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1
Choi, Gyoung-Gyu. « China's Accession into the World Trade Organization ». Korean Journal of Policy Studies 15, no 1 (30 avril 2000) : 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps15107.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper outlines the process of China's accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO) with special focus given to the negotiations between the United States and China, and the European Union (EU) and China. Various economic and political issues behind the scene explain why the US refused to accept China into the WTO for the last 14 years. The economic and political changes in America coupled with the economic and political changes in China placed the two countries in a position where a U.S-China bilateral agreement could be made. The EU acted as a free rider in these negotiations such that it achieved most of its objectives from the conclusion of the Sino-US negotiation. Moreover, the EU could have topped China's concession to the US if it had taken advantage of the opportunity right before the PNTR vote carne to the US Congress.
2
Rosnerova, Zuzana, et Dagmar Hraskova. « The impact of globalization on the business position of European Union ». SHS Web of Conferences 74 (2020) : 05022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20207405022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We are meeting with the term globalization for many years. The globalization process sets in motion goods, services, financial flows, information, through globalization come to the mobility of people, the workforce and globalization is also a power drive to move the whole world. This paper deals with the contribution of globalization to the EU market. The aim is to find out to what extent EU countries are involved in world trade. It also points to the position of the World Trade Organization, which is the only organization connecting the countries of the world, with the aim strengthening of world trade and ensuring its liberalization. We assume that the EU as the largest integration group in the world will play an important role in world trade and that EU countries will be among the top 10 world players. The document contains an analysis of the EU’s position in world trade. The methodology used is based on comparing the export shares of the top 10 world trade countries and assessing how the countries of the EU positioned on the scale in 2018. The discussion deals with assessing the findings and estimating the situation in the future.
3
Kazan-Allen, Laurie. « Asbestos Poisons World Trade Organization Atmosphere ». International Journal of Health Services 31, no 3 (juillet 2001) : 481–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/r5wm-q78p-e5xq-34e8.
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In September 2000, a World Trade Organization (WTO) panel published its findings in the dispute between Canada and the European Union/France over France's ban on the import and use of chrysotile (white asbestos). The panel upheld the French ban, established that the use of chrysotile is a health risk and the idea of “controlled use” a fallacy, and used (for the first time) an exception clause in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade that permits trade-restrictive measures to protect human life or health. At the same time, the panel concluded that the French ban violated international trade laws by treating chrysotile products less favorably than domestically produced alternatives. Some WTO watchers believe that with asbestos as the precedent for bans on toxic substances, the regulation of other, much less well-established, toxic exposures could prove much more difficult. Now the French ban has been upheld, chrysotile producers will increasingly target developing countries. Canada is appealing the WTO decision.
4
Jacobi, Otto. « Transnational trade union cooperation at global and European level - opportunities and obstacles ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 6, no 1 (février 2000) : 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600104.
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As globalisation of the economy proceeds apace, it is essential for trade unions to co-operate on a transnational basis if global capitalism is to be civilised. This contribution argues that problems with global trade union co-operation stem from the fact that people's social interests differ greatly according to the different stages of economic development reached in the First World, the newly industrialised countries, the transition economies and the countries of the Third World. It suggests that global co-operation amongst trade unions can only be achieved by doing away with protectionism and dumping. In the interest of the economic development of other groups of countries, the highly developed states have to abolish sectoral subsidies and protectionist measures. In return, the trade unions in the First World can expect the basic social rights laid down in ILO conventions to be made universally binding. Only then will it be possible to break out of the damaging spiral of global dumping and ensure that living conditions for all concerned are able to keep pace with economic progress. In those countries of Europe which are members of the EU, the conditions for transnational trade union co-operation are entirely different. A unified economic and monetary area has already been created, and what is needed now is for a transnational social area to be developed as well. There is scope here for the trade unions to build on the social standards that have already been set on a EU-wide basis. Despite the enormous challenges resulting from the far-reaching social changes taking place, trade unions in Europe have a real opportunity to establish a social model that can serve as a benchmark for unions in other parts of the world.
5
Raj, Vishakha, et M. P. Ram Mohan. « Appellate Body Crisis at the World Trade Organization : View from India ». Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 5 (1 septembre 2021) : 829–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021035.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There has been a crisis prevailing at the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization (WTO) since December 2019. The United States’ (US) refusal to allow the appointment of members to the WTO’s Appellate Body has disturbed the functioning of the entire WTO dispute settlement process. In order to mitigate the effects of this, the European Union (EU) has proposed a multi-party interim appeal arbitration agreement (MPIA) which has been joined by over twenty other WTO members. In the absence of rules-based dispute settlement, countries will most probably resort to bilateral negotiations. This will be prejudicial to the interests of developing countries that have consistently been disadvantaged during bilateral negotiations and fared better in proceedings with third-party adjudication. Though India has expressed concerns about the Appellate Body crisis, it has not joined the MPIA and has stated that it does not intend to do so either. This article explains why India would benefit from joining the MPIA especially given the disputes it has pending before WTO Panels. Joining the MPIA will help India avoid unilateral sanctions at the first instance and increase the likelihood of compliance by other WTO members that are a part of the MPIA. WTO, Appellate Body, India, dispute settlement, multilateralism, United States, European Union
6
Jelisavac-Trosic, Sanja. « The world trade organization accession as one of the Serbian foreign policy goals ». Medjunarodni problemi 70, no 1 (2018) : 28–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801028j.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), among other things, can be viewed as one of Serbia's foreign policy goals. Observed in this way, the successful completion of the accession process will bring easier market access to the all WTO member countries, but also fulfills one of the key conditions in the negotiations for Serbia's accession to the European Union (Chapter 30). Serbia is an import-dependent country and therefore has a high foreign trade deficit. Our country trades mostly with those countries with which has been signed some kind of trade agreement (EU, CEFTA, Russia, Turkey). That indicates that its entry into the WTO would be beneficial and would facilitate the establishment of trade flows with new partners. Accession would also be useful for an export-oriented model of economic growth. The World Trade Organization is the only global international organization dealing with trade rules between countries. The WTO is the result of multiannual international negotiations aimed at liberalizing international trade. Multilateral negotiations under the WTO umbrella offer the potential to maintain long-term growth, stimulate trade and investment and sustainable economic development. Serbia with its capacities, as a small country, is not in a position to independently create, develop and maintain economic relations with many countries in the world. Therefore, the WTO membership will enable domestic companies and businessmen to export under much more favorable conditions to countries with which Serbia has not yet concluded trade agreements. Serbia started accession to the WTO in 2005 but has not yet completed this process. Taking into account the results of Serbia so far in this process, as well as defining the remaining open issues and problems, we point to the many obstacles our country has encountered, but also on the ways in which the goal can be successfully achieved.
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Jelisavac-Trosic, Sanja, et Stevan Rapaic. « Status and prospects of Serbia’s accession to the world trade organization ». Medjunarodni problemi 67, no 1 (2015) : 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1501128j.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For many years now Serbia is persistent in its attempt to become a full member of the World Trade Organization. Countries that are not yet members represent a tiny minority of the total world trade, and Serbia is one of them. Membership in the WTO is de facto requirement for accession to the European Union. This paper explains how far Serbia traveled in her way to this international organization, whose agreements are governing the global rules of trade between nations. Special attention was paid to the question why it is important that Serbia joins this organization, and what can be concluded from the accession experiences of countries in the region. The authors of this study will try to explain the importance of the WTO accession, and the manner in which membership in this organization will affect Serbia?s existing foreign trade relations.
