Thèses : « World politics – Psychological aspects »

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Krumdieck, Alex. « Desires, mysteries and myths : the world of shadows ». Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/22354.

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Houska, Jeremy Ashton. « Front-runners and newcomers : The dynamics of momentum in electoral politics as explained by cue competition ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2898.

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Conditioning theory and research have contributed substantially to a more complete understanding of a variety of social processes including attitude formation, consumer behavior, and interpersonal attraction. The goal of this thesis was to illuminate further another frequently investigated social process, voting behavior.

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Pruefe, Jenny Maria. « Seeking certainty in an uncertain world : psychosocial aspects of renal replacement therapies in children and adolescents ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607822.

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McParland, Joanna L. « An exploration of attributions, just world beliefs and adjustment in adult pain sufferers ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/11903.

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The present study examined the nature of and relationship between attributions, just world beliefs (JWB) and adjustment in a sample of 62 community pain sufferers. This was exploratory because it accounted for shortcomings of these concepts, meaning they have not been investigated like this in pain. Specifically, it accounted for the scarcity of research distinguishing between cause, responsibility and blame; allowing the self-definition of responsibility, blame and adjustment; examining changes in attributions and adjustment, and considering just world beliefs. The importance of investigating these issues in pain was detailed. The research was conducted in two phases. The first, brief phase piloted a measure to account for these shortcomings. The second phase used the piloted measure to investigate the shortcomings in a series of five aims. Descriptive analyses indicated that most participants made causal attributions for their pain, with around half attributing responsibility and blame. Although similar in the types of attributions made, cause was distinguished from responsibility and blame, which were indistinguishable from each other. Attributions did not change. Additionally, JWB were weakly correlated with pain intensity, and analyses of variance techniques found JWB to interact with pain duration, such that those with 1 month-2.5 years' duration had stronger JWB than those in the 3-9 years' duration. JWB did not interact with attributions or adjustment, but chi-square analyses found attributions interacted with adjustment, such that attributions to the self were adaptive, while attributions to others resulted in poor adjustment to pain. Stepwise multiple regression analyses suggested that these latter attributions predicted pain intensity, as did pain treatments. Additionally, individual differences in attributions, adjustment and pain intensity emerged in chi-square analyses, although none were found on JWB. Full interpretations were made of these findings, and their implications for future research discussed.

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Skidmore, Monique. « Flying through a skyful of lies : survival strategies and the politics of fear in urban Myanmar (Burma) ». Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35670.

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This thesis concerns the cultural construction and mechanics of violence, domination, and survival under a Southeast Asian totalitarian regime. It entails an examination of the modern character of violence and domination in Myanmar (Burma) through the inscription of State power upon the bodies of Burmans and via the ramifications of the regime's alliance with the drug lords upon the urban struggle for survival. At times of extreme domination, fear, and degradation, very little space exists for psychological and physical resistance. Burmans seek escape from this situation by withdrawing into domains characterized by denial, numbness, and temporary madness. My concern is with the lived experience of totalitarianism, the way that individuals respond differently according to a prior series of lived experiences, and the particular idioms drawn upon to construct survival strategies.
An important culturally constructed strategy of survival in Myanmar entails the detaching of agency from the body while the mind "flies" to freedom. This strategy has a long history not only in Burmese, but also in other Southeast Asian histories, myths, and legends. Just as Burmese wizards fly to a mythical landscape in the foothills of the Himalayas when released from their physical bodies, so too do heroin addicts, prostitutes, psychiatric patients, and the urban poor flee to Burmese fantasylands to escape the domination of the military regime. This strategy, one of many adopted by urban residents, denies the State the final prize it so desperately craves: the willing participation of Burmans in a military society, the complete internalization of totalitarian ideology such that no other ideologies can exist and no space is left for their creation and negotiation. In the conclusion I argue that the regime is aware that it has faded in this task.
I also examine the possibility that the existence of multiple Burmese worlds or realities, in conjunction with a strong belief in the miraculous may offer new ground for research into the trauma of survivors of violence and terror. The construction of madness, death, and reanimation in Burmese culture, grounds particular survival strategies in logical, hopeful, and perhaps curative, rationalities.

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Kachkova, Anna. « The politics of bidding and the politics of planning : a comparison of the FIFA World Cup in Germany and South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1638.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
This study focuses on the bidding for sports mega-events, their subsequent planning, and the politics surrounding these processes. The specific examples analysed here are those of the FIFA Football World Cup™ in Germany in 2006, and the forthcoming 2010 World Cup to be hosted by South Africa. The events are examined against a backdrop of increasing competition to host mega-events, spurred on by a widespread belief in the economic benefits that result from hosting, with a frequent disregard for the social and economic costs involved. Four central research questions are addressed in the course of this thesis. The first is the role of corporate actors and their influence on mega-events, the second is the question of what processes characterise both the bidding and planning stages of an event, including the main actors, agendas and discourses involved in both of these stages. Thirdly, the significance of hosting the World Cup in both the German and South African case is examined, and fourthly, the long-term implications of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 World Cup, both for the country itself and for developing nations more broadly, is considered. The research methodology used for this thesis is predominately qualitative, and utilises mostly secondary sources, including books, academic articles, press articles, and information off the official websites of the football organisations involved. The main findings of this thesis are that while both countries in question had seemingly compelling reasons for hosting the World Cup, and while benefits can stem from the event, the longevity of such benefits is questionable, and the costs involved can be especially heavy in a developing context such as that of South Africa. Furthermore, those that stand to benefit the most from the events include transnational corporate actors, with the implication that significant financial gains never reach the host economy. Nevertheless, an ever-increasing willingness on the part of numerous nations to host mega-events means that the German and South African cases can provide lessons for future hosts, and South Africa’s World Cup has particular significance as a test case for mega-events hosted by developing nations. Finally, this thesis stresses the need for further research in this field. It also aims to break some new ground by examining the commonalities and contrasts to be found in the bidding and planning processes of a mega-event as carried out by a developed and a developing nation.

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Behrenshausen, Bryan G. « Touching is Good : An Eidetic Phenomenology of Interface, Interobjectivity, and Interaction in Nintendo's "Animal Crossing : Wild World" ». Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/BehrenshausenBG2007.pdf.

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Ashour, Omar. « A world without Jihad ? : the causes of de-radicalization of armed Islamist movements ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29750.

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Several armed Islamist movements have shown remarkable behavioural and ideological transformations towards non-violence. The "de-radicalization" processes of these movements removed tens of thousands of former militants from the ranks of al-Qa'ida's supporter and acted as disincentives for would-be militants. These processes have taken place on a large scale in Egypt and Algeria, and on a smaller scale in Libya, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan, Tajikistan, Malaysia and Indonesia.
This dissertation addresses crucial lacunae in the literature on Islamism, security and counterterrorism studies by asking the question 'why do radical Islamist militants revise their ideologies, strategies and objectives and initiate a de-radicalization process.' The dissertation also aims to answer the question of what are the necessary conditions under which this process can be successful. In the following chapters, I analyze how such factors as state policies, charismatic leadership and social interaction between the layers of an Islamist organization, as well as between the same organization and the "other," can all interact to shape the prospects for renunciation violence, both behaviourally and ideologically, by an Islamist movement. Empirically, I analyze the deradicalization processes of three cases in Egypt (the armed wings of the Muslim Brothers, the Islamic Group and al-Jihad Organization) and one case in Algeria (Islamic Salvation Army and affiliated militias). I also analyze two cases of deradicalization failure in Algeria, as a means to further explicate and examine my variables.
The arguments in the dissertation are based on qualitative comparative research. Archival interviews, supplemented by personal ones, with Islamist leaders, mid-ranking commanders, grassroots organization members, Islamist movements' specialists, former security and intelligence officers and state officials are analyzed to help identify the potential causes of de-radicalization from different perspectives. Content analysis is also used to examine original literature and statements produced by the Islamist groups under study and their leaders to both legitimize and, at a later stage, to de-legitimize violence.
In the conclusion, the dissertation provides a comprehensive theoretical framework that explains the causes of de-radicalization of armed Islamist movements. It also provides direction for future research agendas and addresses policy implications relevant to de-radicalization.
Plusieurs mouvements islamistes armes ont donne les signes d'importants changements sur le plan du comportement et de l'ideologie en faveur de la nonviolence. Les processus de de-radicalisation de ces mouvements ont conduit au retrait de dizaines de milliers d'anciens militants des rangs des supporteurs d' Al Qaida et ont eu un effet dissuasif sur ceux qui songeaient a se joindre a eux. Ces processus ont eu lieu a grande echelle en Egypte et en Algerie et a plus petite echelle en Libye, en Arabie Saoudite, au Yemen, en Jordanie, au Tadjikistan, en Malaisie et en Indonesie.
Cette these porte sur des lacunes importantes dans la litterature sur l'islamisme, les etudes de securite et le contreterrorisme. Elle cherche a savoir pourquoi les militants radicaux islamistes ont revise leurs ideologies, leurs strategies et leur objectifs et initie un processus de de-radicalisation. Cette these vise arepondre a ces questions afin de comprendre les conditions necessaires a la reussite d'un tel processus. Au cours des chapitres suivants, j'analyse comment des facteurs tels que les politiques etatiques, le leadership charismatique, et les interactions sociales entre les couches d'une organisation islamiste ainsi qu'entre la meme organisation et l' « Autre» peuvent tous interagir pour modifier les perspectives d'un mouvement islamiste de fayon aI'amener arenoncer ala violence, tant dans son comportement que dans son ideologie. De fayon empirique, j'analyse les processus de deradicalisation de trois cas en Egypte (l'aile armee des Freres musulmans, le Groupe islamique et l'Organisation du al-Jihad) et d'un cas en Algerie ( l'Armee islamique du salut et les milices affiliees). J'analyse egalement deux cas d'echec de la deradicalisation en Algerie afin d'examiner mes variables.
Les arguments de cette dissertation sont fondes sur une recherche qualitative comparee. Des entrevues archivees et des entrevues que j'ai moi-meme realisees avec des autorites islamistes, des sous-officiers ainsi qu' avec de jeunes sympathisants, des militants de souche, des specialistes des mouvements islamistes, des anciens officiers de la securite et du renseignement et des employes de l' etat sont analysees afin d'aider it identifier sous differents angles les causes potentielles de de-radicalisation. L'analyse de contenu est egalement utilisee pour examiner la litterature de base ainsi que les communiques produits par des groupes islamistes et leurs chefs pour legitimer et plus tard, pour delegitimer, la violence.
En conclusion, la these presente un cadre theorique qui explique les causes de la de-radicalisation des mouvements islamistes armes. Elle propose egalement des avenues de recherche et traite des implications concemant les politiques gouvemementales et autres relatives ala de-radicalisation.

