the role of economic factors in the German-Italian rapprochement under the banner of the fascism. The analysis looks with an institutional approach at three levels: the formulation of foreign economic policies, the implementation by governments, and the execution at the level of businesses. Not only is the bilateral German-Italian commercial relationship analysed, but also co-operation and rivalries between German and Italian government officials, economic experts and business representatives in third-party markets, as well as international organisations (especially the League of Nations) dealing with the crisis. The thesis shows that the "Rome-Berlin Axis", which plunged Europe and the world into the disaster of World War II, was built on economic foundations with serious cracks. Admittedly, Germany's and Italy's mutual economic importance increased notably, while they foreclosed their markets to former trade partners (especially the US). However, the analysis of the institutions governing the trade and its detailed structure indicate without question that this rapprochement followed no economic logic. Germany needed political support for its revisionist plans for Europe and was willing to pay for it. Nevertheless, in third-party markets no concessions were made. Especially in Southeastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean, Nazi Germany harvested what Fascist Italy had sown. To increase market shares, Berlin copied foreign economic policies, developed by the likewise financially strapped Italy. Opportunities for better economic collaboration were given away. Victims of the approach can be found in many areas (e.g., chemicals, cars, artificial fibres) and especially among cross-border business endeavours. The contradictions in the economic rapprochement of the interwar ultra-nationalistic regimes clearly demonstrate the limits of economic nationalism in a globalising world.

Defence date: 4 December 2017
Examining Board: Prof Federico Romero, European University Institute; Prof Laura Lee Downs, European University Institute; Prof Eric Bussière, Université Paris-Sorbonne; Prof Lorenzo Mechi, Università degli Studi di Padova
‘Social Europe’ is an elusive concept. Although largely forgotten today, it was a vibrant idea and project in the 1970s. Promulgated mostly by West European socialdemocratic forces, it was basically a European governance reform project. Its fundamental objective was to transform the nature of European cooperation and integration, by using the European Community as a vehicle to realise democratic socialism in Europe. ‘Social Europe’ took shape around the ideas of wealth redistribution, social and economic planning, economic democratisation, improved working and living conditions, regulation and control of economic forces, guarantee of the right to work, upward harmonisation of European social regimes, and access to social protection for all. It also included environmental concerns, democratisation of the European Community’s institutions, and claims to rebalance the international system to favour the development of the rising ‘South’. It made ambitious proposals to empower the Community in the social field and to increase social and economic coordination between its member states. It was, in short, a proposal for a radically different future than the one we actually inhabit today. This work investigates the rise and demise of ‘social Europe’ in the ‘long 1970s’. It highlights the socialist efforts to build a common European project, explores the concrete proposals it contained, traces its evolution and assesses the strategies and alliances envisaged between the different forces of the Left for its realisation. It sheds light on the reasons for the defeat of ‘Social Europe’, which had long-lasting, and arguably dramatic repercussions for the nature of European integration and European societies, for the relations of Western Europe with the rest of the world, for the history of capitalism and its shift to the ‘neoliberal’ paradigm, and for the ‘European Left’ itself.

Defence date: 21 March 2017
Examining Board: Professor Giovanni Federico, Università di Pisa (EUI Supervisor); Professor Youssef Cassis, European University Institute; Professor Elena San Román López, Universidad Complutense de Madrid; Professor Franco Amatori, Università Bocconi
The research project is centred on Spanish economic policies from 1937 to 1959, which guided the creation and development of the Instituto Nacional de Industria (the Spanish State-owned company, I.N.I. hereafter). Particular attention will be paid to the similarities, or differences, between these policies and those of Fascist Italy during the 1930s until the 1950s, especially as referred to the Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (the Italian State-owned company, I.R.I. hereafter). I aim to capture the analogies between the two public entities, I.N.I. and I.R.I., through the analysis of their financial ratios, statutes, sector investment and production. If it is true that, in Italy, different economic policies were applied all along from the thirties to the fifties, some of them were autarkic. I.R.I can be seen as a reflection of the regime’s will, mirroring, mirroring the evolution of Italian economic policies. Since the different roles of the I.R.I. and its adaptation to the decisionmaking process of the Italian regime have not been considered by the literature that dealt with the I.N.I., especially with respect to the classification of the autarkic models that the I.R.I. was called to apply, my research attempts to identify which of the I.R.I. roles were copied by the I.N.I., and in particular whether it was the ‘war autarkic’ model, adopted by the I.R.I. between 1939 and 1943. Particular attention will also be dedicated to explaining why the creation of the I.N.I. was inspired by the Italian model of the I.R.I. The ultimate purpose of my project will be to provide a new insight on the economic policies of the First Francoism by discussing whether postwar policy in Spain was a continuity of the ‘war autarkic’ policy of the Civil War, and not just a ‘normal autarkic’ policy.

