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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « World War, 1939-1945 – Germany – Reparations »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023
Mis à jour le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "World War, 1939-1945 – Germany – Reparations"

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KOSTRZEWA-ZORBAS, Grzegorz. « GERMAN REPARATIONS TO POLAND FOR WORLD WAR II ON GLOBAL BACKGROUND ». National Security Studies 14, no 2 (19 décembre 2018) : 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/132131.

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No other country in the world suffered a greater measurable and verifiable loss of human and material resources than Poland during World War II in 1939-1945. According to the first approximation, the value of human and material losses inflicted to Poland by Nazi Germany amounts to 6.495 trillion US dollars of 2018.However, Poland never received war reparations from Germany. The article is a preliminary survey of the complex issue – conducted in an interdisciplinary way combining elements of legal, economic, and political analysis, because the topic belongs to the wide and multidisciplinary field of national and international security. Refuted in the article is an internationally popular myth that communist Poland unilaterally renounced German war reparations in 1953. Then the article discusses the global background of the topic in the 20th and 21st centuries – in particular, the case of Greece whose reparations claims Germany rejects like the Polish claims, and major cases of reparations actually paid: by Germany for World War I, by Germany to Israel and Jewish organizations for the Holocaust, by Japan for World War II – at 966 billion US dollars of 2018, the largest reparations ever – and by and Iraq for the Gulf War. The article concludes with a discussion of necessary further research with advanced methodology of several sciences, and of a possible litigation before the International Court of Justice – or a diplomatic solution to the problem of war reparations.
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Sopiński, Michał. « Legal and political aspects of war reparations from Germany ». Kwartalnik Prawa Międzynarodowego III, no III (29 décembre 2022) : 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.1824.

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This article presents the issue of war reparations from Germany in political and legal terms. The settlement of property claims resulting from war between states is a problem in which political factors always play the most important role in addition to legal issues. The article discusses the conceptual difference between indemnisation of war and war reparations, the legal basis of the war reparations demanded by Poland from Germany for the consequences of World War II in a broad political context, including the development of Polish-German relations after 1945. Great emphasis is placed on the arrangements of the Potsdam Conference and the legal analysis of the question of the legality of the Polish People's Republic's renunciation of war reparations from Germany in 1953. Finally, the article briefly presents the contemporary efforts of the Polish authorities to obtain war reparations from Germany.
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Hughes, Michael P., et Chris Palke. « The Bank For International Settlements : An Evolutionary Institution ». Journal of Business Case Studies (JBCS) 15, no 1 (10 mai 2019) : 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jbcs.v15i1.10281.

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Established in 1930 in Basel, Switzerland, to expedite and supervise the payment of reparations by Germany to the victors of World War I, the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) quickly evolved into a banking establishment for various national central banks to negotiate and work out mutually-beneficial monetary policies and financial arrangements outside of the usual political and national channels. During World War II the BIS stayed open as a neutral central bank for central banks and provided significant back-channel communications between the Allied and Axis powers that could not have occurred any other way. As an example, discussions for the reconstruction of post-WWII Germany were underway between German and Allied representatives to the BIS at least two years prior to Germany’s surrender in May 1945. The post-WWII BIS then went on to become a global central bank for the world’s national central banks. In spite of the BIS holding so much effective financial power on an international scale and, hence, affecting nearly everyone in the world, few have ever heard of the BIS. This includes many economists and financial-economists. Why? Although technically not a secret organization, the BIS has always maintained an intentionally low profile. The BIS has never advertised its existence. It operates through many other organizations it has either directly created or where it holds major influence. This paper discusses the BIS, its history, and its impact and influence on world events. Questions concerning the role the BIS should possibly play in world events and central banking are raised for discussion near the end of this paper. This paper is focused primarily towards both upper-level undergraduate and graduate finance and economics courses, particularly in the areas of money, banking and financial institutions, financial markets, and monetary policy. However, other courses, to include those outside of the financial-economic arena, can find great use for this subject matter as well. Such outside arenas could include political science and history courses.
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Wixforth, Harald. « The Economic Consequences of the First World War ». Contemporary European History 11, no 3 (31 juillet 2002) : 477–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302003090.