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Ford, Deborah Kaylee. « An Evaluation of Moderating Influences of Employee Proactive Personality : Empowerment and Political Skill ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/515.

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An action-orientation within the workplace is often sought out by organizations as a source for competitive advantage. Organizational leaders are increasingly reliant on independently driven employees that will take action without being instructed to do so. Toward this effort, proactive personality has become increasingly popular within the literature as a personality trait associated with an employee's propensity to take charge of situations and demonstrate initiative to make a positive impact. In identifying potential variables that will moderate the effects of proactive personality, a highly relevant construct is empowerment. Proactive personality is thought of as a trait, whereas empowerment can be thought of as the contextual counterpart. In this study, I research both psychological empowerment as an employee interpretation of organizational conditions, such as feelings of self-efficacy, control, and flexibility for action (Arnold, Arad, Rhoades, & Drasgow, 2000) and structural empowerment as the influence of situational workplace context (Kanter, 1977). Despite the theoretical overlap between proactive personality and empowerment, very little has been done to integrate or investigate these variables together to evaluate their relative influences on important outcomes. Given that limited concentration has been focused on boundary conditions of proactive personality, employee political skill is hypothesized as a moderator that will encourage the attainment of important organizational outcomes (i.e., job task performance, job satisfaction) and minimize negative outcomes (i.e., occupational stress and strain) from proactive personality and empowerment. This study is a more complete investigation of proactive personality that not only provides a meaningful theoretical examination, but also informs applied practice. Despite a number of theoretical links between proactive personality and empowerment, the two constructs have been investigated in isolation from one another. Therefore, the relationship between empowerment and political skill is largely unknown. It is unclear whether empowerment and political skill are both necessary to realize optimal results or whether being high on both leads to exponentially better outcomes. This study included 252 nurses from union organizations in Oregon, Florida, and Missouri that registered and were invited to participate (53%). They were surveyed across two points in time, 176 participated at Time 1 and Time 2 and 76 participated in only Time 1. Results did not show support for my hypotheses that improvements would be observed for those high on any two research variables: proactive personality, empowerment, and political skill. However, results consistently support a compensatory model. In general, task performance, perceived effectiveness, and satisfaction with quality of care improved when nurses were high on either proactive personality or empowerment (either structural or psychological). Those high on either proactive personality or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Similarly, those high on either structural empowerment or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Only when a nurse was low on both variables in the model did they show reduced benefits. Several clear practical solutions are readily apparent based on study results. Given that empowerment can be manipulated within an organizational culture and proactive personality can be integrated with selection systems, the results are important for organizational leaders and organizational development consultants. Similarly, this research adds greatly to the literature on political skill, an area that is relatively new. By examining the moderating influence of political skill, this adds to the theoretical advancement of the three constructs while also informing practitioners regarding potential selection, training, and organizational design. Political skill has been seen as an attribute with the capacity to change over time with training, experience, and mentoring (Ferris, Perrewé, Anthony, & Gilmore, 2000). Therefore, the practical implications for organizations are clearly evident. Further, given that both proactive personality and empowerment have received limited evaluation into their boundary conditions, an evaluation of potential moderators helps advance into the understanding of the processes related to action within the workplace.

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Wallis, Marianne C. (Marianne Clare). « Professional nurse caring in the world of coronary care nursing ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1996. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27550.

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This phenomenological study explored the lived experience of professional nurse caring in the world of the coronary care unit (CCU). An initial exploration of the researcher’s assumptions about the phenomenon and the pre—understandings about the phenomenon that exist within the literature was undertaken. This revealed that although much is known about the experience of patients in coronary care units, the experience of professional nurse caring for nurses, patients and theirlspouses remains largely uncovered.

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Mudaly, Balasundran Subramani. « The life-world of youth in children's homes ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002080.

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The study sought to obtain an insightful understanding of the life-world of youth who have not only experienced long-term separation from their biological parents and families but who have also simultaneously experienced prolonged institutional life in a children'e home. Using a descriptive praxis in the context of an existential phenomenological perspective, the study elicited from participants written descriptions of their personal experiences of the phenomenon of self-fulfilment. The data were structurally analysed, expressed in the form of extended descriptions and utilised as the basis for an exposition/appreciation of the life-world relationships of institutional youth. The target group of teenagers was drawn from a specific children's home. However, in order to enhance the findings of the study, data from a comparative group of youth from intact families in the community were also utilised. The study yielded some useful comparative insights which not only formed the basis for certain recommendations but also served as directions for future research. Hopefully, these recommendations and research proposals will be of some immediate interest and comfort to both reeearchers and practitioners in the field of residential child and youth care

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Eggeling, Kristin Anabel. « Brand new world : the politics of state-branding in Kazakhstan and Qatar ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16789.

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This thesis explores the political use of branding in international relations by focusing on the branding exercises of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the State of Qatar over the last two decades. In most of the existing literature, branding is theorised as a representational and instrumental practice that is strategically used to increase a country's competitive edge. Adopting a critical constructivist lens to the study of International Relations (IR), this thesis challenges this reading and argues instead that branding is a productive and inherently political practice that (re)produces dominant interpretations of state-identity rather than merely describing them. Based on the core constructivist claim that much of politics revolves around the competition to give meaning to the world, this thesis argues that the version of the state promoted through branding is neither neutral nor brand new, but inherently politicised and tied to the conversation and legitimation of the incumbent political regime. Inspired by the ongoing practice turn in IR, the starting point for the analysis is a focus on the display of the state through a range of everyday practices long ignored by IR scholars. In particular, it focuses on how the political leadership in both Kazakhstan and Qatar has used the urban development of their capital cities, the hosting of international sports events, and the construction of 'world-class' universities to present new ideas about their state to various inter/national audiences. Using an original data corpus of multimodal primary and secondary material, the analysis traces how branding practices produce and normalise a certain interpretation of Kazakhstani and Qatari statehood, and then interrogates how we can understand this interpretation as politicised and tied to the interests of the regime. The goal of the analysis is twofold. First, this thesis aims to elucidate how relevant instances of state- branding unfold and travel across different empirical contexts (Kazakhstan and Qatar) and cases (urban development, sports and education). Second, it aims to push current scholarly understandings by (re)conceptualising branding as a genre of contemporary identity politics, and produce broader insights about the characteristics and mechanisms of this increasingly normalised - yet often as politically non-salient dismissed - practice of international relations.

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Issel, Rashida. « Self-neglect in the corporate world ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50091.