In July 1979, Nigeria's federal military government declared a 100% takeover of select operations belonging to the London-based oil company, British Petroleum (BP). The takeover of BP marked the takeover of Nigeria's most lucrative industry that had been controlled by foreign investors. Within the secondary literature a more elaborate version of this event is offered by scholars, declaring it nationalization with little agreement over why this "Giant of West Africa" nationalization BP. Some mention South Africa, others Southern Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe); some mention oil, while others solely discuss UK diplomacy. Why the discrepancy over the reason for nationalization? This project sets out to explain not only why Nigeria nationalized BP in 1979, but also how the nationalization fits into the broad theoretical discussions on nationalism, economic policy, foreign relations, and nationalization. It challenges the popular narrative of why Nigeria nationalized BP and substantially revises it. The argument is put forward that the nationalization of BP hinged almost entirely on the notion of economic nationalism and that the nationalization fit into an established trend of takeovers aimed at foreign companies. The federal military government simply used southern Africa --discussed as the sole reason for nationalization within the secondary Literature-- as a way to bolster international support. This project also project uses the nationalization as a looking-glass into Nigeria and its oil industry during the 1970s. Also, this project addresses the impact the nationalization had on Nigerian society. With regard to nationalism, Nigeria represents an excellent case for understanding the existence and application of economic nationalism, which functions not only as a subject of study much like ethnic nationalism or civic nationalism, but also as a new perspective on the relationship between the various expressions of nationalism and economic policy.

Defence date: 17 June 2011
Examining Board: Prof. Kiran Patel (EUI) – Supervisor; Prof. Federico Romero (EUI); Prof. Alan Dobson (University of Dundee); Prof. Andrew Rotter (Colgate University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses

Defence date: 21 June 2010
Examining Board: Prof. Harold James (Princeton University - EUI) – supervisor; Prof. N. Piers Ludlow (LSE); Prof. Kiran Patel (EUI); Prof. Éric Bussière (Paris IV-Sorbonne)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The creation of the European Monetary System (EMS) represents one of the landmarks of post-war European economic and political history, and constitutes a fascinating case-study of the formation of an incipient trans- and supranational polity, namely the European Economic Community (EEC). This thesis is the first detailed archivally-based study of European monetary cooperation from the mid- to late 1970s. It is based on an extensive multi-archival and multinational research, including archives of the French, British and German governments, as well as of EEC institutions (Commission, Council of Ministers, Monetary Committee, Committee of Central Bank Governors). This thesis analyses the complex interaction between the numerous actors involved in the process (Finance Ministers, heads of government, central bankers, economic advisors, academic economists) at various levels (domestic, EEC, international), and explains why and how the attention shifts from one level to another. In order to explain the reasons, modes and the extent to which Western European governments were willing to further their monetary cooperation through the EEC, it is essential to go beyond a strictly intergovernmental approach based on 'material interests.' Instead, this thesis delves into a more sophisticated and refined understanding of the process, looking at different modes of governance (transnational, international, supranational), as well as the interplay between different policy areas (transatlantic relations, trade, common agricultural policy) and various connected issues (political, political-psychological, economic, institutional, financial). Contrary to the conventional account of the EMS negotiations, which focuses primarily on the year 1978, this thesis presents a different way of understanding the creation of the EMS by highlighting two longer-term processes: a transnational learning process among a transnational monetary elite, and the impact of the emergence of the European Council on the monetary discussions in the EEC. The interaction of these two features explains why the EMS fundamentally was a fairly trivial technical step, but a tremendously important political one. This thesis therefore shows that more profound trends considerably influenced the inception of the EMS, which remain crucial to a thorough understanding of today's economic and financial world.