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Arthur Turner, The Cost of War: British Policy on French War Debts, 1918–1932 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1998), 272pp., £45.00 (hb), ISBN 1-898723-37-0.Patricia Clavin, The Great Depression in Europe, 1929–1939 (Basingstoke: Macmillan/Palgrave 2000) 244pp., £13.99 (pb), ISBN 0-333-60681-7.Karl Mayer, Zwischen Krise und Krieg. Frankreich in der Außenpolitik der United States zwischen Wirtschaftskrise und Zweitem Weltkrieg (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1999), 275pp., DM 84.00, ISBN 3-515-07373-6.Christoph Buchheim and Redvers Garside, eds., After the Slump. Industry and Politics in 1930s Britain and Germany (New York and Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000), 235pp., DM 69.00. ISBN 3-631-34912-2.Philipp Heyde, Das Ende der Reparationen. Deutschland, Frankreich und der Youngplan 1929–1932. Paderborn: Schöningh, 1998), 506 pp., DM 134.00 ISBN 3-506-77507-3.Monika Rosengarten, Die Internationale Handelskammer. Wirtschaftspolitische Empfehlungen in der Zeit der Weltwirtschaftskrise 1929–1939 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2001), 360 pp., DM 148.00, ISBN 3-428-10411-0.
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Seifert, Achim. « Compensation for Forced Labour During World War II in Nazi Germany ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 17, Issue 4 (1 décembre 2001) : 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/394556.

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55 years after the end of World War II and after long and difficult negotiations with victims' organizations, the German Parliament passed the ‘Act Establishing the Foundation “Remembrance, Responsibility and Future”’ on 2 August 2000 which provides compensation payments for persons who were subjected to forced labour in the German war economy between 1939 and 1945. With this new legislation, a long debate that began at the end of World War II, is finally coming to an end. This article outlines the different steps in the compensation debate and analyzes the new German compensation legislation of 2 August 2000.
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BRYDAN, DAVID. « Axis Internationalism : Spanish Health Experts and the Nazi ‘New Europe’, 1939–1945 ». Contemporary European History 25, no 2 (12 avril 2016) : 291–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000084.

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AbstractMany of the forms and practices of interwar internationalism were recreated under the auspices of the Nazi ‘New Europe’. This article will examine these forms of ‘Axis internationalism’ by looking at Spanish health experts' involvement with Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Despite the ambiguous relationship between the Franco regime and the Axis powers, a wide range of Spanish health experts formed close ties with colleagues from Nazi Germany and across Axis and occupied Europe. Many of those involved were relatively conservative figures who also worked with liberal international health organisations in the pre- and post-war eras. Despite their political differences, their opposing attitudes towards eugenics and the tensions caused by German hegemony, Spanish experts were able to rationalise their involvement with Nazi Germany as a mutually-beneficial continuation of pre-war international health cooperation amongst countries united by a shared commitment to modern, ‘totalitarian’ forms of public health. Despite the hostility of Nazi Germany and its European collaborators to both liberal and left-wing forms of internationalism, this phenomenon suggests that the ‘New Europe’ deserves to be studied as part of the wider history of internationalism in general and of international health in particular.
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Harviainen, Tapani. « The Jews in Finland and World War II ». Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no 1-2 (1 septembre 2000) : 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69575.

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In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.
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BRODIE, THOMAS. « German Society at War, 1939–45 ». Contemporary European History 27, no 3 (23 juillet 2018) : 500–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000255.

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The actions, attitudes and experiences of German society between 1939 and 1945 played a crucial role in ensuring that the Second World War was not only ‘the most immense and costly ever fought’ but also a conflict which uniquely resembled the ideal type of a ‘total war’. The Nazi regime mobilised German society on an unprecedented scale: over 18 million men served in the Wehrmacht and Waffen SS, and compulsoryVolkssturmduty, initiated as Allied forces approached Germany's borders in September 1944, embraced further millions of the young and middle-aged. The German war effort, above all in occupied Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, claimed the lives of millions of Jewish and gentile civilians and served explicitly genocidal ends. In this most ‘total’ of conflicts, the sheer scale of the Third Reich's ultimate defeat stands out, even in comparison with that of Imperial Japan, which surrendered to the Allies prior to an invasion of its Home Islands. When the war in Europe ended on 8 May 1945 Allied forces had occupied almost all of Germany, with its state and economic structures lying in ruins. Some 4.8 million German soldiers and 300,000 Waffen SS troops lost their lives during the Second World War, including 40 per cent of German men born in 1920. According to recent estimates Allied bombing claimed approximately 350,000 to 380,000 victims and inflicted untold damage on the urban fabric of towns and cities across the Reich. As Nicholas Stargardt notes, this was truly ‘a German war like no other’.
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Lotchin, Roger W. « A Research Report ». Southern California Quarterly 97, no 4 (2015) : 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ucpsocal.2015.97.4.399.

