Thèses sur le sujet « World War, 1914-1918 – Women – Italy »

This thesis examines the entry of women, during World War I, into industrial employment that men had previously dominated. It attempts to determine if women's wartime activities significantly changed the roles women played in industry and society. Major sources consulted include microfilm of the British Cabinet Minutes and British Cabinet Papers; Parliamentary Debates; memoirs of contemporaries like David Lloyd George, Beatrice Webb, Sylvia Pankhurst, and Monica Cosens; and contemporary newspapers. The examination begins with the early debates concerning the pressing need for labor in war industries, women's recruitment into industry, women's work and plans, the government's arrangements for demobilization, and women's roles in postwar industry. The thesis concludes that women were treated as a transient commodity by the government and the trade unions.

This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.

Using Richmond as a case study, this thesis seeks to answer the following question: what was the effect of the First World War on elite white Richmond womenâ s roles as southern women? This thesis argues that, while white southern womenâ s roles had been changing since the Civil War, it was not until World War I that southern womenâ s traditional roles were challenged by ideas of national patriotism and citizenship. This thesis traces the trajectory of change from the last decades of the nineteenth century, when Richmond women began to join womenâ s organizations and participate more fully in public life, through World War I. This thesis argues that during the war, national organizations that formed chapters in Richmond challenged the predominant ideas about womenâ s public responsibilities, which had focused on their city, state, and region. This war relief work with the Red Cross and governmental programs like Liberty Loan drives encouraged women to work beyond traditional domestic roles and challenged conceptions of southern womanhood. This thesis contends that, while some women adapted more fully to these changes, all Richmond women integrated new ideas about national womanhood into their identities, creating a new southern woman who was both southern and American.
Master of Arts

Cette thèse de doctorat examine l’impact social de la Première Guerre mondiale dans l’Empire ottoman sur les femmes turques défavorisées et la réaction quotidienne de ces femmes aux conditions négatives de la guerre et aux mesures de l’État concernant les femmes. Elle utilise l’approche de l’histoire populaire et des nouvelles sources des archives ottomanes pour démontrer les voix et les expériences des femmes ordinaires, surtout leur lutte contre l’appauvrissement à cause de la guerre et les politiques sociales insuffisantes. Par conséquent, elle contribue à combler une grande lacune dans l’historiographie sur l’Empire ottomane et les études sur les femmes qui examinent rarement les femmes turques ordinaires. Elle renforce l’idée que les femmes ottomanes ont eu des grandes difficultés à cause de la guerre contrairement aux comptes de modernisation soulignant seulement les développements positifs concernant les libertés et les droits des femmes après la guerre. Elle réfute les comptes acceptant la guerre comme une période pendant laquelle toutes les femmes turques ont vécu une « émancipation. » D’ailleurs, elle met en lumière les formes et les aspects des points de vue critiques des femmes et de la politique quotidienne des femmes pour survivre les conditions négatives de la guerre, pour faire entendre leurs voix, pour protéger leurs droits et pour recevoir des aides sociales