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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Psychological distress, whether caused by personality traits, biochemical imbalances, or difficult circumstances or events, can have a profound effect on a one's physical wellbeing and quality of life as an individual, manager and executive. Personality traits include type A personality, type B personality, being emotional as well as management style. Difficult circumstances or events include changes at work, the birth of a child, the death of a family member as well as a promotion received at work. Experiencing constant stress at work, in addition to having unresolved emotions such as sadness, anger, fear and anxiety can have an effect on one's physical health. This can be observed in management as sluggishness, tiredness, and depression, increasing susceptibility to infections, heart attacks, burnout, and rheumatoid arthritis. Personality, personal experiences and circumstances shape the way one responds emotionally to problems in life. A particular problem may cause one person to become ill, whereas another person might cope comfortably with it. However, because responses to problems are not set in stone, managers can learn to manage their emotional problems more effectively. Above all, managers can teach their subordinates techniques that can help them steer clear of self-neglect. People find themselves living and working in an era dominated by real-time business decision-making, and many managers are struggling to cope. Of course, there are also people who are happy, healthy, peaceful and wealthy and who seem to have it all. They have good positions and seem to have a balanced life regarding their family and work. They have achieved equilibrium. There is a perception that such people are just lucky. Perhaps they are, but more likely they simply possess appropriate coping mechanisms that others too can acquire. The objective of this dissertation is to assist not only managers, but also the individual to overcome the rat race that the new millennium has bestowed upon us. It further aims to show that everyone is capable of achieving the necessary tools to combat self-neglect and destruction of the inner self. It is suggested that by learning to change ones thinking and behavioural approach to an event it is possible to change the outcome of the event. By learning a few thinking (cognitive) and physical (meditation) techniques it is possible to overcome the mere interpretation of an event, which will allow the individual to improve their ability to cope with stress and maintain not only their own physical well being, but also the well being of the organisation. Furthermore, organisations may assist their employees by encouraging or creating a good working culture in order to improve both the coqqitive and physical environment as experienced by the individual. This "looking after the other" relationship can and will only have a positive effect. The poet, Khalil Gibran (2002), reflects: "But I say to you that when you work you fulfil a part of earth's furthest dream, assigned to you when that dream was born. And in keeping yourself with labour you are in truth loving life And to love life through labour is to be intimate with life's innermost secret." Thus to enjoy life through work, one should learn to enjoy what life hands out by changing ones perception of the event as well as the attitude towards life and work.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sielkundige distres wat ontstaan as gevolg van óf persoonlikheidstrekke, biochemiese wanbalanse, moeilike omstandighede of gebeurtenisse ongeag die oorsaak daarvan, kan 'n wesentlike uitwerking op 'n persoon se liggaamlike welstand en lewensgehalte as 'n individu, bestuurder en bedryfsleier hê. Persoonlikheidstrekke sluit tipe A-persoonlikheid, tipe B-persoonlikheid, emosionaliteit en bestuurstyl in. Moeilike omstandighede of gebeurtenisse sluit veranderinge in die werkplek, die geboorte van 'n kind, die sterfte van 'n familielid sowel as 'n bevordering by die werk in. Voortdurende spanning by die werk tesame met onverwerkte emosies soos hartseer, woede, vrees en angs kan 'n uitwerking op 'n mens se liggaamlike gesondheid hê. In bestuur kan dit waargeneem word as traagheid, moegheid en depressie, wat 'n mens se vatbaarheid vir infeksies, hartaanvalle, uitbranding en rumatiek verhoog. 'n Mens se persoonlikheid, ervarings en omstandighede bepaal hoe jy op die lewe se emosionele probleme reageer. Een mens mag siek word weens 'n probleem wat iemand anders heel maklik sal hanteer. Bestuurders kan egter leer hoe om hul emosionele probleme meer doeltreffend te hanteer. Bowenal kan bestuurders hul onderskiktes tegnieke leer om te verhoed dat hulle hulself verwaarloos. Die individu leef en werk in 'n era wat oorheers word deur die neem van vinnige en goeie sakebesluite en bestuurders sukkel om by te bly. Natuurlik is daar ook mense wat gelukkig, gesond, vreedsaam en welgesteld is, en lyk of hulle alles het. Hulle beklee goeie poste en ly skynbaar 'n gebalanseerde lewe tussen hul gesin en hul werk. Hulle het 'n balans bereik. Die persepsie bestaan dat sulke mense eenvoudig geluk aan hul kant het. Miskien het hulle, maar dalk het hulle net die regte meganismes om probleme doeltreffend te hanteer wat ander ook kan aanleer. Hierdie skripsie se doelwit is nie slegs om bestuurders nie, maar ook die individuele werknemer wat vasgevang is in die "rat race" wat teweeg gebring is deur die nuwe eeu, te help om die effekte daarvan teen te werk. Dit streef verder om te bewys dat elke persoon instaat is om die nodige hulpmiddele te bekom om eie-nalatigheid en uiteindelik die selfvernietiging van die innerlike mens te oorkom. Dit word verder voorgestel dat deur die aanlering om mens se denkwyses en gedragspatroon benadering tot die aangeleentheid te verander, is dit moontlik om sodoende die uitslag van die aangeleentheid te verander. Deur die aanleer van 'n paar denkwyses (kognitiewe) en fisiese (meditasie) tegnieke is dit moontlik om selfs die interpretasie van die aangeleentheid te oorkom, wat sal toelaat dat die individu sy vermoë om spanning te hanteer en die instandhouding van hulle fiesieke toestand te verbeter. Maatskappye kan ook sy werknemers bystaan deur die aanmoediging van, of die daarstelling van 'n goeie werkskultuur om sodoende beide die kognitiewe en die fisiese omgewing soos deur die individu beleef, te verbeter. Hierdie "omsien na die ander" verhouding kan, en sal net 'n positiewe uitwerking hê. Die digter, Khalil Gibran (2002), reflekteer: "But I say to you that when you work you fulfil a part of earth's furthest dream, assigned to you when that dream was born. And in keeping yourself with labour you are in truth loving life And to love life through labour is to be intimate with life's innermost secret." Dus, om die lewe deur middel van werk te geniet, moet mens leer om dit wat die lewe uitdeel, te geniet. En dit kan slegs bewerkstelling word indien 'n mens se persepsie van die aangeleentheid sowel as mens se houding teenoor die lewe en werk verander.

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Lu, Tailai. « International Debt Crisis : Interaction of Economics and Politics ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935791/.

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This study attempts to examine the international debt crisis in the 1980s from a primarily political perspective, to permit a greater understanding of the interaction between economics and politics in the course of crisis management The process of dealing with the current international debt crisis provides an pat case for investigation of how economic concerns affect political outcomes, and how political factors influence economic outcomes, and how political factors influence economic policies. This study concentrates on the two regions of Latin America and Eastern Europe where the debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt problem has been increasingly politicized in the contemporary international relations, and that its solution, in addition to the economic aspects, calls for political willingness by all parties concerned.

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Salloukh, Bassel Fawzi. « Organizing politics in the Arab world : state-society relations and foreign policy choices in Jordan and Syria ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36789.

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Why do some regimes enjoy more autonomy than others when taking foreign policy and alignment choices? How does the organization of state-society relations constrain or enable a regime's freedom to take foreign policy and alignment choices? What explains the overlap between the domestic and external security spheres of some states, but not others? Finally, how do the foreign policy and alignment choices of some regimes have domestic political origins, uses, and implications?
This study explores these theoretical questions through a comparative examination of the impact of the organization of state-society relations (the independent variable) on regime autonomy in taking foreign policy and alignment choices (the dependent variable) in King Hussein's Jordan and Hafiz al-Asad's Syria. In contrast to Jordan's overlapping security terrains, and the domestic political origins, uses, and implications of many of the Hashemite regime's foreign policy and alignment choices, in Asad's Syria these choices are responses to shifts in the external geopolitical environment. This study offers an explanation of the discrepancy between the Syrian regime's ability to ignore domestic constraints on foreign policy and alignment choices, due to its preoccupation with external sources of threat, compared to its Jordanian counterpart's inability to do so and, consequently, its preoccupation on many occasions with strictly domestic sources of threat.
This study bridges comparative politics and international relations theorizing, inviting a methodological shift away from the hitherto dominant neorealist tendency in the latter field, which anchors foreign policy and alignment choices in primarily external considerations and objectives. Borrowing from the literature on corporatism, populism, and historical institutionalism, this study also supplies a more rigorous methodology for investigating the relationship between the domestic structures of nondemocratic states and their foreign policy and alignment choices. More than a revision of neorealist theorizing, and in contrast to idiosyncratic, domestic structure, or constructivist approaches to the study of state behavior, this study contends that a contextual and historical analysis of the organization of state-society relations explains why regime autonomy to take foreign policy and alignment choices may be constrained in some states but not in others. Furthermore, and against neorealism's insistence on the external origins of foreign policy and alignment choices, this study also argues that on many occasions these choices have domestic political origins, uses, and implications. The implications of these conclusions on the study of Arab politics, and on the quest for a first-cut theory of state behavior, are also assessed.

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Buckingham, David M. « Coping with a stroke : prediction using the belief constructs of just world, locus of control, attribution and reformulated learned helplessness ». Virtual Press, 1986. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/465787.

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Belief constructs appear to govern many aspects of life and may have an influence on coping with severe disability. This study investigated the extent to which coping with a stroke is identified by the belief constructs of just world, locus of control, attribution, and reformulated learned helplessness. The data were collected at a comprehensive rehabilitation center from thirty consenting stroke victims. The sample included 17 women and 12 men with a mean age of 64. The median number of days from the stroke to rehabilitation was 16. Twenty subjects had left hemiparesis and ten subjects had right hemiparesis.In addition to the belief-construct predictor variables, nature-of-stroke and demographic variables were collected during an initial evaluation. Demographic variables included sex, age, marital status, occupation, education, and recreation. Nature-of-stroke variables included period of time since stroke, diagnosis, severity, location, and aphasia as measured by the 'Aphasia Language Performance Scales' (Keenan & Brassell, 1975). The belief constructs were measured by the 'Just World Scale' (Rubin & Peplau, 1975), the 'Internal-External Locus of Control Scale" (Collins, 1974), and an adapted version of the 'Attribution Style Questionnaire' (Seligman, 1984). A coping measure was introduced as the criterion variable. It was administered 21 days following the initial evaluation and is based upon the ratings of the stroke victims' therapists. It includes a scale to more clearly define coping.The results of the study did not produce a clear definition of coping, although cognitive, emotional, and physical factors were evident. In addition, there was preliminary evidence of reliability and validity for measures of this construct. The linear composite of five variables was statistically significant (p < .01) and identified 56% of the variance in the coping measure. The significance of these variables suggests that successful coping is associated with older subjects who had passive premorbid recreation, were admitted relatively soon after their stroke, were rated as having a mild stroke, and made stable attributions about rehabilitation. The fact that one of the belief-construct variables (stability of attribution about rehabilitation) was significant, despite the small sample size, is encouraging and justifies further research in this area.

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Higgins, Kathleen M. « Consumer Compulsive Buying and Hoarding in a World of Fast Fashion ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc799553/.

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The purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to determine the relationships between social media, fashion interest and fast fashion involvement and whether these psychographic variables affect propensity for compulsive clothing buying and (2) to determine whether a relationship exists between compulsive buying and propensity toward hoarding. Data was collected through consumer panel from Qualtrix. Screener questions ensured that all respondents were adult females with an interest in fashion. Responses yielded 232 usable surveys, which were analyzed using SPSS software. Social media was found to be positively related to fashion interest, fast fashion involvement, and compulsive clothing buying. Compulsive clothing buying was found to be positively related to all three compulsive clothes hoarding symptoms: clothing clutter disorganization, clothing acquisition, and difficulty discarding clothing.

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Scheepers, Esca. « The psychological experience of being in hiding against the background of political repression in South Africa during the 1986 general State of Emergency : a phenomenological explication ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004586.