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Cachet, Tom. « The World Trade Organization Trade Facilitation Agreement : Legal Consequences and Impact on the Union Customs Code ». Global Trade and Customs Journal 12, Issue 2 (1 février 2017) : 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2017013.
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Intensive rounds of negotiations during the 9th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2013 led to the Bali Agreements on Trade Facilitation and Least Developed Countries. This article focusses on the legal impact of the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) and compares the most important obligations in the agreement to the European Union’s existing customs legal framework to deduct whether it is in line with the new WTO provisions.
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Innocenthia, Adieuva, Yosinta Margaretha, Febri One, Junita Christine et Agnes Magdalena. « THE EUROPEAN UNION, CHINA AND SOLAR PANEL ». Sociae Polites 21, no 1 (8 août 2020) : 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v21i1.1585.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union and China are the two countries that have advantages in each of them. The European Union and China have a dispute regarding renewable energies, namely the problem with solar panels. China's policy of making solar panels prices have low bargaining power makes the European Union unable to accept the policy because it can cause a long trade conflict. The case study in this paper also illustrates that the EU is actively approaching it to overcome environmental challenges in China by involving the European Union in dialogue and negotiation on various issues and providing capacity-building support. China also introduced trade reforms and carbon emissions to environmental decision-making bodies in the European Union, and it was supported by the European Union, including through meetings to determine sustainable policies and development projects on energy and the environment.
Keywords: EU – China dispute, Environmental Challenges, anti-dumping, China’s policy, World Trade Organization.
10
Cunha, Raphael, Norma Breda dos Santos et Rogério de Souza Farias. « Generalized System of Preferences in General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization : History and Current Issues ». Journal of World Trade 39, Issue 4 (1 août 2005) : 637–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2005039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present study investigates the history of the General System of Preferences within the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and World Trade Organization (WTO) systems with a particular view to define how developed and developing countries adapted their market policies to the demands of the multilateral trading system (MTS). It analyses the role of the most-favoured-nation (MFN) clause and its consequences to developing countries’ interests, within its parameters of differential market access. The study tries to explain the treatment of preferences in an objective light, presenting two current case studies: the formulation of the American GSP scheme and the dispute of India and the European Union in the WTO about the European Union’s GSP scheme. In addition to this, the study focuses on the conflict among developing countries on the issue of special and differential treatment. This focus will lead to a renewed reading of the history of MTS that takes into consideration the frailty of developing countries’ unity and that tries to understand why and to what extent this unity shattered along the way.
11
CHAABOUNI, Karim. « Assessing Tunisian Exports towards the European Union : Intensity, Complementarity and Gravity Estimation ». Asian Journal of Economic Modelling 10, no 1 (26 avril 2022) : 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5009.v10i1.4476.
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The Tunisian economy faces various challenges. Within a local and international environment full of constraints, several defies call to missing requirements like economic growth, employment, balance of payments’ equilibrium, etc… Despite these concerns, Tunisian economy remains open to the Rest of the World. Openness is consolidated since decades by Tunisian membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), as well as by the country’s regional integration with various partners. In this field, the major involvement in world markets is confirmed by the Association Agreement (AA) concluded between Tunisia and the European Union (EU) in 1995, which launched and established a Free Trade Area (FTA) covering industrial products. Indeed the Tunisian trade remains strongly linked to EU and such links are expected to be reinforced since Tunisia and the EU have currently negotiated over the expansion of the FTA to agriculture and services within a project of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). The purpose of this paper is to focus on Tunisian exports towards the EU by assessing both the intensity and the complementarity of the trade side “from Tunisia to the EU”. Besides, by considering the Gravitational model, the aim of this paper is to identify the determinants of orienting Tunisian exports towards the EU. The findings highlight the concentration of Tunisian exports towards few EU countries despite a middle trade compatibility with all EU countries. Gravity estimation results, in line with previous works, point out the key roles of language and geographical proximity.
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CHAABOUNI, Karim. « Assessing Tunisian Exports towards the European Union : Intensity, Complementarity and Gravity Estimation ». Asian Journal of Economic Modelling 10, no 1 (26 avril 2022) : 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5009.v10i1.4476.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Tunisian economy faces various challenges. Within a local and international environment full of constraints, several defies call to missing requirements like economic growth, employment, balance of payments’ equilibrium, etc… Despite these concerns, Tunisian economy remains open to the Rest of the World. Openness is consolidated since decades by Tunisian membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), as well as by the country’s regional integration with various partners. In this field, the major involvement in world markets is confirmed by the Association Agreement (AA) concluded between Tunisia and the European Union (EU) in 1995, which launched and established a Free Trade Area (FTA) covering industrial products. Indeed the Tunisian trade remains strongly linked to EU and such links are expected to be reinforced since Tunisia and the EU have currently negotiated over the expansion of the FTA to agriculture and services within a project of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). The purpose of this paper is to focus on Tunisian exports towards the EU by assessing both the intensity and the complementarity of the trade side “from Tunisia to the EU”. Besides, by considering the Gravitational model, the aim of this paper is to identify the determinants of orienting Tunisian exports towards the EU. The findings highlight the concentration of Tunisian exports towards few EU countries despite a middle trade compatibility with all EU countries. Gravity estimation results, in line with previous works, point out the key roles of language and geographical proximity.
13
Kuznetsov, A. V. « Disintegration of the World Trade System : Reasons and Consequences ». Finance : Theory and Practice 23, no 5 (24 octobre 2019) : 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2019-23-5-50-61.
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The article presents the study results of the world trade stagnation issues associated with the WTO systemic crisis. The aim of the article is to summarize the main reasons for the world trade system disintegration and to identify feasible directions for the world economic order transformation. The G20 trade-restricting measures were analyzed based on the statistical databases of the WTO and the non-governmental organization Global Trade Alert (GTA). The views of leading domestic and foreign experts on the consequences of liberalization of the world trade in goods and services were summarized. The author systematized the reasons for the world trade system disintegration, including: the US anti-globalization policy aimed at containing the PRC; counteracting unipolar globalization by the Southeast Asian nations; developed countries’ rejecting the growing participation of developing countries in redistributing global resources; inefficiency of international organizations in solving problems of global imbalances, inequality and instability of the global financial system. Structuring disintegration processes revealed its main trends: protectionism, regionalism, trans-regionalism. There were shown mechanisms to keep the US in the European Union due to companies providing professional services to European business. The author evaluated Russia and China’s competitive advantages in the production chains of the new technological structure. The areas of cooperation between Russia and the BRICS countries for realizing export potential in agriculture, aviation and nuclear industries were determined. The prospects for trade and economic relations in Eurasia are discussed in terms of changing the economic paradigm and shifting the regulation of the global economy problems to the regional level.
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Freitas, Kenyth Alves de, Bruno de Almeida Vilela, Rui Fernando Correia Ferreira et André Edson Ribeiro de Souza Aprigio. « FORUM SHOPPING EVIDENCE IN THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION : A SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS OF DISPUTES BETWEEN MEMBER STATES ». Contextus – Revista Contemporânea de Economia e Gestão 17, no 1 (12 avril 2019) : 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.19094/contextus.v17i1.33949.