Defence date: 23 May 1991
Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths (supervisor) ; Prof. J. Pelkmans (second supervisor) ; Prof. G. Gerbet ; Prof. P. Hertner ; Prof. A.S. Milward
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

The inner city has seen significant social and economic changes in the post-war period. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the evolution of public policy and its impacts on the changing Canadian inner city, between 1960 and 1990, by using a case study, that of Southwest Montreal. Southwest Montreal was Canada's first and longtime most important industrial area, and has suffered substantial decline since the 1950s. In order to set the context for the case study, it is necessary to outline the variety of the Canadian inner city, the socio-economic changes facing it, as well as the policy responses to these changes. The case study will trace the evolution of transportation, housing and economic/industrial policies between 1960 and 1990, and ascertain the impacts of these policies according to the theories of inner-city change (policy as factors of decline, stability, and revitalization). The policy input of the three levels of government (local, provincial and federal) will be covered. The case study will also be compared to other Canadian inner cities. It was found that public policy is an important, though not decisive, factor in inner-city change, and that policy has evolved significantly in the last thirty years.

The expansion of fruit, vegetable and horticultural (FVH) production in California and Andalucia has been contemporaneous with a decline in 'native' farm labor and restrictions on lower-skilled migration. Resulting increases in the populations of unauthorized farmworkers have contributed to mounting tension over the rights and numbers of migrants in Spain and the United States. Yet, the similarities in farm labor outcomes contrast with the distinct geographical, temporal, sociocultural and institutional conditions in which these labor markets have evolved. Using Californian and andaluz FVH as exemplars, the dissertation explores the problem and problematization of unauthorized migration in the United States and Spain from 1985 through 2005. Four primary themes -uncovered in interviews with migration researchers, advocates, union representatives, employers and migrants -guide assessment of the relationship between the reproduction of illegality and the regulation of migration and FVH production: the (1) recruitment and (2) retention of unauthorized farmworkers and the role of (3) interest groups and (4) the state in migration and farm labor policymaking. Legislation, mass media and US and Spanish census and survey data illustrate demographic, economic and political shifts over this period. The study illuminates the primary, but not always direct, role of policies and politics in the magnitude and composition of migration and settlement patterns in both countries. Laissez faire regulation and symbolic enforcement have shaped the ethnic, legal and gender composition of the farm labor market. Political and structural constraints, as well as economic pressures, have institutionalized illegality in FVH agriculture, subverting the cost of human rights to the price of food. Coupled with economic growth, this outsourcing in situ has spurred labor market intermediation and fostered poverty in rural communities; agreement on a farm labor fix has been limited, although not eclipsed, by public contestation over illegal migration.

Peng, Handa.
"August 2011."
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-83).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Abstract --- p.1
摘要 --- p.2
Acknowledgements --- p.3
Introduction --- p.6
Chapter Section I --- Literature Review --- p.11
Theories on Sovereign Default --- p.11
Historical Case Studies on Sovereign Default --- p.15
Brief Summary on the Existing Theories and Empirical Cases --- p.16
Chapter Section II --- Historical Backgrounds --- p.21
Political Instability and Military Expenditures --- p.21
Fiscal Status during the rule of the Nanking Government --- p.22
Silver Standard and Currency Reform in 1935 --- p.26
Chapter Section III --- Sovereign Default and Restructuring Episodes of the Nanking Government --- p.29
Data --- p.29
Sovereign Debt as a Heritage --- p.30
Background Information of the Debts --- p.34
The Restructuring Episode --- p.37
Market Reactions --- p.42
Chapter Section IV --- Capital Market Access and Reputational Theories in the Restructuring Episode --- p.45
Access to the International Capital Market --- p.45
Relevance of the Traditional Reputational Model --- p.48
Signaling Model and Role of Reputation --- p.51
Chapter Section V --- Role of Sanctions in the Restructuring Episode --- p.57
Analytical Framework of the Sanctions Model --- p.57
Three Possible Channels of Direct Sanctions --- p.60
Chapter Section VI --- Informational Explanation of the Restructuring Episode --- p.64
A Practical Analytical Framework for the Informational Model --- p.64
Issue of Credibility and Currency Reform --- p.66
The Need for the Settlement of Old Debts --- p.68
Outcomes --- p.73
Summary --- p.77
Conclusion --- p.79
References --- p.81
Chapter Appendix I --- Basic information on Chinese sovereign bonds traded in the London Stock Exchange --- p.84
Chapter Appendix II --- Price of Chinese Sovereign Bonds traded in the London Stock Exchange --- p.86
Chapter Appendix III --- Price level change around the settlement of two Tienstin-Pukow loans --- p.93
Chapter Appendix IV --- "Price levels and yield to maturities of the Chinese sovereign bonds on November 1，1935 and June 25, 1937" --- p.94
Chapter Table I --- Classification of Literatures on Cost of Sovereign Defaults --- p.17
Chapter Graph I --- Fiscal Status of China in the Nanking Decade --- p.22
Chapter Graph II --- Breakdown of Revenue --- p.23
Chapter Graph III --- Breakdown of Expenditures --- p.24
Chapter Graph IV --- Financing Methods of Government Deficit --- p.25
Chapter Graph V --- Time Distribution of Borrowing and Defaulting of Old Debts --- p.32
Chapter Table II --- Purpose of the Old Debts --- p.35
Chapter Table III --- Lending Countries of the Old Debts --- p.35
Chapter Table IV --- Collateral of the Old Debts --- p.36
Chapter Table V --- Currency Denomination of the Old Debs --- p.37
Chapter Graph VI --- Restructuring Time Distributions --- p.39
Chapter Graph VII --- Time distribution of new debts obtained during the Nanjing government --- p.46
Chapter Graph VIII --- Exports and Imports of China in 1921-1937 --- p.61
Chapter Graph IX --- "Wholesale Price Index in Shanghai, 1929-1937" --- p.74
Chapter Graph X --- Monthly Exchange Rate of Chinese Currency to U.S. Dollar (Indirect Quotation) --- p.74
Chapter Graph XI --- "Net Domestic Capital Formation in China, 1931-1936" --- p.76
Chapter Graph XII --- "Industrial Product and Its Growth Rate in China, 1928-1936" --- p.76