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This is a study in Critical Psychology which examines the psychological costs of one of the direct outcomes of political repression - the experience of being in hiding. The aims of the study can be depicted on two levels: it is first and foremost an attempt to provide a true account of the phenomenon of being in hiding. On a second level of equal importance it is an implicit and overt critique of the social order in which this phenomenon takes place. The psychological experience of being in hiding is examined and discussed in its proper socio-political context. Therefore, the theoretical part of the mini-thesis has a strong political bearing, focusing on the State, and extra-parliamentary opposition in South Africa. repression The empirical part of the mini-thesis explicates the psychological experience of being in hiding with the aid of the phenomenological method of investigation. Due to the lack of research on this or similar topics, it is discussed within the framework of the experience of a stressful life event. For the five subjects being in hiding was an extreme intervention which was imposed upon their existences and which brought about a qualitative transformation in the individual subjects mode of being-in-the-world - not only in terms of practicalities, but also on a deep experiential level. It was a phenomenon which touched on fundamental parts of their experience of themselves and their individual worlds and the way in which they actualized themselves. For them it essentially entailed a loss of relationships and roles which resulted in an experience of a measure of encapsulation or separation from the world of others . It was a profound, multi - dimensional disruption of the structure of the subject ' s existence which infused a rich emotional experience .

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Cobden, Lynsey Shaw. « Neuropsychiatry and the management of aerial warfare : the Royal Air Force Neuropsychiatric Division in the Second World War ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2dd79d33-bf1f-4351-b3f4-cebcac9b7fad.

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This work is a critical assessment of the role of neuropsychiatry in the management of aerial warfare. Focussing almost exclusively on the Second World War (1939-45), the thesis demonstrates how the Royal Air Force (RAF) mobilised specialist medical knowledge to improve wastage and combat efficiency in flying personnel. Neurological and psychiatric expertise was enlisted to improve service performance and reduce the burden of neuropsychiatric disorders. To meet these key objectives, the RAF neuropsychiatric division undertook important administrative and therapeutic duties in the areas of personnel selection, service discipline, neuropsychiatric research, and the treatment of mental disorders. The work therefore assesses how the division responded to these challenges and contributed to the management of aerial warfare. The thesis assesses the factors that shaped the practice of neuropsychiatry in the service. Historically, the training and personal interests of specialists and the context of therapeutic practice guided the development of mental health specialties. To gain a fuller appreciation of the administrative and therapeutic duties of the division, this work explores the medical, social, military, and professional factors that shaped neuropsychiatric thought and practice. Secondly, the work engages with the 'human element' of aerial combat. The physical and mental health of aircrew was fundamental to the conduct of the air war and underpinned the administrative decisions of the air force. It was the primary objective of the neuropsychiatric division to preserve and develop these vital human resources. Neuropsychiatric disorders represented a challenge to efficiency, for they could affect the performance and motivation of a flyer. The thesis will examine how the neuropsychiatric division attempted to sustain aircrew by preventing and treating the disorders that compromised their efficiency.

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Wachanga, David Ndirangu. « Sanctioned and Controlled Message Propagation in a Restrictive Information Environment : The Small World of Clandestine Radio Broadcasting ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5113/.

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This dissertation seeks to identify the elements that inform the model for competing message propagation systems in a restrictive environment. It pays attention to message propagation by sanctioned and clandestine radio stations in pre- and post-independent Zimbabwe. This dissertation uses two models of message propagation in a limiting information environment: Sturges' information model of national liberation struggle and Chatman's small world information model. All the message propagation elements in the Sturges and Chatman's models are present in the broadcast texts analyzed. However, the findings of this dissertation indicate that communication in a restrictive information environment is designed such that its participants make sense of their situation, and come up with ways to solve the challenges of their small world. Also, a restrictive information environment is situational, and message propagators operating in it are subject to tactical changes at different times, accordingly altering their cognitive maps. The two models fail to address these concerns. This dissertation focused on message propagation in Zimbabwe because there is military belligerence involved in the information warfare. It therefore provides an extreme situation, which can help our understanding of more everyday instances of communication and interference of communication. Findings of this dissertation recommend the need to emphasize that information input, output and suppression are components dependent on each other; not discrete and independent categories of information activities.

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Clark, Bradley. « Discovery of Resources and Conflict in the Interstate System, 1816-2001 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28406/.

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This study tests a theory detailing the increased likelihood of conflict following an initial resource discovery in the discovering nation and its region. A survey of prior literature shows a multitude of prior research concerning resources and nations' willingness to initiate conflict over those resources, but this prior research lacks any study concerning the effects of the discovery of resources on interstate conflict. The theory discusses the increased likelihood of conflict in the discovering nation as both target and initiator. It further looks at the increased chance of conflict in the discoverer's region due to security dilemmas and proxy wars. The results show strong support for the theory, suggesting nations making new resource discoveries must take extra care to avoid conflict.

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Marx, Jacqueline Greer. « (In)visibility and the exercise of power : a genealogy of the politics of drag spectacles in a small city in South Africa ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002522.

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This study investigates the politics of homosexual visibility in dressing-up, cross-dressing and drag performances that take place in a small city in South Africa over a period of sixty years, beginning in the 1950s and the inception of apartheid policy, through the socio-political changes in the 1990s to the 21st century post-apartheid context. The study draws on Butler’s notion of performative resistance and adopts a Foucauldian genealogy to examine the conditions that make visibility possible and through which particular representations of homosexuality are articulated and read, or remain unread or misread. Information about dressing-up, cross-dressing and drag performance was obtained in interviews, from documentary evidence, and from audio-visual recordings of drag shows and gay and lesbian beauty pageant competitions. Semiotics and a Foucauldian approach to analysing discourse were used to interpret the written, spoken, and visual texts. In this study I argue that the state prohibition of homosexuality during apartheid meant that people could not admit to knowing about it, and this ‘not knowing’ provided a cover for homosexual behaviour in public. At this time, the threat of being identified was associated with police raids on private parties. In the 1990s, homosexual visibility was more viable than it had been in the past. However, the strategies that were adopted to negotiate public visibility at this time were tailored to appease normative sentiments rather than challenge them. I argue that, historically, race and gender have played a role in diminishing and exacerbating homosexual visibility and its politics. Addressing the potential for harm that is associated with homosexual visibility in the 21st century post-apartheid context, this study considers the circumstances in which invisibility is desirable.

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Morris, Adam J. « The Effects On a State When They Lose Their Senior Senator ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/41.

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The Primary purpose of this paper is to examine the role and importance of Senior Senators in the US Senate. Many states rely on Senators to bring in federal spending in the form of pork. When states lose their Senior Senator and the power they accumulated through increased tenure, they risk losing certain benefits in terms of pork. We use federal expenditures per dollar of tax and analyze how it is affected by Seniority in the Senate. Population, Income, and unemployment rates in each state were controlled for in our regression analysis. It is concluded that increased tenure significantly increases federal spending to Senators’ states. Though this is statistically significant, we find the effects of losing a Senior Senator to be insignificant in the overall welfare of a state.

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Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa. « September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463.

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The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.

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Keas, Laura C. « A content analysis of Time, U.S. news and world report, and Newsweek's coverage of the 1992 presidential campaign ». Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/917013.

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This study analyzed the coverage of Time, TT.S. News and World Report, and Newsweek's coverage of the 1992 presidential campaign. The four research questions posed concerned the newsmagazines' overall direction of coverage concerning the campaign; the individual and collective direction of newsmagazine coverage concerning the candidates and the election, the percentage of attribution given to the newsmagazines, or other sources; and the issues that were covered.The time period of this study spanned the traditional Labor Day kick off of the campaign to Election Day. A total of 29 lead presidential campaign stories were used for this investigation. The sentence was the unit of analysis; the method employed was a directional content analysis. A coder judged each sentence for source, subject, content, and evaluation. In addition, the coder evaluated each sentence as either positive, negative, or neutral.After the raw scores were converted into percentages, the researcher used a chi square to test the level of significance.Findings showed overall the newsmagazines were neutral in their coverage of the 1992 presidential campaign. Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News all contained more negative than positive sentences about the candidates, issues, campaigns, and party.In respect to candidate coverage, George Bush received more than 70% negative coverage in all three magazines. Bill Clinton received more negative coverage in U.S. News than positive or neutral. Time, printed more positive than negative sentences about Clinton, and Newsweek printed more neutral statements about Clinton than either U.S. News, orTime.Consistent with past research, the bulk of statements contained in the lead articles were judged to come from the writers. Finally, coverage during the 1992 campaign overwhelmingly centered around the "horserace" aspects of the campaign instead of the substantive issues.
Department of Journalism

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Shamberg, Neil S. « Shell shock in the origins of British psychiatry ». Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1045637.

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This study has presented a comprehensive overview of the origins of modern British and American military psychiatry, chiefly in response to World War I shell shock. The study examined the state of British psychiatry during the nineteenth century, as the new railroads, mines, and factories produced accident victims with post-traumatic stress disorders. As World War I began, psychoanalysis was in its infancy, and most British psychiatrists faced with a victim of shell shock fell back on an eclectic mix of treatments, including electro-shock therapy, hot baths, massages, moral persuasion, lectures, exhortation, etc. While a few British and American psychiatrists practiced either psychotherapy or disciplinary methods exclusively, the majority of practitioners used a variety of methods, depending on the doctor's point of view and the circumstances of the case at, hand. Psychotherapeutic developments in the inter-war period are also explored and discussed.
Department of History

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Lorber, Jesse. « Remembering Danzig and Reclaiming Gdańsk ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2006. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/10.

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This thesis will highlight a number of traumatic memories chronologically in the history of this city. The Versailles Conference will be the beginning of the tale of these two cities in the first chapter, Danzig before 1945. The history of the interwar years reveals a severe rift between Poland and Weimar Germany over the Free city of Danzig. German memory would remember the city 's nazification, the invasion by Germany and even the relative safety during the war as traumatic through a general feeling that Nazism had been forced upon German Danzigers, resulting in their own versions of victimhood.