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The intensification of trade between countries has led to the need to regulate the conduct of trading partners. The World Trade Organization (WTO) forum emerged with the mission of arbitrating these disputes and making trade fairer. However, many countries choose not to participate in this forum because of the financial and legal resources required to conduct the proceedings. The purpose of this research was to verify how the relations within the WTO were configurated in 2014. We identified the dichotomy between central and emerging countries through the concept of forum shopping. The most important actors in the network were shown to be the United States and the European Union, whereas small economies had low participation, especially African and Central American countries. Thus, this study shows that many WTO’s members do not use its forum, which allows inferring they choose regional forums due to the restriction of resources.
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Biondi, Vito, Salvatore Monti, Alessandra Landi, Michela Pugliese, Elena Zema et Annamaria Passantino. « Has the Spread of African Swine Fever in the European Union Been Impacted by COVID-19 Pandemic ? » International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no 9 (28 avril 2022) : 5360. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19095360.
Texte intégralRésumé :
African Swine Fever (ASF) is a contagious viral disease of domestic and wild pigs, listed as notifiable by the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE). It causes substantial economic losses to pig farming in the affected countries, with consequent enormous damage to livestock production due to mortality of the animals, and to the restrictions on national and international trade in pigs and derivative products that the presence of the infection implies. To prevent or reduce the risk of ASF introduction, the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the OIE recommend preventive and control measures, such as the ban of live swine and their products traded from ASF-affected to ASF-free countries or zones. The current spread of ASF into Europe poses a serious risk to the industrialized and small-scale pig sector, as demonstrated by observed cases in different EU areas. In this paper the authors discuss the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on ASF, and the indirect effects including the impact on animal health and disease management. They suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic has severely affected animal disease surveillance control. ASF requires rapid responses and continuous monitoring to identify outbreaks and prevent their spread, and both aspects may have been greatly reduced during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Dragišić, Radmila. « Autonomy of higher education in the European Union : Case C-66/18 European Commission v. Hungary ». Politeia 11, no 21 (2021) : 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-31034.
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Aware of the fact that autonomy is an important prerequisite for educational institutions to be able to perform their tasks, in this paper we explore and analyze one of the most interesting cases from the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union in this area. Namely, the European Commission initiated proceedings against the Republic of Hungary for violating the rights of the European Union. The focus is on the Law on Higher Education of that member state, which has caused sharp controversies within the academic community in the countries of the European Economic Area, but also in third countries. Although the work is mostly dedicated to the free movement of services in the field of higher education, we inevitably explore the relationship between European Union law and legal instruments of the World Trade Organization (WTO), as well as the views of the Court of Justice regarding their interpretation. The case we are discussing is also important for the status of countries aspiring to become members of the European organization, since the European Parliament adopted a recommendation to include in the Copenhagen criteria for accession the defense and protection of academic freedom and institutional autonomy in order to prevent their endangerment in member states.
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Maryniv, Ivanna. « The European Union security policy ». Law and innovations, no 1 (29) (31 mars 2020) : 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2020-1(29)-13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Problem setting. In spite of the presence of numerous conventions, treaties and organizations in the world today, the issue of security is still a very acute issue for the world community. There are many reasons for this: the presence of nuclear powers, serious disputes between countries that are justly considered world leaders, the existence of numerous local conflicts and wars of a more global nature across the globe. These and other factors are pushing states around the world to allocate budget funds to ensure effective security policies. Given today’s realities, one can trace the tendency of several countries to pool their own efforts and resources to pursue a common security policy. The European Union is one of the clearest examples of this behavior. This intergovernmental organization is committed to maintaining peace, diplomacy, trade and development around the world. The EU also promotes cooperation with neighboring countries through the European Neighborhood Policy. Target research. The aim of the research is to study the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. Analysis of recent research and publication. Many domestic and foreign scholars, including B. Tonro, T. Christiansen, S. Morsch, G. Mackenstein, and others. The institutional basis of foreign and security policy is analyzed in detail by J. Peterson, questions related to the European Union’s security policy. M. Shackleton. K. Gill, M. Smith and others study the general features of the development of a common EU security policy. Some contribution to the study of various problems related to European and Euro-Atlantic integration has been made by such national scientists as V. Govorukh, I. Gritsyak, G. Nemyrya, L. Prokopenko, O. Rudik, V. Streltsov, O. Tragniuk, I. Shumlyaeva, I. Yakovyuk and others. Article’s main body. The article examines the emergence and development of the European Union’s security policy from the date of the Brussels Covenant to the present. Particular attention is paid to the role of the European Union’s institutional mechanism in the exercise of its powers to ensure the defense and foreign policy cooperation of the Member States. A study of the officially adopted five-year global foreign and security policy of the EU is being done to improve stability in Europe and beyond, analyzing EU conflict resolution and crisis management activities. Conclusions and prospect of development. In view of the above, it can be concluded that the EU’s foreign and security policy institutional framework is an extensive system in which all the constituencies are endowed with a certain range of general and specific powers and are called upon to cooperate with one another to achieve a common goal. It cannot be said that such close cooperation puts pressure on Member States. Yes, a Member State has the right to refrain from voting for any decision that requires unanimity and such abstention will not prevent the above decision being taken. In this case, the mechanism of so-called “constructive retention” is triggered: the abstaining country is not obliged to comply with the decision, however, accepts the fact that it is binding on other Member States and takes this into account when concluding treaties, which should not contradict the said decision.
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Widiatedja, I. Gusti Ngurah Parikesit. « Indonesia’s Export Ban on Nickel Ore : Does It Violate the World Trade Organization (WTO) Rules ? » Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 4 (1 juin 2021) : 667–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Many countries have imposed export restrictions based on economic and non-economic objectives. In 2020, Indonesia has followed this trend by imposing an export ban on nickel ore. The European Union reacted by launching a complaint at the WTO, claiming Indonesia’s export ban has unfairly limited its producers’ access to nickel. This article explores the way in which Indonesia could justify banning export on nickel ore, by looking at the current WTO rules and its judicial decisions. This article claims that Indonesia has no justification to impose this ban. Although it will most likely be temporarily applied, and be designed to prevent a critical shortage, nickel is not essential in Indonesia based on its domestic demand, ongoing plans, economic contribution, and the current mining law. Also, the ban will most likely not be justified based on general exception provisions under Article XX of the 1994. Export Bans, Export Restrictions, General Exception, Article XI GATT, Article XX GATT, Indonesia, Nickel Ore, the European Union, WTO Rules, WTO Dispute Settlement
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Arora, Rahul, Sarbjit Singh et Somesh K. Mathur. « Assessment of the Proposed India-China Free Trade Agreement : A General Equilibrium Approach ». Journal of Centrum Cathedra : The Business and Economics Research Journal 8, no 2 (1 février 2015) : 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcc-08-02-2015-b002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose The present study is an attempt to evaluate the impact of the proposed India-China free trade agreement (FTA) in goods trade on both countries under a static general equilibrium framework. Design/Methodology/Approach The study has utilized the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model of world trade with the presence of skilled and unskilled unemployment in the world. For analysis purposes, 57 GTAP sectors, representing the whole regional economy, have been aggregated into 43 sectors and 140 GTAP regions, representing the whole world, have been aggregated into 19 regions. The study has also used the updated tariff rates provided by the World Trade Organization for better results. Findings The preliminary analysis using trade indicators depicted that by utilizing their own comparative advantage, both of the countries can maximize their gains by exporting more to the world. The simulation results from the GTAP analysis revealed that a tariff reduction in all goods trade would be more beneficial for both the countries than the tariff reduction in each other's specialized products. All other regions lose in terms of shifting the Indian imports towards China in a post-simulation environment. Regions with a significant loss are: the European Union (28 members), Southeast Asia, the Unites States, Japan, Korea, West Asia, and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). Originality/Value The disaggregated sector-wise analysis has been performed using the latest available GTAP database, version 9.