This study identifies the Indonesian policies that established large scale, export oriented and externally controlled (LEE)industrialization from the perspective of local people in the industrializing area, the planning that implemented these policies in Central Java and the ways in which the local people's lives are being affected. It identifies the links between the policy and the planning, and between the planning and the impacts. This study is based on data gathered from provincial, municipal and local planners, affected people, factory owners, and workers. LEE industrial development has often been successful in terms of its contribution to Regional Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and to the creation of low wage employment opportunities. However, this success has been accompanied by significant economic, social and environmental impacts on local people. The economic impacts include loss of livelihood and jobs, and decrease of family income. The social impacts comprise the weakening of community cohesion and the disruption of the people's daily lives. The environmental impacts include floods, lack of clean water, water pollution, and air pollution. The impacts of LEE industrialization have been documented by various studies including this one. What has not been adequately analyzed and documented is the process that produces the impacts. This study helps to fill the gap. It concludes that the impacts stem from the following factors. The national development emphasizes large scale and export oriented industrialization. The top-down development planning ensures that this policy is supported at the provincial level regardless of local conditions, needs and priorities. The arbitrary nature of provincial decision-making provides for no popular input. Impact assessment studies fail to provide the information necessary for planners, decision-makers and ideally the local leaders about the likely impacts of industrialization. The way the responsible government agencies solve environmental problems tends to protect factory interests. The impacts are exacerbated by a lack of adequate monitoring and enforcement of environmental regulations. The thesis concludes that substantive policy reform and process restructuring are required to achieve sound planning for industrial development. If quality of life is to be protected and enhanced, industrial policies should be reoriented to strengthening existing local economic activities; and planning restructured to enable local planners and affected people to be fully involved at all stages including impact management.

Indiana University--Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The purpose of this thesis is to discuss and explain the commitment to arts and culture in Indianapolis from the mid-1960s to the end of the 1980s by focusing on the origins, activities, and legacy of an extraordinary event in the history of Indianapolis’ arts community: the 1986-1987 Pan American Arts Festival. Early efforts by the City Committee, a local growth coalition comprised of several civic leaders, focused on the physical revitalization of downtown Indianapolis’ cultural landscape. The group’s work in this area, which was part of a larger downtown revitalization project, played an important role in the creation of the Pan American Arts Festival. Ultimately, the planning and administration of this festival had a significant impact on the city’s arts community as it shifted the arts and culture commitment from Indianapolis’ physical structures to the actual livelihood of the organizations housed within them.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
I examined a panel of all 50 states over a period of 30 years between 1981 and 2010, estimating a random effects model to examine the relationship between the party of a state’s governor and changes in pretax and transfer income inequality. Though the literature has quite consistently shown that income inequality increases more quickly under Republican governors or when policies favored by Republicans are implemented, I find no evidence to support this, though this is perhaps because I did not allow a long enough lag time for new policies to have an effect. I did, however, find that pretax income inequality increases more quickly under Democratic presidents than under Republicans, in spite of the fact that all previous research shows the opposite to be true. I suspect that this unusual finding is the result of a quirk in my 1981-2010 time frame, namely the effects of the shift in welfare policy under the Clinton administration in the 1990s.