This dissertation examines the social impact of World War I in the Ottoman Empire on ordinary poor Turkish women and their everyday response to the adverse wartime conditions and the state policies concerning them. Based on new archival sources giving detailed information about the voice, experience and agency of these women and based on the history from below approach, this study focuses on poor, underprivileged and working Turkish women’s everyday experiences, especially their struggle against and perception of wartime conditions, mobilization and state policies about them. By doing so, it contributes to filling the great gap in late Ottoman historiography and women’s studies, which rarely examine ordinary women and their everyday problems and struggles for survival and rights. First, it scrutinizes how ordinary women experienced the war and argues that, in contrast to the modernization accounts that overlook women’s sufferings at the cost of post-war developments in women’s rights and liberties, ordinary Turkish women had great difficulties during the war years. It presents a major caveat to the accounts accepting the war years as a period during which Turkish women monolithically experienced a gradual liberty and « emancipation. » Second, it brings the unexamined forms and aspects of women’s critical and subjective views, their everyday politics to circumvent the adverse conditions and state policies, to make their voices heard, to pursue their rights, and to receive government support into the light
Bu doktora tezi Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın sıradan yoksul Türk kadınları üzerindeki sosyal etkilerini ve kadınların olumsuz savaş koşullarına ve kendileriyle ilgili devlet politikalarına yönelik tavırlarını incelemektedir. Kadınların sesleri, deneyimleri ve tarihsel rolleri hakkında detaylı bilgiler veren yeni arşiv kaynaklarına ve aşağıdan tarih yaklaşımına dayanan bu tez yoksul, temel sosyal haklardan yoksun ve çalışan Türk kadınlarının gündelik deneyimlerine, özellikle de savaş koşulları, seferberlik ve devlet politikalarını algılayış ve bunlarla mücadele biçimlerine odaklanmaktadır. Dolayısıyla, bu tez, sıradan kadınları ve onların gündelik problemleriyle hayatta kalma ve hak mücadelelerini çok az inceleyen Osmanlı tarihçiliği ve kadın araştırmalarındaki büyük bir boşluğu doldurmaya katkıda bulunmaktadır. Bu tez, bu anlamda, iki temel temaya odaklanmaktadır. Öncelikle, sıradan kadınların savaşı nasıl deneyimlediklerini mercek altına almakta ve onların çektikleri acıları savaş sonrası kadın hak ve özgürlüklerindeki ve üst ve orta sınıf eğitimli kadınların etkinlik ve deneyimlerindeki gelişmelerin bir bedeli olarak algılayıp gözden kaçıran modernleşmeanlatılarının tersine sıradan kadınların savaş yıllarında büyük güçlükler çektiğini savunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, Türk kadınlarının savaş yıllarında bütün olarak görece bir “özgürleşme” yaşadıklarını kabul eden anlatılara önemli bir uyarıdır. İkincil olarak, bu tez, kadınların zorluklarla gündelik mücadelelerine odaklanarak kadınların eleştirel ve öznel tutumlarının ve olumsuz koşullar ve devlet politikalarından kaçmak, seslerini duyurmak, haklarının peşine düşmek ve destek görebilmek amaçlı gündelik politikalarının keşfedilmemiş biçim ve yönlerini gün ışığına çıkarmaktadır