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Habyyeva, A. M. « The WTO and issues of digital immersion of international trade ». International Trade and Trade Policy 8, no 4 (15 janvier 2023) : 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2022-3-156-164.
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The purpose and objectives of this article are determined by the pressing need for acceleration of the digitization dynamics in the international trade. The article emphasizes that in the modern time digital transformation is the key and biggest trend in the global trade business and its retail seсtor. The study has also provided a review related to the experiences of the top and leading global e-commerce countries. The features of the regulation of digital trade in the United States, China, India, and the European Union are identified and summarized. It is shown the World Trade Organization should play the key role in the process of unification and standardization of digital trade rules. The author provides recommendations on the key elements of a legally binding multilateral digital trade agreement and position of Turkmenistan in the context of accession to the World Trade Organization.
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Biukovic, Ljiljana. « Transparency Norms, the World Trade System and Free Trade Agreements : The Case of CETA ». Legal Issues of Economic Integration 39, Issue 1 (1 février 2012) : 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2012006.
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Canada and the European Union (EU) are negotiating an ambitious Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). While the content of the agreement has not yet been officially disclosed by its negotiators, the general public and the business community are already concerned about the scope and effect of CETA on the two economies and their societies. This article deals with CETA's transparency provisions. It claims that, whereas CETA has not yet utilized external transparency to ensure support for the negotiations, it does have the potential for greater regulatory transparency in technical barriers to trade (TBT)- and sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS)-related matters than that found not only in the existing World Trade Organization (WTO) agreements but also in free trade agreements (FTAs) the two parties previously negotiated with third countries.
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Kishore, Pallavi. « The Role of Consumer Protection in the Relations Between Asia and the European Union ». Global Trade and Customs Journal 14, Issue 11/12 (1 décembre 2019) : 537–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2019066.
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This article examines the functioning of the European Union’s (EU’s) consumer protection law in an incident in which the EU banned Asian shrimps in order to protect its consumers and aims to answer the following questions: 1. Are the EU’s actions in compliance with its own law and the law of the World Trade Organization (WTO)? 2. What is the impact of these actions on international trade and on the EU’s trading partners especially if they are developing countries? The most important consequence of this incident is its restrictive impact on international trade and/or the use of consumer protection as a tool for protectionism. In this particular incident, it does appear that the EU’s actions could have been held to have violated WTO law had the Asian developing countries brought a case against the EU. The article will conclude by examining the impact of the EU’s actions on its relations with Asia.
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Nacewska-Twardowska, Aleksandra. « Regionalism and multilateralism in trade policy of the European Union ». Equilibrium 4, no 1 (30 juin 2010) : 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2010.012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign trade is one of the main expressions of international cooperation in the world, which indicates the specific location of trade policy in the policy of the countries or organizations. The history of trade shows the existence of two opposite trade coordinating practices: regional and multilateral. In the post-war history, there can be seen the coexistence of both trends. An excellent example of this is the European Union, where both practice of coordination the trade policy unite. On the one hand, the Community is in itself an exception to the principle of trade liberalization on a multilateral basis, on the other hand for many years it has actively participated in the creation of a common commercial policy for all at the forum of GATT and the WTO. Common commercial policy of the Union is one of the pillars of its existence, affecting significantly the region's economic development. Therefore, in a time of crisis it is important to question how the common commercial policy is being shaped today and whether changes in the global economy affect the change in its formation? Last years point out the increasing trend of regionalism in Community. The difficulties increasing in the formation the trade policy in the WTO effects in many changes. Even enthusiastic proponents of the idea of multilateralism in trade seek for new solutions. In this situation the European Union looks of possibilities to form of the widest possible bilateral relations with other countries or organizations.
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Biondi, Andrea. « Brexit and state aid control : four quartets ». Competition Law Journal 17, no 1 (octobre 2018) : 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/clj.2018.01.01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The United Kingdom Government has recently given its clearest indication yet that a domestic state aid regulatory regime, would have to be in place at the end of the Brexit process. The Competition and Markets Authority has been designated as the domestic state aid regulator. This article reassesses the importance of the provisions on state aid within the European Union legal order and reviews the control of subsidies in international trade law, both under World Trade Organization rules and in the EU's trade agreements with third countries. It further examines the challenges and opportunities presented by a process of decentralization of state aid control in the United Kingdom in the context of the negotiations for a future EU-UK trade agreement.
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Thorpe, Wayne. « The European Syndicalists and War, 1914–1918 ». Contemporary European History 10, no 1 (mars 2001) : 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.
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Cachón, Lorenzo, et Miguel S. Valles. « Trade unionism and immigration : reinterpreting old and new dilemmas ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 9, no 3 (août 2003) : 469–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900308.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The social and economic changes that have taken place since the mid-1980s in Spain and other southern European countries have paved the way for their emergence as new countries of immigration. Trade unionism in these countries has had to face this new situation at a time of great changes in the world of employment and this has posed new challenges for union structures. This article reports on recent empirical research into Spanish trade unionists’ attitudes towards immigrant workers within this new context. A research method first used in other European countries is employed here to give a fresh perspective to dilemmas highlighted in previous studies and to suggest possible solutions.
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Fruscione, Alessandro. « The Free Trade Agreement Between the European Union and Vietnam ». Global Trade and Customs Journal 16, Issue 1 (1 janvier 2021) : 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2021005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union and Vietnam have signed a far-reaching Free Trade Agreement, which came into force on 1 August 2020 and represents a turning point in the trade relations that the Union has with third countries. In addition to providing for a substantial reduction in duties, partly with immediate effect and partly over the next few years, the agreement affects non-tariff barriers, substantially simplifying the documentation needed for customs operations (in particular in Vietnam) and the certifications required for certain types of products (for example, for pharmaceuticals). The Agreement also limits the adoption of anti-dumping and countervailing duties, specifying that trade remedies should be enforced in full compliance with the relevant requirements of the World Trade Organization and should be based on a fair and transparent system. The products originating from the two contracting parties will benefit from the duty exemptions and reductions upon production of a proof of preferential origin, represented, up to a value of 6,000 euros, by the exporter’s invoice declaration and, above this amount, by an exporter registered on the REX (Registered EXporter) system. The protection of intellectual property, ‘Made in’ and geographical indications is ensured, with specific provisions aimed at preventing fraud. Along with the Free Trade Agreement, the Union and Vietnam have also signed an Investment Protection Agreement, whose main point is the provision for the creation of an independent and qualified court to settle disputes between investing companies and the state. Agreements, Vietnam, Preferential, REX, protection, investments, ASEAN, Exports, Made in, ICS
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Giacalone, Joseph A., et Genai Greenidge. « China, The World Trade Organization, And The Market For Rare Earth Minerals ». International Business & ; Economics Research Journal (IBER) 12, no 3 (19 février 2013) : 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v12i3.7669.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rare earth elements (also referred to as rare earth minerals, rare earth metals, green elements, rare earths or simply REEs) are comprised of 17 elements of the periodic table. The metals are often found combined together in ores and must be separated into its individual elements. On the supply side of the market, China is currently the largest producer of rare earth elements in the world, mining at least 90% of total world production. Consequently, many countries around the world rely on imports of these REEs to facilitate production of the various systems and products that are dependent on the rare earth metals as raw materials. With one supplier effectively monopolizing the rare earth industry, this imposes severe supply-chain risks to the producers of products that rely on rare earth minerals. After several actions that have restricted the supply, the United States, the European Union, and Japan have challenged China for violating provisions of its membership in the World Trade Organization. This paper will examine the rare earth industry, Chinas near-monopoly, global supply-chain risks, and strategies to reduce dependence on China, including the invocation of the WTOs dispute resolution process.