Defence date: 7 July 2004
Examining board: Prof. Walter Mattli (St. John's College, Oxford) ; Prof. Gerard Schneider (University Konstanz) ; Prof. Daniel Verdier (Ohio State University, supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The liberalization of transatlantic trade relations since the Great Depression is one of the key developments in the global political economy of the last hundred years. This period has seen the negotiated reduction of both tariffs and nontariff barriers among developed countries, which allowed for the rapid expansion of trade flows, a driving force of economic globalization. In Protection for Exporters, Andreas Dür provides a novel explanation for this phenomenon that stresses the role of societal interests in shaping trade politics. He argues that exporters lobby more in reaction to losses of foreign market access than in pursuit of opportunities, thus providing a rationale for periods of acceleration and slowdown in the pace of liberalization. Dür also presents hypotheses about the form in which protection for exporters is provided (preferential or nonpreferential) and the balance of concessions that is exchanged in trade negotiations. Protection for Exporters includes case studies of major developments in international trade relations, such as the passage of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act in the 1930s, the creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in the 1940s, the Kennedy Round in the 1960s, the debate over Fortress Europe in the 1980s, and U.S.-European competition over access to emerging markets in the early 2000s. Dür's rigorous argument and systematic empirical analyses not only explain transatlantic trade relations but also allow for a better understanding of the dynamics of international economic relations.

The policies of John F. Kennedy have been assessed by historians chiefly as evidence of his “idealism” or “pragmatism”, ignoring the fundamental role of American nationalism in Kennedy’s ideas. A firm believer in the American national myth, this belief underpinned the key policy choices of his administration. This work re-examines Kennedy’s relations with key Cold-War allies Britain and France, focusing on his attempts to stop their respective nuclear weapons programs. By returning to the public documents of the administration with fresh questions and sensitivity for the symbols of American nationalism, in, this work demonstrates that nationalism is a key factor in explaining Kennedy’s ideas and actions.