Des dels inicis de l’enciclopedisme modern amb l’Encyclopédie fins a finals del segle XIX, l’evolució del gènere ha sofert una transformació que, en certa, manera ha vulnerat els seus principis ideals d’objectivitat i universalitat en la transmissió i fixació del saber. El reeixit projecte de la Britannica i els efectes a Alemanya, i Europa, de la ‘revolució Lexikon’ convertiren el coneixement enciclopèdic, i a la seva substància, el discurs enciclopèdic, en un instrument de construcció nacional. França (Grand dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle de Pierre Larousse), el Regne Unit i el món anglosaxó (Encyclopaedia Britannica), Alemanya amb l’Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, així com els productes enciclopèdics de Brockhaus i Meyers, i l’Estat espanyol (Enciclopedia universal ilustrada europeo-americana) són els referents de l’anomenat enciclopedisme nacional. D’entre els principals referents europeus, només Itàlia no disposava d’una enciclopèdia que respongués a aquesta inquietud de construir, fixar i difondre un coneixement enciclopèdic que interpretés el saber, i les qüestions que afectessin a la seva construcció social, des d’un punt de vista genuïnament italià, i nacional. L’objectiu de la tesi és, doncs, evidenciar com un fet de la transcendència capital per l’esdevenir d’Itàlia com fou la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914-1918) condicionà no sols la creació d’un coneixement i discurs específic sobre la guerra i les seves conseqüències, sinó que fou determinant per a que l’enciclopedisme italià prengués consciència de la seva importància com a factor de construcció nacional. L’exponent d’aquest renaixement del gènere a Itàlia fou l’aparició al 1929 de l’Enciclopedìa italiana di sciènze, lèttere ed arti. El rol del coneixement enciclopèdic sobre la Gran Guerra a Itàlia, i el seu paper com a element de configuració i construcció nacional durant el període d’entreguerres ha estat l’element nuclear de la investigació. L’ús i manipulació de la Gran Guerra enciclopèdica depenent del context sociopolític (1918-1922 Itàlia tardoliberal i 1922-1939/1940 Itàlia feixista) ha permès copsar com els respectius governs, els sectors socioculturals, els medis acadèmics i el món editorial van configurar un coneixement, i un discurs, enciclopèdic totalment afí amb la versió de la guerra que es volia transmetre a la seva respectiva opinió pública. La transcendència i prestigi del gènere enciclopèdic es posà, com ja succeïa a la resta d’Europa des de mitjan segle XIX, a disposició de la construcció d’una determinada visió del coneixement, del saber i de la pròpia història (nacional). La italiana no fou una excepció, ben al contrari. La metodologia s’ha basat en un model ex novo d’anàlisi de textos i discursos enciclopèdics, juntament amb l’estudi en deteniment dels principals fets cabdals del conflicte i la seva translació a la substància (discurs) enciclopèdica. Així mateix, s’ha investigat en detall els processos en la producció i creació dels respectius textos enciclopèdics, en alguns casos amb material d’arxiu (documentació epistolar entre col·laboradors). Per últim, s’han estudiat a fons tant l’evolució del sector editorial italià entre 1915-1940 com les relacions d’aquest amb els medis acadèmics, polítics i socials. A través de l’anàlisi del discurs enciclopèdic de la producció enciclopèdica italiana dels anys 1915 a 1940 s’han extret els elements que han permès corroborar i contrastar allò ja insinuat a l’inici: les realitats polítiques, socials i culturals italianes d’entreguerres interpretaren l’experiència italiana a la Primera Guerra Mundial d’acord amb uns interessos predeterminats a la seva pròpia contingència. En el cas de la darrera Itàlia liberal (1918-1922), la guerra fou justificada i interpretada com la darrera fase en la emancipació d’Itàlia com a nació (Quarta guerra per l’indipendenza). Pel que fa a la Itàlia feixista, la guerra fou el gresol on es forjà la Nova Itàlia feixista sorgida de les trinxeres amb un destí imperial.
From the beginnings of modern Encyclopaedism (Encyclopédie) until the 20th century, the evolution of the this genre has undergone a transformation that, in a certain way, has violated its main principles of objectivity and universality in the transmission and fixation of knowledge. The successful project of the Britannica and the effects in Germany, and Europe, of the 'Lexikon revolution' transform encyclopedic knowledge, and its substance, the encyclopaedic discourse, into a national construction tool. France (Grand dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle by Pierre Larousse), the United Kingdom and the Anglo-Saxon world with the Encyclopaedia Britannica, Germany with the Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, as well as the encyclopaedic products of Brockhaus and Meyers, and Spain (Enciclopedia universal ilustrada europeo-americana) are the referents and the exponents of the so-called national encyclopedism. Among the main European referents, only Italy did not have an encyclopedia that responded to this desire to build, fix and disseminate an encyclopaedic knowledge that interpreted knowledge, and issues that affected its social construction, from one genuinely Italian, and national point of view. The objective of the thesis is, then, to demonstrate how a fact of the capital importance for the evolution of Italy, such as the First World War (1914-1918), determined not only the creation of a knowledge and discourse specific about the war and its consequences, but was decisive for the Italian encyclopedism to become aware of its importance as a factor of national construction. As a conclusion, and through the analysis of the encyclopaedic discourse of the Italian encyclopaedic production from 1915 to 1940, the elements that have allowed to corroborate and contrast what has already been suggested at the beginning have been extracted: political realities, Italian social and cultural interwar interpreted the Italian experience in the First World War in accordance with predetermined interests to their own contingency. In the case of the last liberal Italy (1918-1922), war was justified and interpreted as the last phase in the emancipation of Italy as a nation (Fourth war for independence). With regard to fascist Italy, war was the crucible where New Fascist Italy (Nova Italia) emerged from trenches with an imperial destiny.