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Vanthemsche, Guy. « Unemployment Insurance in Interwar Belgium ». International Review of Social History 35, no 3 (décembre 1990) : 349–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900001004x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
SUMMARYIn 1900, a special type of unemployment insurance was set up in Belgium: the so-called “Ghent system”, which had some influence on the development of unemployment insurance in many European countries. This particular system was characterized by the important role played by the trade-union unemployment societies. The public authorities (in Belgium, from 1920 onwards, the central government next to the towns and provinces) encouraged the affiliation of the labourers to these societies by granting different sorts of financial support to the unemployed society members and to the societies themselves. During the crisis of the 1930s, this led to an important growth of Belgian trade-union membership. On the other hand, the quantitative growth of the labour movement due to this particular organization of unemployment insurance, led to many negative sideeffects for the trade unions (administrative chaos, financial problems, loss of combativity). Moreover, the employers' organizations strongly opposed this system of unemployment insurance, because they thought it reinforced the labour movement's power in society (strengthening of union membership, influence on wage formation, obstruction of deflation policy). This article examines the heated debates waged in the labour movement itself and between this actor, the employers' organizations and the government, to solve the many important problems posed by this type of social insurance. The Belgian pre-Second World War debate concerning unemployment insurance was of great importance for the shaping of the Welfare State in Belgium, which took its present-day form in 1944.
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Nawafleh, Abdullah S. « Contribution of Business Law Reform to Economic Development : Lessons from the Middle East ». European Business Law Review 23, Issue 2 (1 mars 2012) : 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2012017.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper explores whether business law reforms in Arab countries have contributed to their economic development, business legal environment and integration into the international market. Using Jordan as an example, it explores the role of law in economic development in the region. The analysis finds that the Jordanian legal reform has led the country to participate in international markets, by incorporating international legal norms into its own legislation. This legislative reform has also contributed to economic development, allowing Jordan to join the World Trade Organization and enter into Free Trade Agreements, such as those with the United States and the European Union. In addition, the paper shows that other Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia, that reformed their business regulations led them to join the World Trade Organization and to be ranked amongst the top 25 countries worldwide on their business ease. In contrast, other Arab countries which lack law and its enforcement have been reported to be the worst places in the Middle East to do business. As a result this paper suggests that the Arab Middle Eastern countries should continue in reforming their legal system to make it less rigid for business, to create more jobs, increase productivity and ultimately achieve economic growth.
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Herbert, Eti Best, et Fasilat Abimbola Olalere. « What Is Economic Globalization Without Trans-boundary Migration ? » Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 10 (1 septembre 2020) : 493–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020088.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The world is often regarded as a global village or borderless globe where various countries freely interconnect and interrelate towards achieving a global goal. Globalization has occasioned international cooperation amongst States through the formation of several treaties and international organizations with economic objectives. This article evaluates the law and attitude of States and International organizations towards economically motivated trans-boundary migration. Particular reference is made to World Trade Organization(WTO), European Union(EU), African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and North American Free Trade Association(NAFTA). Findings reveal that the legal and institutional frameworks in support of trans-boundary economic migration are very weak, thereby allowing States’ interest to prevail over the globalization objectives. State practices are geared towards placement of several obstacles, such as imposing criminal sanctions, which limits trans-boundary economic migration. This prejudice is more obvious when the trade in service is a South-North movement of labour. These challenges have led to the irresistible conclusion that economic globalization is but a political fiction yet to take root in reality. It is further contended that, the puzzle of economic globalization cannot be completely fixed, except States fully embrace, accepte and liberalize the missing piece of trans-boundary migration. Globalization, Trans-boundary migration, Economic migration, South-North movement, Trade liberalization.
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Aboagye, Emmanuel Mensah, Nana Osei Owusu, Monica Yamoah, Richmond Ashiagbor et Kwaku Obeng Effah. « World Trade Organisation System ». Journal on Innovation and Sustainability RISUS 13, no 1 (7 avril 2022) : 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/2179-3565.2022v13i1p32-43.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In today’s world, sustainable development has become the consensus of the international community. With the development and progress of the world economy and the launch of the wave of environmental protection in the world, market trade and environmental protection issues have gradually gained the full attention of government departments and people in many countries around the world, and gradually developed into one of the core issues in the global political, economic and multi-industry fields. The laws and regulations on environmental protection adopted by international organizations and countries and the basic rules of market trade constitute the basis for applying environmental control supervision. The researchers adopted a systematic online search to identify journal articles, reports, and other relevant documents related to the market trade and environmental protection. The online search was done mainly on Google, Google Scholar and Bing to retrieve related documents on market trade and environmental protection. The study unraveled a complex relationship between market trade and environmental protection, and the international community has paid too much attention. Foreign trade policy aims to avoid the development of a new market trade restriction and implementation program, protect market trade, eliminate the existing barriers to the market trade, restrict market trade laws and regulations, and finally achieve the way to increase the effectiveness of market trade. Therefore, environmental protection and market trade are two systems, and it is a core contradiction to abide by which fundamental principles are observed. To solve and deal with the relationship between market trade and the environment, it must redefine the relevant influencing factors in these two systems. The researchers suggested that through the coordination of management, there should be a careful study from the experience of relevant organizations, such as the European Union, NAFTA, OECD and then put forward specific ideas for coordinated management.
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Dawar, Kamala. « The 2016 European Union International Procurement Instruments Amendments to the 2012 Buy European Proposal : A Retrospective Assessment of Its Prospects ». Journal of World Trade 50, Issue 5 (1 octobre 2016) : 845–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2016034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article assesses the European Commission’s 2016 Amended Proposal for ‘a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the access of third-country goods and services to the Union’s internal market in public procurement and procedures supporting negotiations on access of Union goods and services to the public procurement markets of third countries’.1 The proposed regulation aims to improve the conditions under which European Union (EU) businesses can compete for public contracts abroad. It provides the EU with leverage through imposing a price penalty on any tender for an EU procurement which is originating in a country that does not offer the EU ‘reciprocity’ in access to its procurement markets. After introducing the 2016 International Procurement Instrument (IPI) Amended Proposal, the article examines the legal framework of the Amended Proposal with reference to its evolution from the European Commission’s original 2012 proposed regulation. The analysis then turns to the concept of reciprocity, which serves as the justificatory basis of the Commission’s proposal before assessing the 2016 Amended Proposal’s compatibility with the EU’s commitments under the World Trade Organization (WTO), including most notably the World Trade Organization’s Government Procurement Agreement (WTO GPA), the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM). This assessment concludes by questioning the compatibility of this proposed regulation with the EU’s obligations under the WTO as well as the objectives of the EU procurement rules, underpinned by Treaty principles.