1 SUMMARY Regaining the Past. Yugoslav Legacy in the Period of Transition: the Case of Formal and Alternative Institutions of Art and Culture in Serbia at the End of the 20th and the Beginning of the 21st Century Before, during the existence of Yugoslav state, and in the post Yugoslav period, common cultural (and art) space was shaped by the similar language, culture, connections, mentality, territory, economic relations, (foreign) influences and art production. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia in disastrous war conflicts, a large economic and cultural crisis hit the whole Balkan region. Cruelty of the Bosnia war, together with embargo, economic crisis, severe inflation, protests, caused a cultural collective trauma in all former Yugoslav countries. Simultaneously. High level of (narrative) fragmentation occurs in all institutions as the consequence of the crisis in society. It reflects in the dysfunctionality of institutions and eventually in closing down. After the dark period of the ‘90s, in 2000, Serbia dived into progressive democratic changes and an unblocked transition process, that will become a large source of disappointment in Serbian society. During all the changes and fluctuations, Yugoslavia (idea and a state) figurate as a main culprit for a crisis and a huge mistake in the newest history. Individual memory and private space of citizens in Serbia was still crowded by the memories of the previous period, but translating into cultural memory became doubtful. For that kind of translation, and revitalization of the part of the culture, space for speech, discussion, search for meaning should be essential, initiated and placed in institutions of culture. In my research I was trying to investigate if and how Yugoslavia continued to exist in cultural institutions as a phenomenon, through values of its ideology and common and wide cultural space, as a notion, motif, and theme of the projects and events, in spite of all mentioned 2 circumstances. I intended to represent the importance of Yugoslav legacy (as a symbolic heritage in the first place), from the perspective of making continuity and finding (creating) meaning about the past, as a way of overcoming cultural trauma. The main categories and points of view I have chosen as a methodology of the research, could be named as interdisciplinary cultural study approach, through content analysis and notions of representations interpretation, discovering of symbolic or concrete presence/ absence. The material for my research were catalogues from the exhibitions and following publications, articles from newspapers and magazines, academic literature, non-official interviews, videos, comments on exhibitions, comments as a part of the program in institutions, personal interpretations of actors (artists, academics, curators, activists, audience) expressed in informal interviews and meetings, noted or recorded, so that could be incorporated in my research. Entire argument is divided into the four parts: State of Art, Historical Context, Official Institutions; Alternative Institutions accompanied with the Introduction at the beginning, and Conclusions at the end (together with Bibliography, List of Photos and Summary in English, Polish and Serbian). In the first chapter State of Art, with an overview of books, articles and projects that are connected with a theme of my work, I present different aspects of its formulation and content. The second chapter titled Historical context is dedicated to the history of South Slavic unity with overview of Yugoslav history. For the analytical part of my research I have chosen three official and three alternative institutions to describe and illustrate the place and role of the Yugoslav narrative and legacy in cultural institutions: among official those are Serbian Pavilion in Venice (Paviljon Republike Srbije u Veneciji), Museum of Contemporary Art in Belgrade (Muzej savremene umetnosti u Beogradu), Museum of Yugoslavia (Muzej Jugoslavije), and among nonofficial (alternative) institutions those are Centre for Cultural Decontamination (Centar za kulturnu dekontaminaciju/ CZKD), squat Inex, and alternative cultural center Catch 22 (Kvaka 22). I had an assumption that choosing from the different types of the institution could help in creating the wider image, and form the basis for a more complete map of the institutions in Serbia in the post Yugoslav period. Analytical part dedicated to official institutions placed after Historical context contains three chapters describing three institutions. 