This study examines the Allied notion of victory and how it was expressed in the depth of Allied strategic planning in 1918 for a campaign in 1919. Using the Supreme War Council (SWC) as a lens this study's arguments are threefold. The first is that, with the creation of the SWC, the Allies pursued a notion of victory that was focused on a decisive military defeat of the German army. Their timeline to victory over the enemy was affected by their perception of the enemy’s strength, their assessment of the difficulties inherent in overcoming the military advantage offered by the Central Powers' interior lines, their appraisal of the European members' morale to continue the war, and their ability to gather the necessary superiority in material and manpower resources. The second argument is that, through the SWC, the Allies were able to successfully coordinate strategy and resources. This study analyses the workings of the SWC as an international body and an early example of modern alliance warfare, comparing the perspectives of the British, French, American and Italian representatives in their willingness and unwillingness to coordinate national needs with alliance ones, arguing that the coalition did form a unified policy and strategy for the campaign in 1919. The abrupt ending of the war has obscured historians' understanding of coalition warfare in the First World War, as they have not sufficiently considered the serious planning that took place for 1919. Third, it argues that at the SWC level, the coalition members recognized the interdependent nature of the theatres, and thus the importance of all them for the conduct of the war.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d’étudier les relations interalliées entre l’Italie et l’Entente avec rigueur et dans toutes ses dimensions : militaire, diplomatique, économique et sociale de 1914 à 1919. Nous avons établi des rapports de forces et des lignes stratégiques structurants les anciens et nouveaux équilibres stratégiques de la guerre à la paix de Versailles. L’Italie de l’indépendance stratégique en 1914-1916 à la subordination envers lesAlliés en 1917, pour finir par être vassalisée en 1918-1919 par l’Entente et les Etats-Unis. La Victoire Mutilée de1919 devient un résultat logique provenant du nouvel ordre mondial crée par la Première Guerre Mondiale.Ce résultat est obtenu par une nouvelle analyse stratégique globale fondée sur les déterminants de la puissance :l’économie, la cohésion nationale, l’effort de guerre et les victoires ou défaites qui en découlent, la diplomatie, les forces morales des nations. Cette analyse balaie tout le spectre du conflit armé : de la déclaration de guerre à la paix. Elle est fondée sur 3 piliers théoriques : la pensée stratégique de Sun Tzu, l’héritage de Clausewitz, et lathéorie des jeux. Les lignes stratégiques obtenues définissent des rapports de force internationaux et de nouveauxéquilibres. Cette thèse débouche au niveau de la recherche historique sur une nouvelle vision des relations interalliées durant la Grande Guerre. Elle revient au fondement de l’histoire : la politique et la guerre en sont le coeur. Il s’agit de rendre à l’histoire politico-militaire ses lettres de noblesse. Cependant 3 pistes de recherches restent à explorer : les rivalités culturelles entre nations, les différences entre modèles sociaux, et une analyse des mentalités. Le Fascisme est la conséquence ultime en Italie de la guerre en raison de la Victoire Mutilée et l’affaiblissement général du pays. En effet, la guerre a déstabilisé le pays en créant une crise politique, socio économique grave. La naissance de l’esprit Arditi, l’absence de réformes sociales en 1919 et l’expérience de la guerre sont-ils responsables de la Marche sur Rome par les fascistes ?
This thesis aims to study interallied relationships between Italy and the Entente with rigor and in all dimensions: military, diplomatic, economic and social from 1914 to 1919. We can establish force reports and strategic lines in order to structuring old and new balances from war to Versailles’ peace. The world war one beganby an independent Italy in 1914-1916. Then in 1917, Italy became an subordinate state toward Allies. Finaly, in1918-1919 Italy was a vassal state of Allies and Associates. The injured victory of 1919 became a logic result inreason of new global order created by the World War one.This result is obtained by a new strategic global analysis,founded on power determinants: economy, national cohesion, war effort, diplomacy and moral forces of nations.This analysis scans all the spectre of war: from breaking out to peace. It’s founded on three theoric schemes: thestategic think of Sun Tzu, the war meaning of Clauzewitz and the game theory. The obtained strategic lines giveinternational force reports and new balances.This thesis emerges on historic level on a new vision of interalliedrelationships during the World War one. It was back at historic foundation: policy and war are the history heart. It concerns to restore at politic and military history her nobility letters. Moreover it stays three research sectors todevelop: cultural rivalries between nations, differences between social models, and a psychologic analysis.Fascism is the last consequence in Italy from war and the injured victory. Italy was lower than before the WorldWar one. The World War one has destabilized Italy by creating a politic and economic crisis. The beginning of Arditi spirit, missing of social reforms in 1919 and the experience of war are they in charge of the March onRome by Fascists ?

