Bibliographies thématiques / Yugoslav War, 1991-1995 – Diplomatic history

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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Yugoslav War, 1991-1995 – Diplomatic history »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Yugoslav War, 1991-1995 – Diplomatic history"

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Thumann, Michael. « Between Ambition and Paralysis—Germany's Policy toward Yugoslavia 1991–1993 ». Nationalities Papers 25, no 3 (septembre 1997) : 575–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408525.

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The decay of Yugoslavia since 1990 has put an end to the experiment of a state of Southern Slavs. At the same time it has destroyed the myth of a peaceful and strong Western Europe. The continent that had displayed an impressive performance of cooperation and skillful diplomatic maneuvering during the last years of the Cold War proved to be incapable of coping with the problems in its southeastern backyard. In the beginning of the conflict, the European Community assumed responsibility for negotiating cease-fires and a peace settlement for the embattled Yugoslav states. But all efforts were fruitless. In 1995, it was primarily the interference of the United States that brought about the peace treaty of Dayton for Bosnia-Hercegovina.
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Hodge, Carl Cavanagh. « Botching the Balkans : Germany's Recognition of Slovenia and Croatia ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 12 (mars 1998) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1998.tb00035.x.

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On December 23, 1991, the Federal Republic of Germany announced its intention to proceed with unilateral diplomatic recognition of the secessionist Yugoslav states of Croatia and Slovenia, unquestionably one of the most precipitous acts in post-Cold War Europe. With it the Bonn government in effect renounced the legitimacy of the existing Yugoslav state and pressured other European governments to do the same. Within weeks the Yugoslav federation came apart at every seam, while its civil affairs degenerated into an anarchy of armed violence as convoluted in many respects as the Thirty Years' War.In Germany's defense, it should be conceded at the outset that an alternative approach to recognition would not necessarily have produced a fundamentally more peaceful transformation of Yugoslavia. In light of the deepening political and economic cleavages with which the multinational state had been wrestling since the 1970s, the reasonable question is not whether the serial wars of the Yugoslav succession could have been avoided altogether, but whether Germany's action offered Yugoslavia and its populace the best chance for a more peaceful course of change given the circumstances. Did Bonn apply the best of its diplomatic and political brains to the issues of sovereignty, self-determination, and human rights? Were its actions morally responsible with regard to Balkan, German, and European history?
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Antić, Ana. « “War Trauma” and the Politics of PTSD during and after the Wars of Yugoslav Succession ». Central European History 55, no 2 (juin 2022) : 242–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001382.

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AbstractThis article explores how the concept of post-traumatic stress disorder was developed and debated during the wars of Yugoslav succession 1991–1995. It focuses on the rich, wide-ranging, and complex psychiatric and psychotherapeutic discussions of war trauma in the post-Yugoslav space, arguing that arguments about PTSD became a site for expressing political tensions, controversies, and anxieties that could not otherwise be addressed or identified.This research explores how Yugoslav psychiatrists tailored the language of PTSD to their own particular clinical and political needs, infusing it with local assumptions and experiences, often radically changing its original meaning and intentions in the process. Moreover, the article engages with discourses of psychological trauma in Eastern Europe and the socialist world, which remains a neglected topic. It examines how the post-WWII and socialist-era psychiatric discourse and silences were reinterpreted and worked into the psychiatric-political attempts to make sense of the wars of Yugoslav succession.
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Mladenov Jovanović, Srđan. « Confronting recent history : forced mobilization in Serbia during the war in Croatia 1991–1995 ». Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 27 (13 décembre 2020) : 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2020.27.11.

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However much interest the Yugoslav conflicts of the nineties seem to have sparked within the broader academic community, some relevant topics are still found to be missing or underresearched. The forced mobilization during the Milošević regime that culled men of almost all age in order for them to fight for their country is one of them. With the recently published Untold stories of the victims of the forced mobilization, some new light has been shed on the cullings of the 1990s. This article explores those stories, including recently emerged transcripts from the governmental sessions discussing them, and puts them through a historical lens.
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Mladenov Jovanović, Srđan. « Confronting recent history : forced mobilization in Serbia during the war in Croatia 1991–1995 ». Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 27 (13 décembre 2020) : 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2020.27.11.

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However much interest the Yugoslav conflicts of the nineties seem to have sparked within the broader academic community, some relevant topics are still found to be missing or underresearched. The forced mobilization during the Milošević regime that culled men of almost all age in order for them to fight for their country is one of them. With the recently published Untold stories of the victims of the forced mobilization, some new light has been shed on the cullings of the 1990s. This article explores those stories, including recently emerged transcripts from the governmental sessions discussing them, and puts them through a historical lens.
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Milićević, Aleksandra Sasha. « Joining the War : Masculinity, Nationalism and War Participation in the Balkans War of Secession, 1991–1995* ». Nationalities Papers 34, no 3 (juillet 2006) : 265–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766487.