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Fung, Ka Yi. « How Economic Dependency Was Created Through the WTO : A Case Study of South Korea ». Journal of Developing Societies 33, no 4 (19 novembre 2017) : 469–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x17738586.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Adapting the framework of dependency theory, the article asks how the economic dependency of less developed countries (LDCs) on developed countries (DCs) is created through free trade. This article uses South Korea’s entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a case study to illustrate this economic dependency creation process. Based on second-hand data from existing studies, the European Union, and the WTO, this article finds: (i) due to limited farmland size and high production costs, South Korean agricultural products cannot win a seat in the world market; (ii) the local agricultural sector was destroyed in South Korea because small farmers cannot earn a living by farming; and (iii) since the local agricultural sector cannot support the food demand in South Korea, South Korea now has to import a large amount of food. This article concludes that free trade actually destroys the local agricultural industry and the food security of South Korea, and consequently makes South Korea have to rely heavily on DCs for food import.
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Influenza Project Team. « Oseltamivir resistance in human seasonal influenza viruses (A/H1N1) in EU and EFTA countries : an update ». Eurosurveillance 13, no 6 (7 février 2008) : 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2807/ese.13.06.08032-en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the publications in Eurosurveillance on 31 January [1,2], the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC), the European Influenza Surveillance Scheme (EISS), the World Health Organization (WHO) and their partners have agreed to update the data on the occurrence of resistance of influenza A/H1N1 viruses to oseltamivir appearing on the ECDC and EISS websites on a weekly basis (every Thursday afternoon). Data on the ECDC website are for European Union (EU) and European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries. The WHO has also published a global table, which it will also refresh weekly. All these data are available through an HTML page on the ECDC web-site [3]. The European data made available through EISS and the EU DG Research-funded European Surveillance Network for Vigilance Against Viral Resistance (VIRGIL) are based on the data that have been uploaded to the EISS antiviral resistance data-base by a fixed time on a Wednesday for publication on a Thursday.
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Brink, Gustav. « Appropriate Price Comparisons in Anti-dumping Investigations : Apples-to-Apples or Starking-to-Starking ? » Global Trade and Customs Journal 8, Issue 5 (1 mai 2013) : 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2013016.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article considers the facts before the World trade Organization (WTO) panel in China - Definitive anti-dumping duties on x-ray security inspection equipment from the European Union (China - X-rays) and how its findings require a more detailed domestic industry price analysis than currently employed in some countries. It proposes a methodology for the determination of both the price undercutting and the margin of injury and briefly explores how, if the price undercutting exercise has to be done in such considerable detail, the lesser duty rule can be applied with little additional burden.
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Yeung, May T., et Nick Perdikis. « The Battle over the EUs Proposed Humanitarian Trade Preferences for Pakistan : A Case Study in Multifaceted Protectionism ». Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 1 (1 février 2012) : 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the wake of devastating floods in Pakistan in 2010, the European Union (EU) has attempted to use trade policy to provide humanitarian assistance by the temporary lowering of tariffs on select imports from Pakistan. This Proposal, justified on humanitarian grounds, requires a World Trade Organization (WTO) waiver, which so far has not been possible, amidst developing countries' concerns regarding erosion of the value of their preferential access to the EU market. A detailed examination of the EU Proposal indicates marginal benefit to Pakistan at best, given that sensitive import-competing products were largely excluded, suggesting that protectionist interests had a hand in shaping the policy. The findings also suggest that trade policy might not be an effective means to provide humanitarian assistance.
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Crochet, Victor, et Marcus Gustafsson. « Lawful Remedy or Illegal Response ? Resolving the Issue of Foreign Subsidization under WTO Law ». World Trade Review 20, no 3 (1 avril 2021) : 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745621000045.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractDiscontentment is growing such that governments, and notably that of China, are increasingly providing subsidies to companies outside their jurisdiction, ‘buying their way’ into other countries’ markets and undermining fair competition therein as they do so. In response, the European Union recently published a proposal to tackle such foreign subsidization in its own market. This article asks whether foreign subsidies can instead be addressed under the existing rules of the World Trade Organization, and, if not, whether those rules allow States to take matters into their own hands and act unilaterally. The authors shed light on these issues and provide preliminary guidance on how to design a response to foreign subsidization which is consistent with international trade law.
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Spechler, Martin. « Central Asia Between East and West ». Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no 1904 (1 janvier 2008) : 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2008.141.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ever since their independence from the USSR in 1991 the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have been trying to fi nd a new framework for their international relations. In this essay the experience and prospects of regional cooperation, special relations with the European Union or southeast Asia (ASEAN), or the Russian Federation are considered at length, along with some other groupings. As an alternative to preferential trade associations, affi liation with the World Trade Organization on a is prmultilateral basis obable in the years ahead. Meanwhile, the five countries independently pursue what the author has termed “export globalism”—administered trading of their staple raw materials for capital equipment and selected consumer goods.
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Biryukova, O. V. « Barriers to the EU Single Services Market ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 2(41) (28 avril 2015) : 186–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-186-195.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The EU has the most developed liberalization mechanism in services trade within the framework of an economic bloc. The system of supranational institutions, which decisions are binding upon member states, contributes to a high level of liberalization of trade in services in the EU. However, the creation of a single market for services hasn't completed at all. The reasons are following: not all basic principles for single market are fully applied, and a service is a very specific object for international trade. Financial-economic crisis caused a new wave of protectionism in different countries, which has reflected in the preservation of old and the emergence of new barriers to trade in services within the EU. Integration of services in the Union is accompanied by important trade initiatives at the multilateral level. In the World Trade Organization EU countries negotiate a new agreement on trade in services, and offer provisions which providing transparency, deepening liberalization and investor protection for foreign investors in the market, will also complement and foster the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) EU - USA. Russia is only the fourth among most important partners of the EU in trade in services. At the same time the European Union remains a key Russian partner in trade in services and in goods. There is a considerable potential for growth in this sphere for both partners.
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Tomilov, M. V. « Prospects for deepening of trade integration between the EAEU participants and the Asia-Pacific countries ». POWER AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE EAST OF RUSSIA 92, no 3 (2020) : 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1818-4049-2020-92-3-32-43.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Against the background of negotiations crisis within the World Trade Organization framework, as well as increasing competition in the world markets, an important element of the state's economic policy is the integration component. The Russian Federation has chosen the deepening of integration interactions within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as a priority direction in this area. To improve the efficiency of trade integration, it is necessary to increase the total market size. Since the EAEU market has not yet reached the indicators of the other large integration associations (the European Union, etc.), the Union’s members need to conclude agreements with the third countries. The most interesting option in this regard is the rapidly developing Asia-Pacific region (APR). On the basis of results of the free trade agreement between the EAEU and Vietnam the article discusses the integration prospects of the Eurasian block and the Asia-Pacific countries. There are two scenarios: the conclusion of bilateral agreements with the individual regional states and negotiations with the regional integration associations. It was concluded that it is advisable to deepen the integration processes with the main trading partners in the Asia-Pacific region separately, or to conclude a general agreement with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), whose members are almost all the most important states for EAEU (in trade terms) in the region. However, in order to become a full-fledged participant in the negotiations, it is first necessary to sign such an agreement with the ASEAN countries. The results can be used in the economic model development of Russia's integration into the world system and in assessing the prospects for implementation of the national integration strategy.