During the Progressive Era in the United States, social hygiene reformers underwent a fundamental change in their stance toward women accused of prostitution or promiscuous behavior. Rather than viewing such women as unfortunate victims of circumstance who were worthy of compassion, many Progressives deemed them as predatory villains who instead deserved incarceration, forced rehabilitation, and non-consenting medical interference. Texas, due to the many military bases within its borders, became a key battleground in this moral crusade against women as the carriers and proliferators of VD. "Promiscuous" women were seen as not only dangerous to the soldiers but also as a threat to the nation's security, creating an environment that led Texas Progressives to suppress women's civil liberties in the name of protecting soldiers. The catalyst for this change in attitude was World War I. The Great War brought to the forefront an unpleasant reality facing a significant percentage of America's fighting men: venereal disease. While combating sexually transmitted diseases was a serious medical and manpower concern for the military in the era before penicillin, the sole focus on women as the carriers and proliferators of VD led to a nationwide campaign against the "social evil" that demonized women and led to the suspension of thousands of women's habeas corpus rights. This dissertation examines how the twin crusades of Progressivism and the War to End All Wars created conditions in Texas that for many women meant appalling repression rather than progress toward the enjoyment of greater equality.

André Pézard (1893-1984) est reconnu pour être l’un des plus grands italianistes du vingtième siècle : il a traduit, à lui seul, les Œuvres complètes de Dante et a activement contribué au développement et à la réception de l’italianisme en France. En marge de ses activités professionnelles et universitaires, du lycée d’Avignon au Collège de France, les archives mettent en évidence qu’il était aussi un écrivain et ce, dans sa pratique personnelle quotidienne tout au long de sa vie. Rescapé de la Grande Guerre, le jeune homme va tenir, de 1919 à 1921, en arrivant à Avignon où il va occuper son premier poste d’enseignant, un journal personnel dans lequel il manifeste sa progressive réadaptation à la vie civile. Quelle trace André Pézard a-t-il voulu laisser en rédigeant le Journal d’Avignon ? Quelle fonction lui assignait-il au quotidien ? Si le jeune diariste ne fait jamais clairement état d’un projet de publication de son contenu, certaines lignes de force tendent à nous convaincre que ce journal, au même titre que l’ensemble de ses archives, assume une fonction de laboratoire dans lequel il va puiser les matériaux et l’inspiration en vue d’un ou de plusieurs projets éditoriaux envisagés. Après avoir publié un premier témoignage de l’expérience directe de la guerre, Nous autres à Vauquois en 1919, André Pézard comptait-il, à terme, écrire une deuxième autobiographie ? Envisageait-il une production littéraire qui visait à transmettre une expérience personnelle ou un patrimoine culturel donné ? Le Journal d’Avignon qui atteste d’une écriture aux multiples facettes n’a pas livré tous ses secrets. Nos recherches et nos analyses démontrent qu’André Pézard n’a finalement pas pris la voie de l’écriture officielle et n’a pas publié son journal avec les productions narratives qu’il contenait. Les activités de l’italianiste ont probablement rendu secondaire l’envie en Pézard de devenir écrivain
André Pézard is well known for being one of the most important italianists of the twentieth century: he translated the Complete Works of Dante alone and played an active part in the development and reception of italianism in France. Besides his professional and academic activities, from teaching in Avignon Secondary School to the Collège de France, the archives prove that he was also a writer in his personal and daily practice. A survivor of the First World War, from 1919 to 1921, the young man kept a personal diary in which he wrote about his progressive readjustment to civil life, during his first teaching job in Avignon. Which literary record did he want to leave by writing the Journal d’Avignon? Which function did he assign to his personal diary in daily life? If the young diarist never clearly planned to publish his work, some key elements lead us to believe that, as for his whole archives, this diary became a laboratory from which he would draw material and inspiration in order to write. After publishing a first testimony of the direct experience of war, Nous autres à Vauquois, in 1919, did André Pézard intend to write a second autobiography? Did he contemplate a literary production that could aim at transmitting a personal experience or a cultural heritage? The Journal d’Avignon, which attests to the variety of Pézard’s writing, did not give away its secrets. Our research and analysis prove that André Pézard finally did not take the path of official writing and did not publish his diary and the narrative productions it contained. The activities of the italianist probably put Pézard’s wish to become a writer on a secondary level

Defence date: 29 October 1993
Examining board: Prof. Peter Hertner (supervisor) ; Prof. Alan Milward ; Prof. Victoria de Grazia ; Prof. Olwen Hufton ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

During the First World War, some Canadian women found themselves in new and unfamiliar environments, doing jobs apparently unavailable to them before the war. Many of those women were successful in the new opportunities available to them. The focus of this study is twofold. First, it examines the scope and the nature of women's work in two industries, banking and munitions, during the war. This is an important step because we still know very little about women's experience of the war. Understanding how many women worked and in what capacity is essential to understanding the nuances of women's wartime experience. Women who worked in banking and munitions were not a homogeneous group. The composition of the wartime workforce is also analysed. The war's impact on wage rates for women is also examined. Second, the study focuses on the nature of the impact of wartime participation on gender ideology. In particular, the study seeks to determine if gender ideology was affected by women's expanded opportunities in masculine occupations during the war. Often, the historiography regarding women and war is characterised by a binary discourse that seeks to determine whether on not wars liberate women. Rather than engage in that debate, this study attempts to avoid it as much as possible. Women's experience of the war in these two industries was complex. The study explores how women could both challenge and reaffirm ideas about gender; how attitudes towards and about women could change and remain the same; and how employee and employers alike strove to undermine and maintain the sexual division of labour and labour processes that were threatened by the entrance of large numbers of women into jobs defined as men's work. Women's participation both challenged and reinforced traditional notions about gender. Essentially, despite being successful ‘bankers’ women remained unsuitable for a career in banking. Similarly, regardless of their participation in munitions factories, metal shops remained no place for women. Quantitative, oral interview and qualitative sources including contemporary newspapers and magazines, were used. In particular, a great deal of the evidence was derived from several databases constructed for this project.
Graduate