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Public opinion polls taken between 1939 and 1945 questioned Americans’ attitudes toward Japan and Germany and toward the people of Japan and Japanese Americans. The polls’ quantified responses provide previously overlooked data that should be taken into account by scholars of Japanese American and World War II history.
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SPÄTH, JENS. « The Unifying Element ? European Socialism and Anti-Fascism, 1939–1945 ». Contemporary European History 25, no 4 (14 octobre 2016) : 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000400.

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Far too often studies in contemporary history have concentrated on national stories. By contrast, this article analyses wartime discourses about and practices against fascism in France, Germany and Italy in a comparative and – as far as possible – transnational perspective. By looking at individual biographies some general aspects of socialist anti-fascism, as well as similarities and differences within anti-fascism, shall be identified and start to fill the gap which Jacques Droz left in 1985 when he ended hisHistoire de l'antifascisme en Europewith the outbreak of the Second World War. To visualise the transnational dimension of socialist anti-fascism both in discourse and practice different categories shall be considered. These include historical analyses and projects for the post-war order in letters, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books, acts of solidarity like mutual aid networks set up by groups and institutions and forms of collaboration in resistance movements.
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Thèses sur le sujet "World War, 1939-1945 – Germany – Reparations"

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Cheung, Hok-wong. « The demand for reparations and the grievances of war crime victims in China / ». View Abstract or Full-Text, 2002. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202002%20CHEUNG.

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Bennet, Victor Kenneth. « Public opinion and propaganda in national socialist Germany during the war against the Soviet Union / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10371.

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Byers, Catherine P. « Reporting wartime Germany : perceptions of American journalists in Berlin, 1939-1941 ». Virtual Press, 1986. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/478643.

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"Reporting Wartime Germany" is a study of the memoirs, diaries, and other works of American journalists who were in Berlin during the early wartime years, 1939-1941. It analyzes their perceptions of the changes which occurred during that important period. Manipulation of politics and political power is discussed, along with growth of resistance to the regime, and the apparent inability of the regime to negotiate with foreigners in good faith. The role of newspapers, periodicals, radio and the motion picture industry as media of propaganda is studied; the system of education, control of religion, and attempts to regulate artistic endeavors are surveyed. Particular attention is paid to the use of literature and art as means of directing the minds of the Berliners. Various forms of culture, including opera and the theater, are analyzed in terms of their importance as a"-form of escape for the Berliners. Other types of entertainment, such as nightclubs, restaurants, and vaudeville, along with spectator sports, are also included. Analysis is offered concerning the immediate loss of such "luxuries" as adequate transportation, liquor, coffee and tea, and cigarettes, the shortage of housing and the rationing of such staples as food and clothing, and the impact these changes in lifestyle had on the Berliners. The gradual change in attitude perceived by the Americans, from acceptance of conditions to fear that the war might be lost, is described. Because of the need to verify the often highly subjective reports of the journalists, there are extensive notes which include references to accounts by others who were in Berlin, either contemporaneously or earlier or later than the first wartime years, and also to significant secondary works. Thus this study presents a broad overview of Berlin during the early wartime years, as seen by foreigners with many different perspectives. The similarities and differences in their perceptions are noted. The discrepancies are stressed, with verifying sources for different viewpoints included in the notes. The conclusion drawn is that the real changes perceived by the Americans occurred in 1933, when the Nazis came to power, and after the summer of 1941 following the beginning of the Russian campaign. More importantly, the study underlines the importance of using and carefully comparing multiple sources for any type of historical inquiry. The study underscores how well-meaning and supposedly objective observers of the same scene can often differ significantly in their perceptions, interpretation, and reporting of specificevents and major trends.
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Doubler, Michael D. « Closing with the enemy : American combined arms operations in the war against Germany, 1944-1945 / ». The Ohio State University, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/26692664.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 1991.
Advisor: Allan R. Millett, Dept. of History. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.
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Ludewig, George Frederick. « A childhood shaped by World War II ». Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company ; downloadable PDF file, 72 p, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1885544251&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Zellhuber, Andreas. « "Unsere Verwaltung treibt einer Katastrophe zu - " : das Reichsministerium für die besetzten Ostgebiete und die deutsche Besatzungsherrschaft in der Sowjetunion 1941-1945 / ». München : Vögel, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=014784199&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Panthaki, Neville. « The Reichsmark & ; the ruble a study of two totalitarian systems and their economies in conflict / ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0027/MQ33502.pdf.