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Why do people go to war? My own interest in this question emerged from the context of my dissolving country and Serbia's increased engagement in a very strident form of ethnonationalism. Although social scientists have sought to understand the roles of ethnonationalism in fostering state-organized violence, few scholars have sought to understand the gendered nature of men's motivations for participating in war. The case of the inter-ethnic wars in Croatia and Bosnia, following the break-up of Yugoslavia, presents an unparalleled opportunity to understand more about how the processes of ethnonationalization and masculinization operate in everyday life, and about how men from Serbia made sense of their decisions about participation in the wars. In the present paper I explore the ways nationalism and masculinity intersect and overlap, influence and are influenced by war participation, by looking closer into the war volunteers from Serbia who joined the Yugoslav wars of secession, 1991–1995.
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Potiekhin, Oleksandr. « The International Context of Wars in the Former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1991–1995) ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XX (2019) : 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-9.

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The article attempts to explain the reasons of the Yugoslav tragedy, which claimed about 300,000 lives and led to the displacement of more than 2 million people. The author boils the answer down to the simplified and biased Western interpretation of the in-fluence of Balkan history on the situation after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), systemic uncertain-ty in European and transatlantic relations after the end of the Cold War, adventurous and irresponsible behaviour of the leaders of several independent countries established on the ruins of the former SFRY, inadequate reaction of the United States of America (US) and NATO to the crisis, Europeans’ false initial belief that they will be able to address security challenges in the ‘new’ Europe by their own efforts. The author emphasizes that the settlement of the Yugoslav crisis should have immediately become NATO’s priority. In such a case, Americans and Europeans could have started working together as mediators among different conflicting parties to ensure a peaceful ‘divorce’ of the republics. However, Washington did not want to see this. The US attitude to the Yugoslav crisis in 1990–1992 undermined the foundations of the declared policy of NATO’s central role in Europe after the Cold War, which envisaged the responsibility of the Alliance for resolving the Balkan conflict. The author argues that if the deployment of an international peacekeeping contingent in the Russian-occupied parts of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions takes an expressive form, Kyiv will need to carefully examine the factual background of the events in the former SFRY. This should help avoid many of the complications that arose during the peace enforcement operation in the Balkans in the first half of the 1990s. Keywords: NATO, Balkans, SFRY, Yugoslav tragedy, USA.
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Vishnyakov, Yaroslav. « “Political Antiquity” in the Post-Yugoslav Space ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 4 (2022) : 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021035-6.

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The problem of the formation and development of state and social structures in the countries that emerged after the collapse of SFR Yugoslavia is closely related to the issue of the formation of their new national identities. An important role in this process is played by the image of a hostile “other” in the ordinary consciousness of the people, which has become one of the main means of internal consolidation of the new Balkan states. The tragic events of the 1991–1995 Yugoslav War and the 1998–1999 Kosovo Crisis brought a variety of myths and concepts about their national identities to the fore, resulting in new searches for their ethnic identities. In the context of the polysemous notion of “us and them”, images of empires from the distant past have become an important tool in the formation of ethnic identities of post-Yugoslav countries, designed to form a distinctive, different from neighbouring nations, perception of “homeland” in society, to emphasise its uniqueness and antiquity, especially as in the historical development of the Western Balkans it proved impossible to combine state borders with ethnic boundaries, as well as to correlate the concepts of identity and territory. Here too, the images of antiquity are not subject to scholarly inquiry or debate, but are presented to society as an “indisputable” historical argument and a fait accompli in territorial disputes with its neighbours. Thus, the ancient past of the Balkan region becomes an important instrument in a kind of memory war aimed at destroying any reference to the “strange” people who once lived on this territory and to the time of their forced neighbourhood, as well as “incontrovertible” proof that the small people belonged to the West and its values – the legacy of that same antiquity.
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Ramet, Sabrina P. « Explaining the Yugoslav meltdown, 1 : “For a charm of pow'rful trouble, Like a hell-broth boil and bubble”:1 Theories about the Roots of the Yugoslav Troubles ». Nationalities Papers 32, no 4 (décembre 2004) : 731–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296171.

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We all know why the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) disintegrated and why the War of Yugoslav Succession (1991–1995) broke out. It was all because of Milošević/Tudjman/“the Slovenes”/communists/organized crime/Western states/the Vatican–Comintern conspiracy, who planned it all by himself/themselves in order to advance his own personal/Serbian/Slovenian/American/Vatican interests—your choice. Or again—it all happened because of local bad traditions/economic problems/structural issues/system illegitimacy/legitimate grievances/illegitimate grievances/the long shadow of the past. Or again—it really started in 1389/1463/1878/1918/1941/1986/1987/1989/1990/1991—your pick. Of course, we all know that both the breakup and the war were completely avoidable/inevitable, don't we? And best of all, we all know that the real villain(s) in this drama can only be Milošević/Tudjman/“the Serbs”/“the Slovenes”/“the Croats”/“the Muslims”/Germany/Balkan peoples generally/the Great Powers, who must be held (exclusively/jointly) responsible for most of the killing, though some of us also know that all parties were equally guilty. Well, maybe we all know what caused the Yugoslav troubles, but it seems that we “know” different things.
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Obradovic, Konstantin. « The prohibition of reprisals in Protocol I : Greater protection for war victims ». International Review of the Red Cross 37, no 320 (octobre 1997) : 524–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400076841.