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Siziba, Gugulethu. « Language and the politics of identity in South Africa : the case of Zimbabwean (Shona and Ndebele speaking) migrants in Johannesburg ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95464.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Discourses about identity framed in terms of questions about autochthons and the Other are on the ascendance in the contemporary socio-political and cultural milieu. Migration, by virtue of its transgression of national boundaries and bounded communities, stands as a contentious site with respect to the politics of identity. South Africa is one case in point, where migrants – particularly those of African origin – have been at the centre of a storm of Otherization, which climaxed in the May 2008 attacks (now widely termed ‗xenophobic attacks‘). ―Amakwerekwere”, as African migrants in South Africa are derogatively referred to, face exclusionary tendencies from various fronts in South Africa. Using language as an entry point, this thesis investigates how Zimbabwean migrants – who by virtue of a multifaceted crisis in their country have a marked presence in South Africa – experience and navigate the politics of identity in Johannesburg. Through a multi-sited ethnography, relying on the triangulation of participant observation and interviews, the thesis focuses on Ndebele and Shona speaking migrants in five neighbourhoods. Framing the analysis within an eclectic theoretical apparatus that hinges on Bourdieu‘s economy of social practice, it is argued that each neighbourhood is a social universe of struggle that is inscribed with its own internal logic and relational matrix of recognition, and each ascertains what constitutes a legitimate language and by extension legitimate identity. This relational matrix is undergirded by a specific distributional and evaluative structure with corresponding symbolic, economic and socio-cultural capitals (embodied practices) that constitute the requisite entry fees and currency for belonging, as well as the negative capitals that attract designations of the strange and the Other. Zimbabwean migrants‘ experiences as the Other in South Africa take on diverse and differentiated forms. It was observed how experiences of Otherness and being the Other are neither homogenous nor static across the different social universes that make up Johannesburg; rather they are fluid and shifting and occur along an elastic continuum. Consequently the responses of migrants are also based on a reading of – and response to – the various scripts of existence in these different social universes.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Diskoerse oor identiteit, uitgedruk in terme van vrae oor autochthons en die Ander, is aan die toeneem in die huidige sosio-politieke en kulturele milieu. Migrasie, wat met die oortreding van nasionale grense en begrensde gemeenskappe geassosieer word, is 'n omstrede terrein met betrekking tot die politiek van identiteit. Suid-Afrika is 'n goeie voorbeeld hiervan, waar migrante – veral dié van Afrika-oorsprong – in die middel van 'n storm van Anderisering beland het. Hierdie situasie het 'n hoogtepunt bereik in die Mei 2008-aanvalle – nou algemeen bekend as "xenofobiese geweld." "Amakwerekwere", soos Afrika-migrante in Suid-Afrika neerhalend beskryf word, word vanuit verskeie oorde in Suid-Afrika gekonfronteer met uitsluitingstendense. Die tesis gebruik taal as beginpunt vir 'n ondersoek oor hoe Zimbabwiese migrante – wat as 'n gevolg van 'n veelsydige krisis in hul land 'n merkbare teenwoordigheid in Suid-Afrika het – die politiek van identiteit in Johannesburg ervaar en navigeer. Deur middel van 'n multi-terrein etnografie, wat staatmaak op die triangulering van etnografiese waarneming en onderhoude, word Ndebele- en Sjonasprekende migrante in vyf woonbuurte ondersoek. Gebaseer op 'n eklektiese teoretiese apparaat, hoofsaaklik gewortel in Bourdieu se ekonomie van sosiale praktyk, word voorgestel dat elke woonbuurt 'n sosiale universum van stryd is waarop 'n eie interne logika en verhoudingsmatriks van herkenning ingeskryf is, en dat elkeen sy eie legitieme taal en by implikasie, eie legitieme identiteit het. Hierdie verhoudingsmatriks word ondervang deur 'n spesifieke verspreidings- en evalueringstruktuur met ooreenstemmende simboliese-, ekonomiese-, en kulturele-kapitaal (beliggaamde praktyke), wat dien as 'n soort inskrywingsfooi of geldeenheid vir insluiting, sowel as die negatiewe kapitaal wat toeskrywings van andersheid en die Ander aantrek. Zimbabwiese migrante se ervarings as die Ander in Suid-Afrika neem verskillende vorme aan. Daar is waargeneem hoedat ervarings van Andersheid in die verskillende sosiale kontekste van Johannesburg nie homogeen of staties is nie, maar eerder vloeibaar en skuiwend op 'n elastiese kontinuum. As 'n gevolg is die gedrag van migrante ook gebaseer op 'n lesing van – en reaksie op – die verskeie spelreëls van hierdie verskillende sosiale omgewings.

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Sanchez, Fábio Lúcio 1965. « Comunicação e psicanálise : em busca do sujeito midiático ». [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270707.

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Orientador: Maria das Graças Conde Caldas
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Busco com esse trabalho uma aproximação entre os campos da Comunicação (Jornalismo, na perspectiva do processo receptor) e da Psicanálise, com foco na formação do sujeito receptor da comunicação e da linguagem. A área de Comunicação tem convergido para o estudo do receptor desde a década de 70 do século passado, e nas de 80 e 90 surgiu, com autores como Martín-Barbero (1987), um foco latino-americano para este processo, e que ainda está aberto e inconcluso. A Psicanálise, por seu turno, tem sido instrumento crescente da Filosofia e da Comunicação para entender diversos processos modernos de consumo e comportamentos mediados pelos veículos de comunicação. O estudo do subjetivismo na Psicanálise tem uma história de mais de um século de investigação organizada e sistemática, foco esse que não ocorre no campo da Comunicação, que só recentemente vem se debruçando sobre essa perspectiva. Nesta pesquisa traço uma breve história dessas relações e proponho uma abordagem conjunta desses campos, incluindo a Comunicação na sua relação com a Filosofia e a Psicanálise, para compreender com mais precisão o sujeito receptor e suas reações à mídia. Por fim, vou a campo para investigar e testar a proposta num evento psicanalítico (um mal-estar crônico) e abundantemente abordado pelo Jornalismo (e também por alguns autores psicanalistas), no caso a aversão aos políticos. Avalio o caso do deputado federal Tiririca. Examino seu discurso, seus efeitos na representação midiática e no receptor, assim como a interação entre eles. O corpus da amostra é constituído de reportagens, artigos, blogs e cartas ou comentários em redes sociais ou internet de leitores entre o período de sua campanha eleitoral, em 2010, até o início de seu segundo ano de mandato, em 2012. Verifiquei na pesquisa que é plenamente possível analisar o receptor num ambiente que reúna os campos da Psicanálise e da Comunicação, e que ambos, nesse prisma do receptor, já possuem investigações muito semelhantes
Abstract: I look with this work for an approximation between the fields of the Communication (Journalism, in the perspective of the receiving process) and of the Psychoanalysis, with focus in the formation of the receiver subject of the communication and of the language. The Communication area has been converging for the study of the receiver from the decade of 70 of last century, and in of 80 and 90 it appeared, with authors like Martín-Barbero (1987), a Latin-American focus for this process, and still it is opened and unfinished. The Psychoanalysis, for its turn, has been a growing instrument of the Philosophy and of the Communication to understand several modern processes of consumption and behaviors mediated by the media. The study of the subjectivism in the Psychoanalysis has a history of more than a century of organized and systematic investigation, this focus that does not take place in the field of the Communication, which only recently comes leaning over on this perspective. In this job I draw a short history of these relations and propose a joint approach of these fields, including the Communication in its relation with the Philosophy and the Psychoanalysis, to understand with more precision the receiving process and his reactions to the media. Finelly, I investigate and test the proposal in a psychoanalytic event (a chronic malaise) and abundantly boarded by the Journalism (and also for some authors psychoanalysts), in the case to the politicians. I evaluate the case of the Tiririca federal deputy. I examine his speech, his effects in the media representation and in the receiving process, as well as the interaction between them. The corpus of the sample is made by reports, articles, blogs and letters or comments in social nets or readers' Internet between the period of his electoral campaign, in 2010, up to the beginning of his second year of mandate, in 2012. I verified in the research that is fully possible analyze receiving in an environment that joins the fields of the Psychoanalysis and the Communication, and what both, in that prism of the receiver, already own very alike investigations
Mestrado
Divulgação Científica e Cultural
Mestre em Divulgação Científica e Cultural

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Sachs, Rafael Salmazi 1990. « O texto digital como processo e a política como regime de enunciação : um estudo de mashups multimodais nas Jornadas de Junho ». [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269452.