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Flissak, K. « INTERNATIONAL TRADE DISPUTES AND THE PLACE OF ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN THEIR RESOLVING ». ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 2, no 127 (2016) : 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.127.2.152-164.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The development and deepening of international division of labour have led to increased competition on the world markets. In this situation, national governments are forced to look for ways to protect their own manufacturers and domestic markets from foreign competitors. At the same time to promote their goods and services abroad countries participate in international organizations designed to liberalize trade relations, the largest of which is the World Trade Organization. The antagonistic nature of these processes leads to a significant number of trade disagreements and disputes that require proper settlement. Economic diplomacy is a powerful and effective means of their preventing and solving. Its tools allows to create the preconditions for proactive monitoring of trade processes in order to prevent the contradictions and disputes, and in the case of their appearance – for the fastest possible resolving, defining the possibility of finding mutually beneficial ways out of confrontational situations. It is important to study the practice of settlement of international trade disputes in the European Union and the United States. The purpose of this is the introduction of advanced foreign experience in the activity of the Ukrainian public authorities with the purpose of increase of efficiency of their functioning and national interests protection.
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Kesgingöz, Hayrettin. « Türkiye İçin Gümrük Birliği’ne Alternatif Bir Pazar : İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı / An Alternative Market to European Union for Turkey : The Organization of Islamic Cooperation ». Journal of History Culture and Art Research 7, no 1 (31 mars 2018) : 710. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v7i1.1418.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Increasing competition in the world by the help of globalization has directed countries to cooperation with other countries and interregional organizations. Nowadays competition in foreign trade is becoming more and more challenging due to globalization process and countries use the most important alternatives, economic integrations to export and import. The new idea of creating new regional alternatives to increase foreign trade for Turkey is becoming more important day by day. Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) which is being created under the leadership of Turkey has an important share on Turkish foreign trade after G20, OECD and Customs Union. Though OIC has occupied an important place in Turkish foreign trade it is least known and this study searches whether OIC can become an alternative in future. In order to answer this question, the performance analysis of foreign trade was conducted with the help of macroeconomic indicators while the analysis of foreign trade compliance was held with the help of international foreign trade indices. As a result of foreign trade compliance analysis it is concluded that importance of Organization of Islamic Cooperation is increasing every day. Though foreign trade between Turkey and Customs Union reduced, foreign trade between Turkey and OIC increased and that result shows that Turkey turns his face to markets of OIC. However foreign trade between Turkey and OIC can just be alternative to Custom union in further years.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Küreselleşmeyle birlikte dünyada artan rekabet ortamı 2008 küresel ekonomik krizinden sonra dünya ülkelerini ülkeler ve bölgeler arası işbirliğine doğru yöneltmiştir. Küreselleşme sürecinde dış ticarette rekabetin her geçen gün zorlaştığı bir dönemde bugün ülkeler, dış ticareti gerçekleştirmek için en önemli seçenekleri olan ülkeler ve bölgesel arası ekonomik bütünleşmeleri kullanmaktadırlar. Yeni yeni bölgesel ekonomik bütünleşmelerle dış ticareti arttırmak için alternatifler oluşturma düşüncesi, Türkiye için önemli hale gelmektedir. Türkiye’nin öncülüğünde oluşturulan İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı (İİT) Türkiye’nin dış ticaretinde G-20, OECD ve Gümrük Birliği (GB) ile dış ticaretinden sonra en önemli paya sahiptir. Bu çalışmada Türkiye’nin dış ticaret payında önemli sırada yer almasına rağmen az bilinen uluslararası ekonomik kuruluşlardan İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı’nın zamanla Gümrük Birliğine alternatif olup olmayacağı sorusuna cevap aranmıştır. Bu soruya cevap verebilmek için çalışmada dış ticaretin performansı analizi makroekonomik göstergeler ve dış ticaretin uyum analizi ise uluslararası dış ticaret endeksleri yardımıyla yapılmıştır. Dış ticaretin performans analizi ve dış ticaretin uyum analizi sonucunda Türkiye için İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı’nın önemi her geçen gün artmaktadır. Türkiye’nin Gümrük Birliğiyle olan dış ticaretinin azalmasının aksine İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı ile dış ticaretinin artması Türkiye’nin İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı alternatif pazarına yöneldiğini göstermektedir. Fakat Türkiye ile İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı arasındaki dış ticaret ancak zamanla Gümrük Birliğine iyi bir alternatif olarak değerlendirilebilir.</p>
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Tančić, Dragan, et Vanda Božić. « Modern migrant crisis and migrant smuggling ». Bastina, no 58 (2022) : 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina32-41580.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper points out, first of all, the fact that the contemporary migrant crisis represents a projected migration of peoples and that everything that is happening in the world today (the so-called Arab Spring - a wave of demonstrations, protests and rebellions, started in December 2010 in Tunisia and continued in other countries of North Africa and the Middle East, wars in certain countries, millions of homeless people, refugees and migrants, etc.) is not accidental at all. International law and its theoretical principles have never been more developed, on the one hand, but they have never been violated or compromised in practice, applied by naked political force and political power, on the other hand. Namely, all this is an integral part of the realization of the idea of the New World Order, which is by no means new. The destruction of "national sovereignty" and the creation of "limited sovereignty", the de-sovereignation of national states is the harsh reality of the modern world. This is done through the creation of supranational regional organizations (for example, the European Union) and institutions of global financial power (the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, and others).