3 The first chapter in a part regarded official institutions is dedicated to the Pavilion of Republic Serbia in Venice, former Pavilion of Yugoslavia in Venice (all of state emanations). I have decided to investigate Serbian (former Yugoslav) Pavilion in Venice as the only institution where Yugoslavia still exists in the frame of international art and culture manifestations (even just as a living memory and context). The second chapter is dedicated to The Museum of Contemporary Art in Belgrade, opened in 1965 as the most prominent cultural institution representing the Yugoslav and Serbian Art of the 20th century. The Museum of Contemporary Art appears to be the institution symbol of the Yugoslav art and culture creation. The third one is dedicated to the Museum of Yugoslavia, the only institution in former Yugoslav space dedicated fully to representation of Yugoslavia. Institution showed the enormous capacity for transformation, communicating the possibility of the new modern institution. Analytical part dedicated to alternative institutions also contains three chapters with the short introduction bringing the explanations and description of alternative institutions as a phenomenon. The first chapter in a part of research Alternative institutions is dedicated to the Centre for Cultural Decontamination (Centar za kulturnu dekontaminaciju / CZKD). Being one of the oldest non official organizations in Serbia, emerged from a decisive protest against the regime of Slobodan Milošević in 1995, CZKD was my choice for the alternative institution of the older generation. As the second case I have decided to describe the squat and cultural center Inex established in a building of the Inex Film Company. The end of the analytical part dedicated to alternative institutions represents the case of Kvaka 22, as an example for the youngest generations of the artists and cultural workers, activists and citizens, and their approach towards culture and art, past and present. In the Conclusions I have presented in the same time common denominators of the all described institutions from the perspective of Yugoslav legacy, and wider context as a common space for them all. Also, I have accentuated the conclusion about the significance of cooperation between institutions, in the field of cultural memory but not just. The phenomenon of relatedness and interconnectedness appears to be crucial for the resolution of the cultural crisis.
1 Streszczenie Odzyskiwanie przeszłości. Dziedzictwo jugosłowiańskie w okresie transformacji: oficjalne i alternatywne instytucje kultury i sztuki w Serbii na przełomie XX i XXI wieku Wspólna jugosłowiańska przestrzeń kulturowa (i artystyczna) kształtowała się zanim powstała Jugosławia, w czasie jej istnienia, a także po jej rozpadzie. Czynnikami, które o tym decydowały był podobny język, kultura, powiązania, mentalność, terytorium, stosunki gospodarcze, (zewnętrzne) wpływy i produkcja artystyczna. Po rozpadzie Jugosławii w wyniku katastrofalnych konfliktów wojennych omawiany region został dotknięty ogromnym kryzysem ekonomicznym i kulturalnym. Okrucieństwo wojny w Bośni i Hercegowinie, a także embargo, kryzys ekonomiczny, ostra inflacja i protesty wywołały zbiorową traumę kulturową we wszystkich krajach byłej Jugosławii równocześnie. Konsekwencją kryzysu społecznego był wysoki stopień fragmentacji (narracji) pojawiający się we wszystkich instytucjach. Wyrażał się on w dysfunkcjonalności instytucji, a następnie w ich zamknięciu. W roku 2000, po mrocznej dekadzie lat dziewięćdziesiątych, Serbia rozpoczęła demokratyczne zmiani i odblokowała proces transformacji, który stał się powodem ogromnego rozczarowania społeczeństwa serbskiego. W trakcie tych zmian i przekształceń Jugosławia (rozumiana jako idea i państwo) zaczęła jawić się jako główny sprawca kryzysu. Pamięć indywidualną i przestrzeń prywatną obywateli Serbii wciąż wypełniały wspomnienia poprzedniego systemu, ale możliwość przełożenia tego na pamięć kulturową stała pod znakiem zapytania. Dla tego typu kulturowego przekładu i rewitalizacji wspomnianego wycinka kultury konieczna jest bowiem przestrzeń dialogu, dyskusji, poszukiwania sensu, zainicjowana i umiejscowiona w instytucjach kultury. W rozprawie podjęłam próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy i w jaki sposób Jugosławia, rozumiana jako pojęcie, motyw, temat projektów i wydarzeń, przejawiająca się w określonym systemie aksjologicznym oraz fenomenie wspólnoty kulturowej – funkcjonuje w instytucjach kultury wbrew powyżej zarysowanym okolicznościom. Moim zamierzeniem było zaprezentowanie znaczenia dziedzictwa Jugosławii (przede wszystkim jego 2 symbolicznego wymiaru) w odniesieniu do procesu ustanawiania ciągłości i odnajdywania (tworzenia) sensu przeszłości jako sposobu na przezwyciężenie traumy kulturowej. Główne kategorie i perspektywy badawcze, które stały się metodologiczną podstawą moich badań, tworzą podejście nazywane interdyscyplinarnymi badaniami kulturowymi i obejmują analizę treści, interpretację reprezentacji, odkrywanie symbolicznej lub rzeczywistej obecności/nieobecności. Jako materiał naukowy posłużyły mi publikacje dotyczące wystaw i projektów, a także opracowania takie jak artykuły prasowe, filmy, komentarze do wystaw, komentarze zawarte w programach instytucji, literatura naukowa, osobiste interpretacje aktorów społecznych (artystów, naukowców, kuratorów, aktywistów) wyrażone w nieformalnych i formalnych wywiadach udzielanych podczas spotkań i zarejestrowanych przez media. Rozprawa składa się z czterech rozdziałów: Stań badań, Kontekst historyczny, Oficjalne instytucje, Alternatywne instytucje. Poprzedza je Wprowadzenie i zamykają Wnioski. W końcowej części pracy znajduje się Bibliografia, Spis ilustracji i streszczenie. W rozdziale pierwszym (Stan badań) zaprezentowałam przegląd literatury, prasy oraz projektów