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Orientador: Marcelo El Khouri Buzato
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Esta dissertação teve como objetivo mais amplo gerar inteligibilidades acerca da relação entre a cultura digital e a ação política na contemporaneidade, a partir da articulação, no campo da Linguística Aplicada, entre a noção de linguagem digital como processo e o conceito de política como regime de enunciação, que objetiva traduzir em um os interesses de muitos. Como contexto para o estudo, escolheram-se os eventos das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, caracterizadas tanto pela emergência repentina de massivos protestos de rua no Brasil, quanto pela publicação, em sites de redes sociais, de uma grande quantidade de remixes e mashups contendo enunciados políticos a respeito. Compõem o corpus empírico da pesquisa 88 textos verbovisuais desse tipo, publicados no Facebook entre junho e julho de 2013. Entendidos como frutos de percursos de desmontagem e remontagem, e, portanto, de desressemiotização, esses textos foram analisados com base na articulação (proposta como objetivo teórico do trabalho) entre as categorias da Semiótica Social para a multimodalidade e as da Teoria Ator-Rede para translações. Como objetivo empírico, buscou-se descrever os significados representacionais e os percursos de constituição das montagens do corpus, em relação ao regime de enunciação da política. As perguntas de pesquisa foram duas, a saber: (1) quais foram os principais actantes mobilizados nos remixes estudados, e em que tipo de processos semióticos tais actantes apareceram com maior frequência?; e (2) quais foram algumas das operações de ressemiotização empregadas nas desreestabilizações sucessivas das diferentes versões de Brasil e realidade brasileira constituídas nesses textos? Os resultados elencaram as figurativizações mais comuns e os processos representacionais mais frequentes no corpus, em que os manifestantes, a nação brasileira, os políticos e a grande mídia foram os principais actantes representados, em geral, através de processos atributivos simbólicos. Destacou-se, nesse levantamento, a figura do gigante de pedra se levantando no Rio de Janeiro, empregada por muitos como representação unificada do Brasil e dos interesses múltiplos em atuação nas Jornadas. A partir dessa figura, descreveram-se ainda os processos de negociação de affordances para constituição de alguns dos textos analisados, e sua relação com as disputas pelo significado dos acontecimentos das Jornadas de Junho, e pela definição que era "ser brasileiro" no momento dos protestos. Como conclusão, os dados refletem a necessidade de buscar caminhos para compreensões menos deterministas da relação entre política, tecnologias digitais e sociedade, e modos de formação cidadã, no âmbito das mídias digitais, que viabilizem a compreensão de enunciados políticos como fruto de enredamentos semióticos sempre articulados em disputas de interesse, mesmo quando se pretendem neutros
Abstract: The main goal of the present study is to suggest ways of understanding the relation between digital culture and contemporary political action, based on the connection, drawn in the field of Applied Linguistics, between the notion of digital language as process and the concept of politics as a regime of enunciation which aims to translate the interests of many into one. The events of the June Journeys in 2013 were taken as context for the study, since they included not only the sudden emergence of massive protests on Brazilian streets, but also the publishing, on social network sites, of large amounts of remixes and mashups containing political statements on that regard. Seen as the outcomes of disassembling and assembling trajectories, and therefore, of deresemiotization trajectories, those texts were analyzed in the light of an articulation (also presented as a theoretical objective of this work) between Social Semiotics studies on multimodality and Actor-Network Theory principles for the understanding of translations. As empirical objectives, this work aimed to describe the representational meanings and the assembling trajectories of the texts in the corpus, in relation to the political regime of enunciation. The research questions were two: (1) what were the main actants mobilized in the remixes in the corpus, and in which kind of semiotic processes those actants appeared more often?; and (2) what were some of the resemiotization operations used for the continuous derestabilizations of different versions of Brazil and Brazilian reality represented in those texts? Results enroll the most frequent figurativizations and the most usual representational processes in the corpus, in which the demonstrators, Brazilian nation, politicians and mass media were the main actants, and were depicted, in general, through symbolic attributive processes. In that enrollment, the image of a stone giant rising in Rio de Janeiro was prominent, for it was used by many as a unified depiction of Brazil as a whole and of the multiple interests acting during the Journeys. From that picture, the results described the processes of negotiation of affordances for the composition of some of the analyzed texts, and their relation to the disputes for the meaning of the June Journeys events, and for what meant "to be Brazilian" then. As a conclusion, data reflects the need of pursuing less determinist ways of understanding the relation among politics, digital technologies and society, as well as the need for ways of citizenship education, regarding digital media, that address the understanding of political statements as outcomes of semiotic entanglements which are always connected to interests in dispute, even when allegedly neutral
Mestrado
Linguagem e Sociedade
Mestre em Linguística Aplicada

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Holtz, Brigitte Elke. « Resistance and reactions to neo-liberal economic globalisation and its institutions : exploring the 'anti-globalisation' movement ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53031.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.

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Westcot, Julia Ellen. « The September 11th tragedy : Effects and interventions in the school community ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2002. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2271.

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Taylor, Bryce E. (Bryce Ernest). « The Effects of Parental Marital Status, Just World Beliefs, and Parental Conflict on Trust in Intimate Heterosexual Relationships ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277792/.

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The effects of divorce on trust in intimate heterosexual relationships were investigated using a sample of 478 college students (156 males, 322 females). Subjects were asked to respond to scenarios and questionnaires assessing parental marital status, just world beliefs, parental conflict, and trust. Attitudes toward divorce and common problems were also assessed.

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Marx, Andrew Morne. « Increasing soft power - a case study of South Africa's bid to host the FIFA 2010 World Cup ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16386.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to determine if South Africa was actively attempting to boost its soft power or symbolic power during the country’s bid to host the Fifa 2010 World Cup. Preceding works dealing with mega-events identified a number of potential benefits to the hosting nation. Some of these benefits include opportunities for development (sport and socio-economic), nation building, urban regeneration, and marketing. Previous works have focused a great deal on economic and nation building aspects of mega-events. The marketing possibility for a host to develop as a tourist destination has also enjoyed some focus. There also exists a large amount of literature dealing with power – its nature, resources and types. There is for instance structural and relational power while, in the traditional sense, wealth and military might may be seen as power resources. However, the importance and maintenance of soft power – or symbolic or co-optive power, as defined in this study – has been greatly overshadowed by the traditional ideas of power and as a result, neglected by International Relations scholars. This study links the marketing potential of mega-events with the deployment of soft power. The case study specifically deals with South Africa’s World Cup bid as a marketing forum for enhancing the country’s soft power. For such an analysis it is necessary to investigate South Africa’s diplomatic status, global position, relationship with the North and South, and power resources. The importance of soft power being essential to South Africa’s specific situation, global position and future, is also investigated. Using the bid for the 2010 World Cup, this study concludes that South Africa was indeed projecting specifically chosen images of the country with the intention of enhancing the country’s soft power. It is furthermore argued that these images are both a reflection and in support of South Africa’s foreign policy and emerging middle power position.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vas te stel of Suid Afrika doelgerig probeer het om die land se sagte mag te versterk tydens die Fifa 2010 Wêreldbekerbod. Vorige studies oor grootskaalse gebeurtenisse meen dat dit sekere potensieële voordele inhou vir die gasheer. Dit sluit in geleenthede vir ontwikkeling (sport en sosio-ekonomies), nasiebou, en stedelike herlewing en bemarking. Vorige werke het ook meerendeels gefokus op die ekonomiese en nasie-bou aspekte van grootskaalse gebeurtenisse. Die bemarkingsvoordele wat dit inhou vir die gasheer se toerismebedryf is ook gereeld vehandel. Daar bestaan ook vele geskrewe werke oor mag. Verskillende bronne van mag is ondermeer ‘n gewilde onderwerp. Daar is byvoorbeeld strukturele mag en verhoudings mag. Tradisioneel word militêre en ekonomiese vermoëns gesien as bronne van mag. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag of simboliese mag, soos dit in hierdie studie gedefinieër word, is egter tot ‘n groot mate oorskadu deur traditionele idees van mag. Daardeur het Internasionale Betrekkinge akademici dit ook tot ‘n mate afgeskeep. Hierdie studie illustreer die bemarkingspotentiaal wat grootskaalse gebeurtenisse inhou vir sagte mag. Die gevallestudie handel spesifiek oor Suid Afrika se 2010 bod as ‘n potentieële bemarkingsforum vir die bevordering van die land se sagte mag. Die analise het vereis dat Suid Afrika se diplomatieke status, globale posisie, verhouding met die Noorde en Suide, en bronne van mag behandel word. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag vir Suid Afrika se toekoms word ook aangespreek. Die gevolgtrekking is dat Suid Afrika wel gepoog het om sekere gekose beelde na die buiteland te projekteer. Die spesifieke doel met die beelde was om die land se sagte mag uit te brei. ‘n Verdere bevinding is dat die beelde gelyktydig Suid Afrika se buitelandse beleid en ontluikende middel magsposisie gereflekteer het.

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Seincman, Pedro Magalhães. « Rede transferencial e a clínica migrante : psicanálise em urgência social ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20269.

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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The present work investigates de psychoanalytic practice in contexts of social urgency, more specifically in the field of immigration. Based on the construction of two clinical experiences and their articulation with the psychoanalytical concept of transference, we intend to clarify the basis for the construction and management of transferential networks. We explain, on the one hand, how a network without a proper management can stiffen discursive positions and the speeches of those that are intended to care. On the other hand, the construction of a transferential network as well as the analysis of the silencing and of the discourses that take place in the relationship of all those involved in the field, can generate new modalities of social ties. We assume that a transferential network builds forms of resistances to the suffering produced in and by social practices. Thus, the network serves as a device for social intervention and, at the same time, as a discursive support so that the subject is not again forced to break with the bond or submit to the latter in fixed positions. It is in the discursive and political struggle of the network that the clinical case is constructed and that its directions are being produced. We emphasize the importance of taking into account the migrant process of the subject so that a new placement in the bond can occur, thus avoiding the repetition of social humiliation. We will no longer talk about the clinic of the migration, but that of the migration of the clinic, since the assembly and incidence of clinical devices take place in spaces and patterns that move between territories – geographic, social and psychic – and extrapolate the field of migration. The construction of new listening devices and the analytic process are mutually embodied according as new devices produce new discourses that, in turn, also generate new devices. However, without a network of protection, without a transferential network and a discursive network, one can succumb to the temptation of the single discourse that objectifies the subject as well as that of helplessness, thus hurting institutions and professionals
Investigamos a prática psicanalítica em contextos de urgência social, mais especificamente no campo da migração. A partir da construção de dois casos clínicos e da articulação destes com o conceito de transferência, pretendemos elucidar os fundamentos para a construção e o manejo de redes transferenciais. Explicitamos, por um lado, como uma rede sem o devido manejo pode fixar posições discursivas e enrijecer os discursos daqueles que se pretende cuidar. Quando isso ocorre, a rede pode exercer a manutenção ou a repetição da violência de quem se pretende cuidar. Por outro lado, a construção da rede transferencial assim como a análise do silenciamento e dos discursos que se produzem na relação de todos os envolvidos no campo, incluindo os diversos serviços e profissionais, pode constituir novas modalidades de laço social. Defendemos que na rede transferencial se constroem formas de resistência ao sofrimento produzido nas e pelas práticas sociais. Assim, a rede serve como dispositivo de intervenção social e, ao mesmo tempo, como amparo discursivo para que o sujeito não seja novamente obrigado a romper com o laço ou a este submeter-se em posições fixas. É no embate discursivo e político da rede que o caso clínico se constrói e que suas direções vão sendo produzidas. Ressaltamos a importância de se ter em conta o processo migrante do sujeito para que uma nova colocação no laço possa ocorrer de maneira a não repetir a humilhação social. Não mais falamos sobre a clínica da migração, mas buscaremos falar sobre a migração da clínica, pois a montagem e a incidência dos dispositivos clínicos se dão em espaços e em moldes que se deslocam entre territórios – geográficos, sociais e psíquicos – e extrapolam o campo da migração. A construção de novos dispositivos de escuta e o processo analítico se constituem mutuamente à medida que novos dispositivos produzem novos discursos os quais, por sua vez, geram também novos dispositivos. Porém, sem uma rede de amparo, uma rede transferencial ou rede discursiva, pode-se sucumbir tanto à tentação do discurso único que objetifica o sujeito quanto ao desamparo adoecendo, deste modo, instituições e profissionais