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Bernheim, Robert B. « The Commissar Order and the Seventeenth German Army : from genesis to implementation, 30 March 1941-31 January 1942 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85128.

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An essential and critical component of the orders German front-line formations received in the ideological war against the Soviet Union was the Commissar Order of 6 June 1941. This order, issued by the High Command of the Armed Forces prior to the German invasion of the Soviet Union, required that front-line military formations, as well as SS and police units attached to the Army, immediately execute Soviet political commissars among prisoners of war. Soviet political commissars were attached to the Red Army at virtually every operational level, and were viewed by both Hitler and the High Command as the foremost leaders of the resistance against the Nazis because of their commitment to Bolshevik ideology. According to the Commissar Order, "Commissars will not be treated as soldiers. The protection afforded by international law to prisoners of war will not apply in their case. After they have been segregated they will be liquidated."
While there is no paucity of information on the existence and intent of the Commissar Order, this directive has only been investigated by scholars as a portion of a much greater ideological portrait, or subsumed in the larger context of overall Nazi criminal activities during "Operation Barbarossa."
Examining the extent to which front-line divisions carried out the charge to shoot all grades of political commissars is necessary if we are to understand the role and depth of involvement by front-line troops of the Wehrmacht in a murderous program of extermination during the German attack and occupation of the Soviet Union. Such an examination has simply not taken place to-date. My dissertation seeks to address this issue. The result is both a narrative on the genesis of the Commissar Order and its attendant decrees and agreements between the Army leadership and the SS ( SD) and Security Police, and a quantitative analysis of how many commissars were reported captured and shot by the front-line forces of the 17th Army over a seven month period.
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Ehlers, Robert S. « BDA Anglo-American air intelligence, bomb damage assessment, and the bombing campaigns against Germany, 1914-1945 / ». Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1114180918.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 680 p. Includes bibliographical references. Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 April 22.
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Fahey, John T. « Britain 1939-1945 : The economic cost of strategic bombing ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/664.

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The strategic air offensive against Germany during World War II formed a major part of Britain's wartime military effort and it has subsequently attracted the attention of historians. Despite the attention, historians have paid little attention to the impact of the strategic air offensive on Britain. This thesis attempts to redress this situation by providing an examination of the economic impact on Britain of the offensive. The work puts the economic cost of the offensive into its historical context by describing the strategic air offensive and its intellectual underpinnings. Following this preliminary step, the economic costs are described and quantified across a range of activities using accrual accounting methods. The areas of activity examined include the expansion of the aircraft industry, the cost of individual aircraft types, the cost of constructing airfields, the manufacture and delivery of armaments, petrol and oil, and the recruitment, training and maintenance of the necessary manpower. The findings are that the strategic air offensive cost Britain £2.78 billion, equating to an average cost of £2,911.00 for every operational sortie flown by Bomber Command or £5,914.00 for every Germany civilian killed by aerial bombing. The conclusion reached is the damage inflicted upon Germany by the strategic air offensive imposed a very heavy financial burden on Britain that she could not afford and this burden was a major contributor to Britain's post-war impoverishment.
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Livres sur le sujet "World War, 1939-1945 – Germany – Reparations"

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The price of war : British policy on German reparations, 1941-1949. New York, NY : Blackwell, 1986.

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Alec, Cairncross. The price of war : British policy on German reparations 1941-1949. Oxford : Blackwell, 1986.

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D, Rosensaft Joana, et Fordham University. School of Law, dir. The early history of German-Jewish reparations. New York : Fordham University School of Law, 2001.

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Ciesla, Burghard, et Matthias Judt. Technology transfer out of Germany after 1945. Australia : Harwood Academic Publishers, 1996.

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Matthias, Judt, et Ciesla Burghard, dir. Technology transfer out of Germany after 1945. Amsterdam : Harwood Academic Publishers, 1996.

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A country to play with : Level of industry negotiations in Berlin, 1945-46. Gerrards Cross : C. Smythe, 1987.

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German reparations and the Jewish world : A history of the claims conference. 2e éd. London : Frank Cass, 2001.