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Soprano, Roberto. « The Principle of Effectiveness in the Interpretation of the Protocol of Accession of China to the World Trade Organization : Market Economy Considerations in Anti-Dumping Investigations ». Legal Issues of Economic Integration 46, Issue 1 (1 février 2019) : 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2019003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
China’s requests for consultations with the European Union and the United States formally initiated WTO disputes regarding certain provisions of the European Union and United States Anti-Dumping laws pertaining to the determination of normal value for ‘non-market economy’ countries. By filing such requests, China officially requested theWTODispute Settlement Body to clarify one of the most controversial and difficult to interpret ‘pieces of WTO law’. This article addresses the interpretation of section 15 of China’s Protocol of Accession in light of the principle of effectiveness to offer a different perspective on the ongoing dispute. It analyses whether the expiration of paragraph (a)(ii) will automatically prohibit Member States from deviating from standard rules to calculate normal value after 11 December 2016. It focuses particularly on section 15(d) and the criteria to be used to assess if China is (or is not) a market economy
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Rahayu, Sekar Wiji, et Fajar Sugianto. « IMPLIKASI KEBIJAKAN DAN DISKRIMINASI PELARANGAN EKSPOR DAN IMPOR MINYAK KELAPA SAWIT DAN BIJIH NIKEL TERHADAP PEREKONOMIAN INDONESIA ». DiH : Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 16, no 2 (14 juillet 2020) : 224–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/dih.v16i2.3439.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe creation of free trade provides a large advantage and role in driving the economic growth of a country, especially for developing countries that have abundant natural resources. One of the systems in free trade carried out by countries in the world in buying and selling produce is known as an export-import system. Where the seller is usually referred to as an exporter and the buyer is referred to as an importer. Like the general trading system, in international trade there are also obstacles that can be detrimental to one party and / or several parties in conducting international trade. These obstacles can be in the form of tariff barriers and / or non-tariff barriers. Non-tariff barriers can take the form of certain discriminations imposed by a particular country, both to protect the value of its production and to redevelop the product into something of even higher value. Both are pursed on one thing, hedging. Discrimination is also imposed by the European Union against the ban on imports of Palm Oil from Indonesia on the grounds that Palm Oil has a negative impact on the environment. Bearing in mind the European Union is one of the countries active in Environmental Health campaigns. Discrimination is also carried out by Indonesia to stop all exports of Nickel Ore and / or other minerals to the European Union with the consideration to hedge minerals that have not been downstreamed. Based on the discrimination actions, the two countries plan to submit complaints and complaints to the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a form of the two countries' objections to the policies taken.Keywords: international trade; mineral downstreaming; oil palmAbstrakTerciptanya perdagangan bebas memberikan keuntungan serta peran yang besar dalam mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi suatu negara, khususnya bagi negara-negara berkembang yang memiliki Sumber Daya Alam (SDA) yang melimpah. Salah satu sistem dalam perdagangan bebas yang dilakukan oleh negara-negara di dunia dalam melakukan jual-beli hasil produksi dikenal sebagai sistem ekspor-impor. Dimana pihak penjual lazimnya disebut sebagai eksportir dan pihak pembeli disebut sebagai importir. Selayaknya sistem perdagangan pada umumnya, di dalam perdagangan internasional juga terdapat hambatan-hambatan yang dapat merugikan satu pihak dan/atau beberapa pihak dalam yang melakukan perdagangan internasional. Hambatan tersebut dapat berupa hambatan tarif dan/atau hambatan non tarif. Hambatan non tarif dapat berupa diskriminasi-diskriminasi tertentu yang diberlakukan oleh suatu negara tertentu, baik untuk melindungi nilai produksinya maupun untuk mengembangkan kembali produk tersebut menjadi sesuatu yang lebih tinggi lagi nilainya. Keduanya mengerucut pada satu hal, yakni lindung nilai. Diskriminasi tersebut juga diberlakukan oleh Uni Eropa terhadap pelarangan impor Kelapa Sawit dari Indonesia dengan alasan bahwa Minyak Kelapa Sawit menimbulkan dampak yang buruk terhadap lingkungan. Mengingat Uni Eropa merupakan salah satu negara yang aktif dalam kampanye-kampanye kesehatan lingkungan. Aksi diskriminasi juga diberlakukan oleh Indonesia untuk menghentikan seluruh ekspor Bijih Nikel dan/atau mineral lainnya kepada Uni Eropa dengan pertimbangan untuk melakukan lindung nilai terhadap mineral-mineral yang belum di hilirisasi. Atas tindakan-tindakan diskiriminasi tersebut, kedua negara berencana untuk mengajukan keluhan dan gugatan ke World Trade Organization (WTO) sebagai bentuk keberatan kedua negara terhadap kebijakan-kebijakan yang diambil.Kata kunci: hilirisasi mineral; kelapa sawit; perdagangan internasional
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Pauwelyn, Joost. « The Rule of Law Without the Rule of Lawyers ? Why Investment Arbitrators Are from Mars, Trade Adjudicators from Venus ». American Journal of International Law 109, no 4 (octobre 2015) : 761–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.4.0761.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the twentieth anniversary of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the WTO’s dispute settlement system is celebrated as one of the organization’s biggest achievements. Although powerful members such as China, the European Union (EU), and the United States are regularly on the losing side of WTO trade disputes, overall support for the system remains high. If anything, it has increased over time, with early criticism by civil society waning. Compare this situation to investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), centered around the World Bank’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). ISDS, which started in earnest around the same time that the WTO was created, is under fire not only in capital-importing countries ranging from Ecuador, Indonesia, and South Africa but also in capital-exporting nations such as Australia, Germany, and the United States. Indeed, in the ongoing EU-U.S. negotiations over a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), ISDS emerged as one of the biggest bones of contention.
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VOON, TANIA. « Consolidating International Investment Law : The Mega-Regionals as a Pathway towards Multilateral Rules ». World Trade Review 17, no 1 (25 avril 2017) : 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474561700009x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractPessimism abounds in international economic law. The World Trade Organization (WTO) faces an uncertain future following its Ministerial Conference in Nairobi in 2015. International investment law is under attack in countries around the world, while mega-regional agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership are beset by world events, from the United States’ federal election to the unexpected Brexit outcome. Yet the appetite of numerous States to continue forging plurilateral trade and investment deals provides some cause for hope. Viewed alongside other institutional developments including consensus-building work at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law, the potential arguably now exists for credible movement towards multilateral rules in investment law. While the WTO's current negotiating stalemate highlights the difficulties in reaching agreement among 164 Members, international trade law offers lessons for working towards multilateralism in the international investment law field. Alongside informal discussions about a world investment court, mega-regionals provide a vehicle for future multilateral investment rules, particularly through the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between Canada and the European Union, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership currently under negotiation in Asia.
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Fujisawa, Jun. « The End of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no 2 (2022) : 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.213.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper analyzes the negotiations within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance during the final years of its existence, focusing on the Soviet reform proposals and M. S. Gorbachev’s vision of the “Common European Home” as well as on Eastern European reaction to them. In the second half of the 1980s, Gorbachev tried to found a “unified market” for the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance by introducing a market-oriented reform of the organization. However, this attempt did not materialize because of the East German and Romanian objections. After the collapse of Eastern European socialist regimes in 1989, the Soviet leadership urged the member-states to accelerate the reform of this international organization, hoping to achieve the pan-European economic integration through close cooperation between the totally reformed Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Community. Although the Central European countries, namely Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, aspired to join the EC individually, they agreed to participate in a successor organization of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance because the EC was not ready to accept them. Accordingly, by the beginning of 1991, all the member-states agreed to establish a consultative organization, which would be named the Organization for International Economic Cooperation). However, as the Soviet Union failed to sustain trade with the Central European countries, the three countries lost interest in the project. As a result, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance was disbanded without any successor organization. In other words, it did not collapse automatically after 1989 but came to an end as a result of various factors, such as rapidly declining trade between the member-states, Western disinterest in the cooperation with it, and the Central European policy changes.
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Svoboda, Ondrej. « EU Reform Agenda in Defence of the Judicialization of International Economic Law ». European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 2 (1 août 2020) : 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A widely-recognized ‘backlash against globalization’ has taken many forms in recent years, particularly in the resurgence of nationalism and protectionism. Following the rise of a legitimacy crisis in the international regime for the protection of investments, the Trumpanian attack on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Appellate Body undermines a crucial function of this organization. In this context, the European Union has traditionally been seen as an advocate of the rule of law at an international level. Currently, it leads the way to maintain rules-based global economic governance by submitting detailed proposals to reform international trade and investment adjudication bodies and galvanizing broad support for them amongst other countries. Specifically, the European Union (EU) proposes the establishment of a multilateral investment court (MIC), which it considers to be the best option to address the concerns with the existing system of investor-State dispute resolution (ISDS). At the WTO, the EU has tabled two sets of proposals to answer concerns from the US and modify the relevant parts of the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU). After the collapse of the WTO Appellate Body, the EU led an initiative to create an interim appeal arbitration arrangement. This article argues that, in the absence of leadership by the US, the EU plays an essential role in maintaining trade and investment governance built on international law. This article identifies two different EU approaches in its attempt to (1) modernize an existing adjudication body at the WTO and (2) promote establishment of a new judicial institution for the resolution of investment disputes. In both ways, the EU acts as an innovator in terms of international governance. European Union, reform, judicialization, WTO, Appellate Body, UNCITRAL, investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), multilateral investment court