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Feather, Conrad. « Elastic selves and fluid cosmologies : Nahua resilience in a changing world ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1690.

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In May 1984, the Nahua, a Panoan speaking indigenous people living in a remote corner of the Peruvian Amazon, experienced their ‘first contact’ with Peruvian national society. 25 years later they appear to many observers to have ‘thrown away their culture’ under pressure from the outside world. This thesis argues instead that these changes were adopted by the Nahua for their own very good reasons and that these transformations reflect greater continuity with the past than first appears. The apparent lack of nostalgia that the Nahua have for the past instead reflects an inherent capacity for flexibility. This flexibility is manifested at a collective level in the frequent fissions of local groups and at an individual level in their susceptibility to losing their sense of self. The thesis focuses on two key aspects of this flexibility. The first is that the Nahua understand the site of their personal transformations to be the body which they describe as ‘soft’. This ‘softness’ refers to its ability to incorporate other worldly powers and become like the animals they eat or the people with whom they co-reside. Nevertheless, this capacity also means they can become ‘other’ when they live apart from their kin. This elasticity of selfhood is typical of many indigenous Amazonian peoples but the Nahua sit at the more flexible end of this spectrum. This is because they cultivate an attitude of radical hunger towards the outside world and place relatively less importance on techniques of restraint and control. The second aspect is the astonishing flexibility of Nahua worldviews. This is because their cosmologies are less a fixed set of facts and more a shamanic technique of knowing the unknown. These techniques help the Nahua understand the mysteries of the spirit world, their dreams and the world of Peruvians. In conclusion, it is the ‘softness’ of their bodies, the elasticity of their selves and the flexibility of their cosmologies that explain the extraordinary resilience of the Nahua in the face of dramatic transformations in the surrounding world.

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Urban, Jennifer Danielle. « Symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder in police officers following September 11, 2001 ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2474.

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The purpose of this study was to examine what, if any, symptoms of a traumatic stress reaction were still being experienced by police officers, as a result of the events of September 11, 2001, who were geographically distant from the events of that day. Participants included 60 police officers at two southern California law enforcement agencies.

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Ghattas, Micheline Germanos. « The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon : The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1415.

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This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are: 1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon? 2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon? The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.

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Merron, James Lawrence. « Wattle we do ? alien eradication and the 'ecology of fear' on the fringes of a world heritage site, South Africa ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002655.

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In their article ―Naturing the Nation: Aliens, the Apocalypse and the Post Colonial State (2001) Jean and John Comaroff look at ―the contemporary predicament of South Africa through the prism of environmental catastrophe. Through it they reveal the context in which alien plants have become an urgent affair of the state. Following their lead, I show how alien plants (particularly Australian wattle) continue to provide grounds for new social and political aspirations in South Africa, though in a different setting. With reference to a group of private landowners on the fringe of a World Heritage Site -- the Baviaanskloof Mega-Reserve, Eastern Cape, South Africa -- I show how an increasingly apocalyptic and xenophobic environmental agenda has influenced local activists seeking to address social and ecological issues in tandem with alien-eradication. These local activists adhere to a particular brand of environmentalism which Milton (1993) argues can be considered a social, cultural and religious phenomenon. The subjects of my main empirical investigation offer practical ways of achieving a transformational end through a new ritual activity in relation to a spread and exchange of environmental ideas and practices on a world-wide scale. On the ground this group practices ecosocietal restoration through which they aspire to mend the bond between people and the land in a spiritual and moral sense, bolstering intrinsic incentives for environmental stewardship and achieving ―cultural reconciliation in an attempt to reimagine what South Africa could be.

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Mello, Hivy Damásio Araújo 1976. « O Banco Mundial e a educação no Brasil : convergências em torno de uma agenda global ». [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280862.

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Orientador: Renato José Pinto Ortiz
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo desta tese é o de, primeiramente, a partir de uma visada sociológica, analisar a importância do Banco Mundial enquanto organismo promotor de políticas e práticas transnacionais em educação. Com foco no setor educacional, examinarei tanto como esse organismo assumiu tal posição, sobretudo a partir da década de 1990, quanto, complementarmente, o modo como essa posição se manifesta na definição substancial de políticas, práticas e, sobretudo, valores educacionais. O Banco vincula a educação à economia, vendo aquela como fundamental para o desenvolvimento econômico e combate à pobreza. Em segundo lugar, concentro-me na atuação do Banco Mundial no setor educacional brasileiro, pois, apesar da sua ambição de atuação planetária e do tratamento generalizante no nível do discurso, a importância que ele adquire em cada contexto nacional é variável. No caso do Brasil, um dos seus maiores clientes, a convergência de posições e crenças entre o Banco Mundial e o governo brasileiro no setor educacional ganha evidência, sobretudo a partir de meados da década de 1990, sinalizando o papel ativo de uma intelligentsia, um grupo de intelectuais, isto é, de policy makers a serem entendidos enquanto agentes responsáveis - e ao mesmo tempo consagrados - pela circulação e recepção de idéias do Banco no país
Abstract: The first goal of this thesis is to analyze, through a sociological approach, the growing importance of the World Bank as an institution that promotes transnational policies in education. More specifically, I shall examine both how the World Bank took such a position - from the 1990s on - and how this position manifested in the design of policies, practices and, educational values. The Bank usually links education to economy, and understands the former as the basis both for economic development and fighting poverty. Additionally, the thesis focuses in the World Bank actions in the Brazilian educational sector. Despite its ambition to act throughout the world and its generalizations in the discursive level, the importance the World Bank achieved in each context is variable. In the case of Brazil, one of its biggest clients, a convergence of positions and beliefs between the World Bank and the educational sector of the Brazilian government becomes evident from the midst of the 1990s. In this sense, I shall explore the active role of an intelligentsia, a group of intellectuals who acted as policy makers responsible and consecrated by the circulation and the reception of ideas of the World Bank in the country
Doutorado
Sociologia
Doutora em Sociologia

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Roen, Tomas Alfred. « Changes in global governance : the case of the G20 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17947.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The 2008 global economic crisis marks the beginning of considerable systemic changes in global governance. The ‘Group of 20’ (G20), which entered the centre stage of global governance in response to the crisis, may be seen as both a result of and as a vehicle for those changes. Representing some 85 per cent of the global economy the group has the potential to alter the international order almost by stealth. Hence, there is good reason for undertaking a deeper examination of its role in and impact on global governance. This study critically examines some of the changes in global governance embodied – and brought about – by the G20. By using analytical tools from the critical theory of Robert Cox and constructivism, it studies changes in three dimensions of global governance: the material, the institutional and the ideational, so as to achieve a holistic understanding of the nature of the changes taking place within global governance. In so doing, the study sheds light on the role of the G20 in global governance, the impact of the group on global cooperation and the nature of the shift in global governance that it represents.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die 2008 globale ekonomiese krisis kan as die begin van aansienlike sistemiese veranderinge in globale regeerkunde beskou word. Die 'Groep van 20' (G20), wat in reaksie op die krisis ’n sentrale rol in globale regeerkunde ingeneem het, kan as beide 'n resultaat en drywer van hierdie veranderinge gesien word. Die groep verteenwoordig ongeveer 85 persent van die globale ekonomie, en het dus die potensiaal om grootskaalse verandering in die internasionale orde te weeg te bring. Dit is dus belangrik om die groep se rol in globale regeerkunde meer deeglik te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van analitiese metodes wat gebasseer is op die kritiese teorie van Robert Cox asook konstruktivisme, ondersoek hierdie studie veranderinge in drie dimensies van globale regeerkunde. Materiële en institusionele veranderinge, asook veranderinge binne die dimensie van idees, word geïdentifiseer met die oog op 'n meer holistiese begrip van die aard van die veranderinge. Die studie werp daardeur lig op die rol van die G20 in globale regeerkunde, die groep se impak op globale samewerking, en die aard van die magsverskuiwing in globale regeerkunde wat dit verteenwoordig.

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Lang, Andrew F. « "Victory is Our Only Road to Peace" : Texas, Wartime Morale, and Confederate Nationalism, 1860-1865 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6086/.