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Zweig, Ronald W. German reparations and the Jewish world : A history of the Claims Conference. Boulder : Westview Press, 1987.

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Sagi, Nana. German reparations : A history of the negotiations. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1986.

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Liesem, Kerstin. Die Reparationsverpflichtungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Zwangsarbeiterentschädigung. Frankfurt am Main : Lang, 2005.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "World War, 1939-1945 – Germany – Reparations"

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Polonsky, Antony. « War and Genocide 1939–1945 ». Dans Jews in Poland and Russia : A Short History, 308–79. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764395.003.0010.

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This chapter explores how the outbreak of the Second World War initiated a new and tragic period in the history of the Jews of north-eastern Europe. The Polish defeat by Nazi Germany in the unequal campaign that began in September of 1939 led to a new partition of the country by Germany and the Soviet Union. Though Hitler had been relatively slow to put the more extreme aspects of Nazi antisemitism into practice, by the time the war broke out, the Nazi regime was set in its deep-seated hatred of the Jews. Following the brutal violence of Kristallnacht on November 9–10, 1938, when up to a hundred Jews were murdered in Germany and Austria and over 400 synagogues burnt down, Hitler, disconcerted by the domestic and foreign unease which this provoked, decided to entrust policy on the Jews to the ideologues of the SS. They were determined at this stage to enforce a ‘total separation’ between Jews and Germans, but wanted to do so in an ‘orderly and disciplined’ manner, perhaps by compelling most Jews to emigrate. The Nazis did not act immediately on the genocidal threat of ‘the annihilation of the Jews as a race in Europe’, but during the first months of the war, a dual process took place: the barbarization of Nazi policy generally and a hardening of policy towards Jews.
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Weinberg, Gerard L. « 2. World War II begins ». Dans World War II : A Very Short Introduction, 20–32. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199688777.003.0003.

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The German attack on Poland began on September 1 1939, and triggered the declaration of war on Germany by Britain, France, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa. Germany and the Soviet Union were agreed on a dual attack on Poland from the West and East, which left Poland unable to defend itself. An important aspect of the war between Germany and the Allies was the war of the oceans. The battles between warships, targets on merchant ships, and the use of submarines in the Atlantic and Arctic Oceans continued from 1939 up until Germany's surrender in May 1945 and drew in many Baltic and Scandinavian countries.
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Kelanic, Rosemary A. « The Oil Strategies of Nazi Germany ». Dans Black Gold and Blackmail, 92–114. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748295.003.0006.

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This chapter analyzes four cases that span the Nazi era in Germany. From the beginning of the Nazi regime in March of 1933 until its defeat in April of 1945, the chapter identifies three major turning points: (1) Adolf Hitler's announcement of the Four-Year Plan in September of 1936; (2) the imposition of an Anglo-French naval blockade against Germany on September 3, 1939; and (3) the shift from blitzkrieg to attrition warfare against the Soviet Union in December of 1941. This divides the case into four distinct periods: March 1933 to August 1936; September 1936 until September 3, 1939; September 4, 1939, until the end of December 1941; and January 1942 through the end of the war in April 1945. Hitler's anticipatory strategies changed over time, in tandem with his country's coercive vulnerability, intensifying from self-sufficiency before World War II to indirect control at the war's start to, finally, direct control after Operation Barbarossa failed to speedily defeat the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics). One would expect that Hitler, as the most expansionist leader of the twentieth century, would engage in conquest to get oil; yet primarily, he sought oil security through less extreme measures.
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Meierding, Emily. « Oil Campaigns ». Dans The Oil Wars Myth, 117–43. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748288.003.0008.

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This chapter examines two prominent oil campaigns: Japan's invasion of the Dutch East Indies and northern Borneo from 1941 to 1942 and Germany's aggression against the Soviet Union in World War II from 1941 to 1942. It explains how oil ambitions drove both Japanese and German attacks as they were desperate to acquire additional petroleum resources. It also points out that Japan and Germany's willingness to fight for oil was endogenous to their ongoing conflicts, namely the Second Sino-Japanese War from 1937 to 1945 and World War II in Europe from 1939 to 1945. The chapter analyzes how the Second Sino-Japanese and World War II in Europe were not themselves caused by petroleum ambitions. It also discusses how Japan and Germany delayed their oil campaigns for as long as possible, only resorting to international aggression after alternative means of satisfying national petroleum needs had failed.
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