związanych z tematem pracy, podkreślając różnorodność w obrębie ich treści, a także w sposobach formułowania głównego problemu. Rozdział drugi (Kontekst historyczny) poświęcony jest historii idei jedności Słowian Południowych na tle historii Jugosławii. W części analitycznej rozprawy do badania roli narracji o Jugosławii i jej dziedzictwa w instytucjach kulturalnych wybrałam trzy instytucje oficjalne i trzy instytucje alternatywne. Wśród instytucji oficjalnych znalazły się: Pawilon Serbski w Wenecji (Paviljon Republike Srbije u Veneciji), Muzeum Sztuki Współczesnej w Belgradzie (Muzej savremene umetnosti u Beogradu) oraz Muzeum Jugosławii (Muzej Jugoslavije). Spośród instytucji nieoficjalnych (alternatywnych) do analizy wybrałam Centrum Dekontaminacji Kulturowej (Centar za kulturnu dekontaminaciju, CZKD), squat Inex oraz alternatywne centrum kultury Kvaka 22. Przyjęłam założenie, że taki wybór z szerokiego wachlarza instytucji przyczyni się do zaprezentowania szerokiego obrazu, a także stanowić będzie podstawę pełniejszej mapy instytucji kultury w Serbii w okresie postjugosłowiańskim. Część analityczna poświęcona oficjalnym instytucjom składa się z trzech podrozdziałów. Pierwszy podrozdział poświęcony jest Pawilonowi Serbskiemu w Wenecji, byłemu Pawilonowi Jugosławii w Wenecji (emanacji Jugosławii na każdym etapie jej politycznego istnienia). 3 Postanowiłam poddać badaniu Pawilon Serbski (były Jugosłowiański) w Wenecji jako jedyną instytucję, w której Jugosławia wciąż istnieje w ramach międzynarodowych manifestacji kultury i sztuki (choćby jako żywa pamięć i kontekst). Drugi podrozdział poświęcony jest Muzeum Sztuki Współczesnej w Belgradzie, otwartemu w 1965 roku, jako czołowej instytucji kulturalnej reprezentującej jugosłowiańską i serbską sztukę XX wieku. Muzeum Sztuki Współczesnej jawi się tu jako symbol procesu tworzenia kultury i sztuki Jugosławii. Trzeci podrozdział poświęcony jest Muzeum Jugosławii, jedynej instytucji na obszarze byłej Jugosławii w całości poświęconej Jugosławii. Instytucja ta wykazała się ogromną zdolnością transformacji, wykazując jednocześnie potencjał nowoczesnej instytucji kultury. Część analityczna poświęcona instytucjom alternatywnym również składa się z trzech podrozdziałów. Poprzedza je krótkie wprowadzenie i ogólna analiza instytucji alternatywnych jako fenomenu kulturowego. Pierwszy podrozdział poświęcony jest Centrum Dekontaminacji Kulturowej (Centar za kulturnu dekontaminaciju / CZKD). W związku z tym, że Centrum wyrosło ze zdecydowanego protestu przeciwko reżimowi Slobodana Miloševicia w 1995 roku i jest jedną z najstarszych nieoficjalnych instytucji w Serbii, zostało poddane analizie jako instytucja alternatywna starszej generacji. W drugim podrozdziale omówiony został squat i centrum kulturalne Inex, założone w budynku wytwórni filmowej Inex. W ostatnim podrozdziale części analitycznej uwagę poświęciłam instytucji alternatywnej Kvaka 22 jako przykładowi działalności najmłodszego pokolenia artystów i działaczy kultury, aktywistów, obywateli. W części Konkluzje opisałam punkty styczne wszystkich analizowanych instytucji z perspektywy dziedzictwa Jugosławii, a także naświetliłam szerszy kontekst funkcjonowania tych instytucji jako ich przestrzeń wspólną. Ponadto opisałam wnioski dotyczące znaczenia współpracy między tymi instytucjami nie tylko w obszarze pamięci kulturowej. Zjawisko pokrewieństwa i wzajemnych powiązań wydaje się mieć kluczowe znaczenie dla wyjścia z kryzysu kulturowego.

Diploma thesis Special Relationship? British-U.S. Relations, 1979-1990 examines the nature of relations between the United Kingdom and the United States, focusing predominantly on the period of parallel governance of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. The aim is to study both the extent to which the relationship was genuinely special and anticipations both countries connected with it. Providing an overview of the development of the special relationship after the WWII the paper addresses foreign, political, economic and ideological bonds between the countries and their political leaders. It considers not only the basic similarities of domestic and foreign policies, but also tensions and conflicts accompanying this alliance. The paper also describes the influence of the special relationship on the relations with European states and the Soviet Union. The uniqueness of the special relationship is identified in both the nuclear, defence and intelligence cooperation and in the British Prime Minister's and American President's ideological and political comprehension.

Since the publication of David Wyman's seminal monograph on the American immigration policy during the Second World War— Paper Walls: America and the refugee crisis—the historiography has been framed by a fundamental assumption: that, at its heart, decisions on refugee immigration policy were motivated by anti-Semitism. By examining many of the same primary sources used by Wyman and the historians who have followed him, my thesis argues that the claim that anti-Semitism was the primary, or even major, motivation is not supported by the evidence, and that the shaping of policy was much the product of general xenophobia and nativism.