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It is not without reservations that I am responding to the invitation from the Review for ‘veterans’ of the Diplomatic Conference on the reaffirmation and development of international humanitarian law applicable in armed conflicts (hereafter the Diplomatic Conference) to commemorate the signing 20 years ago of the Protocols additional to the Geneva Conventions. On 8 June 1977, all of us who contributed in one way or another to the drafting of those texts felt a sense of relief at having finally achieved our task. We also felt a kind of exhilaration at the thought that we had successfully completed an important undertaking that would benefit war victims. The two Protocols represented a major leap forward in the law of armed conflict. It should not be forgotten that practically two-thirds of the international community have now ratified these instruments. Yet compliance with them regrettably remains far from satisfactory. I need hardly recite the tragic litany of conflicts over the past 20 years that bear out this deficiency. The case best known to me is that of the “Yugoslav wars” (1991–1995). They constitute the clearest example of the yawning gap between the law itself and the degree to which it is implemented. What is even more worrying is that all of this is taking place in a world where the demise of “totalitarianism” has left the world with what is, for all practical purposes, a single centre of power. This centre comprises those States which, since the International Peace Conference held in 1899 in The Hague, have been inspired by their democratic traditions and their attachment to human rights and the rule of law to play a leading role in developing, affirming and reaffirming what today constitutes international humanitarian law applicable in armed conflicts. I therefore believe that this divergence between the letter of the law and the conduct of those responsible for implementing it results from a lack of determination on the part of governments to “ensure respect” for that law throughout the world. I am in no doubt whatsoever that they have sufficiently efficacious means at their disposal to do so. What is missing, unfortunately, is the political will.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Yugoslav War, 1991-1995 – Diplomatic history"

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LUCARELLI, Sonia. « Western Europe and the breakup of Yugoslavia : a political failure in search of a scholarly explanation ». Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5300.

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Defence date: 3 July 1998
Examining Board: Prof. Fulvio Attinà (University of Catania); Prof. Knud Erik Jørgensen (University of Aaarhus); Prof. Roger Morgan (Supervisor); Prof. Jan Zielonka (European University Institute)
First made available online 04 July 2017
On June 26, 1991, after some 46 years without a war in Europe, violent conflict erupted in the territory of what used to be the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It took more than four years of atrocities before a peace agreement was finally negotiated in Dayton, Ohio, in November 1995. This book provides a detailed analysis of the response of Western Europe to the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The account pays particular attention to the behaviour of the major Member States of the European Community (later Union), such as France, Britain, and Germany, in two crucial moments of debate and decision-making: the diplomatic recognition of Slovenia and Croatia in 1991, and the debate on the desirability and form of a possible military intervention in the warring country. By combining three theoretical approaches to the study of international politics - neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, and liberal intergovernmentalism - Lucarelli provides a theoretically informed analysis of the main forces behind Western Europe's response to the Yugoslav wars. Conclusions are drawn on the major characteristics of Western Europe's management of the conflict, the interplay of international and domestic factors behind the behaviour of Western European states, the relative explanatory power of each of the three theoretical perspectives and their common research tradition, and the perspective of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The book's reconstruction and evaluation of conflict management in ex-Yugoslavia, its attention to the influence of the European integration process on the foreign policy of its Member States, and its use and assessment of International Relations theoretical tools, should make it of topical interest for a wide range of scholars interested in both international and European political affairs.
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Livres sur le sujet "Yugoslav War, 1991-1995 – Diplomatic history"

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Mediation in the Yugoslav wars : The critical years, 1990-95. New York : Palgrave, 2002.

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The fragmentation of Yugoslavia : Nationalism and war in the Balkans. 2e éd. New York : St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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Pavković, Aleksandar. The fragmentation of Yugoslavia : Nationalism in a multinational state. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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Strigas, Athanasios K. Tympana polemou : Skopia-Giounkoslavia : krymmenē apeilē. Athēna : Nea Thesis, 1997.

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Messervy-Whiting, Graham. Peace conference on former Yugoslavia : The politico-military interface. London : Published by Brassey's for the Centre for Defence Studies, 1994.

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Lucarelli, Sonia. Europe and the breakup of Yugoslavia : A political failure in search of a scholarly explanation. The Hague : Kluwer Law International, 2000.

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Bjarnason, Magnus. The war and war-games in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 : The main events, disagreements and arguments, resulting in a "de facto" divided country. [Reykjavík] : M. Bjarnason, 2001.

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Bächler, Günther. Bosnien-Herzegowina : Friedliche Streitbeilegung zwischen Realität und konkreter Utopie. Zürich : Forschungsstelle für Sicherheitspolitik und Konfliktanalyse, 1993.

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Triumph of the lack of will : International diplomacy and the Yugoslav War. New York : Columbia University Press, 1997.

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Hulsman, John C. A paradigm for the new world order : A schools-of-thought analysis of American foreign policy in the post-cold war era. New York, N.Y : St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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