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This thesis explores the impact of home front and battlefield morale on Texas's civilian and military population during the Civil War. It addresses the creation, maintenance, and eventual surrender of Confederate nationalism and identity among Texans from five different counties: Colorado, Dallas, Galveston, Harrison, and Travis. The war divided Texans into three distinct groups: civilians on the home front, soldiers serving in theaters outside of the state, and soldiers serving within Texas's borders. Different environments, experiences, and morale affected the manner in which civilians and soldiers identified with the Confederate war effort. This study relies on contemporary letters, diaries, newspaper reports, and government records to evaluate how morale influenced national dedication and loyalty to the Confederacy among various segments of Texas's population.

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Matsubara, Nao. « The prospect for Okinawa's initiative : towards getting rid of the U.S. Military presence in Okinawa ». Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm4344.pdf.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves [56]-[62]) Focusses on issues concerning the U.S. military presence on the island. Elaborates on Okinawa's suffering due to the military bases which have hindered Okinawa's economic development, created serious pollution and encouraged crime

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Edlmann, Tessa Margaret. « Negotiating historical continuities in contested terrain : a narrative-based reflection on the post-apartheid psychosocial legacies of conscription into the South African Defence Force ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012811.

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For a 25-year period during the apartheid era in South Africa, all school-leaving white men were issued with a compulsory call-up to national military service in the South African Defence Force. It is estimated that 600 000 men were conscripted between 1968 and 1993, undergoing military training and being deployed in Namibia, Angola and South Africa. The purpose of this system of military conscription was to support both the apartheid state’s role in the “Border War” in Namibia and Angola and the suppression of anti-apartheid resistance within South Africa. It formed part of the National Party’s strategy of a “total response” to what it perceived as the “total onslaught” of communism and African nationalism. While recruiting and training young white men was the focus of the apartheid government’s strategy, all of white South African society was caught up in supporting, contesting, avoiding and resisting this system in one way or another. Rather than being a purely military endeavour, conscription into the SADF therefore comprised a social and political system with wide-ranging ramifications. The 1994 democratic elections in South Africa heralded the advent of a very different political, social and economic system to what had gone before. The focus of this research is SADF conscripts’ narrations of identity in the contested narrative terrain of post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis begins with a contextual framing of the historical, social and political systems of which conscription was a part. Drawing on narrative psychology as a theoretical framework, the thesis explores discursive resources of whiteness, masculinities and perceptions of threat in conscripts’ narrations of identity, the construction of memory fields in narrating memories of war and possible trauma, and the notions of moral injury and moral repair in dealing with legacies of war. Using a narrative discursive approach, the thesis then reflects on historical temporal threads, and narrative patterns that emerge when analysing a range of texts about the psychosocial legacies of conscription, including interviews, research, memoirs, plays, media reports, video documentaries, blogs and photographic exhibitions. Throughout the thesis, conscripts’ and others’ accounts of conscription and its legacies are regarded as cultural texts. This serves as a means to highlight both contextual narrative negotiations and the narrative-discursive patterns of conscripts’ personal accounts of their identities in the post-apartheid narrative terrain. The original contribution of this research is the development of conceptual and theoretical framings of the post-apartheid legacies of conscription. Key to this has been the use of narrative-based approaches to highlight the narrative-discursive patterns, memory fields and negotiations of narrative terrains at work in texts that focus on various aspects of conscription and its ongoing aftereffects. The concept of temporal threads has been developed to account for the emergence and shifts in these patterns over time. Existing narrative-discursive theory has formed the basis for conscripts’ negotiations of identity being identified as acts of narrative reinforcement and narrative repair. The thesis concludes with reflections on the future possibilities for articulating and supporting narrative repair that enables a shift away from historical discursive laagers and a reconfiguration of the narrative terrain within which conscripts narrate their identities.
Also known as: Edlmann, Theresa

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GHALEHDAR, Payam. « The origins of overthrow : hegemonic expectations, emotional frustration, and the impulse to regime change ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35422.

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Defence date: 20 March 2015
Examining Board: Professor Christian Reus-Smit, University of Queensland (supervisor); Professor Jennifer Welsh, European University Institute; Professor Roland Bleiker, University of Queensland; Professor Michael Cox, London School of Economics.
Why has regime change, defined as military intervention aimed at forcibly transforming a target state's domestic political authority structure, been a long-standing practice in US foreign policy, used roughly two dozen times since 1900 despite its limited success in producing peace, stability and/or democracy? Extant theories fail to provide sound answers. Realist approaches, for example, under-predict the recurrence of regime change if great powers should have no reason to intervene in weaker states, or over-predict it if anything goes under anarchy. Similarly, democracy promotion arguments overstate the causal importance of the US desire to expand liberty globally. This dissertation presents a novel explanation for the recurrence of regime change in US foreign policy, arguing that the practice of regime change is predicated upon what I call 'emotional frustration', an anger-arousing emotional state that is brought about by a foreign leader's obstructive behavior perceived to be rooted in implacable hatred. While obstruction is ubiquitous in interstate interactions, I claim that the combination of hegemonic expectations towards a target state and the perception of hatred shape the extent to which a foreign leader's conduct evokes an emotional response on the part of foreign policy elites. Once emotionally frustrated, regime change becomes an attractive foreign policy instrument to decision-makers who seek a way to confront and put a stop to the obstruction of a menacing target state. It enables frustrated leaders both to permanently get rid of a perceivedly hostile foreign leader and to discharge their frustration through the use of force. Illustrating the importance of emotional frustration, I conduct four historical case studies based on primary sources, spanning almost one hundred years of US history. Regime changes in Cuba (1906), Nicaragua (1909–12), the Dominican Republic (1965), and Iraq (2003) reveal overlooked patterns of emotional frustration that have time and again animated regime change decisions.

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Camacho, Keith L. « Cultures of commemoration the politics of war, memory and history in the Mariana Islands / ». Thesis, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=982789411&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1234296324&clientId=23440.

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Díaz-Gómez, Justo J. « La Pena : the politics of early world music ». Thesis, 2010. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/496782.

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La Peña, the Latin American Cultural Centre, was a cultural project that emerged in Newtown, Sydney in the early 1980s, in a time of increasing policy and cultural debate over multiculturalism in Australia. An early embodiment of 'world music', it revealed some of the earliest expressions of world/multicultural music in the country. The history of La Peña exposes complex interrelationships between music and politics within the solidarity movement of Latin American exile communities, and presents several continuities and discontinuities with two other parallel projects, Papalote and Café Carnivale. La Peña's project has been documented on video and this thesis incorporates a documentary film that contributes to the early history of multiculturalism in this country, particularly the role of Latin American communities and cultures, and the role of music in the cultural politics of the time. The thesis is grounded in theoretical and empirical research on alternative media for social change, and discusses notions of radical media practice and the strategies used by this community striving to create a better world. This is a story of struggle for humanity, hope and also recognition and visibility, with music and education as tools. The thesis reflects on expressions of idealism and contrasts with ideas present in contemporary popular culture, particularly through a brief analysis of Latin American and 'world music'. The contribution of this work is to expose one of many invisible (multi) cultural experiences in Australia. Awareness of experiences like this could assist in a period when there are re-emerging attitudes of intolerance and violence in Australia as extreme expressions of what in the thesis is referred to as 'cultural tarzanism'.

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Holterhaus, Juliana Smith. « The motivational science of our constantly connected world ». Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D87H1HBF.

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What's the first thing you do when you wake up in the morning, before you even brush your teeth? Most of us reach for our smartphone that spent the night recharging by our side while we tried to do the same. In a leap that would have seemed astonishing just over a decade ago, many of us are now constantly connected to our digital world through our mobile device; we see this play out across many facets of daily life. There are those of us whose first instinct at the start of the day is to grab that little device and see what occurred during our non-waking hours. Perhaps we check the email that's flooded into our inbox overnight. Next we check Facebook, Twitter, or a favorite news app to catch up on the latest global occurrence. It seems that for many, this desire to check is increasingly irresistible. Regulatory Focus Theory (Higgins, 1997) and Regulatory Mode Theory (Kruglanski et al, 2000) suggest that the reasons behind this drive to check and stay connected may differ based upon our motivational tendencies. Our motivational orientation--promotion or prevention, assessment or locomotion impacts our lives in countless ways. We know that the effects of motivational orientation play out across career paths, management styles, parenting, negotiations, animal behavior, health and wellness, romantic relationships and the list goes on. Regulatory focus and mode have not yet, however, been applied to our relatively new obsession with mobile technology, which is a space that is rapidly evolving and shaping much of our physical, social, and emotional world. This research aims to understand two key questions: 1. What motivates the constant checking behavior that has become an inherent part of our daily life? 2. How does our subjective experience with such behavior impact our general well-being? Using a within subjects, longitudinal design of 740 demographically representative Americans, we extracted two separate, yet complimentary stories that encompass objective smartphone checking behavior (captured through native application passive meter technology) and the subjective smartphone experience (assessed via 18 self-report questions surrounding smartphone engagement). Our results suggest that it is in fact our motivational approach to life that fuels our need to stay connected. However, it means something different depending upon what motivations are involved. In addition, the data reveals that our subjective experience surrounding smartphone engagement impacts our general levels of well being.

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« Does it matter if I am an actor or a third party ? : the relationship between belief in a just world and justice perceptions ». 2007. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5893189.

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Mao, Yina.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 67-73).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
List of Tables --- p.2
List of Figures --- p.3
Abstract --- p.4
摘要 --- p.5
Acknowledgement --- p.6
Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.7
Chapter 2. --- Theories and hypotheses --- p.10
Chapter 2.1 --- actors and third parties --- p.10
Chapter 2.1.1 --- Belief in a just world --- p.10
Chapter 2.1.2 --- Threat to the belief in a just world --- p.13
Chapter 2.1.3 --- Maintenance of the belief in a just world --- p.14
Chapter 2.1.4 --- Current research focus and the research gap --- p.15
Chapter 2.1.5 --- Actors and third parties --- p.17
Chapter 2.1.6 --- Hypothesis development --- p.22
Chapter 2.2. --- Heuristic cues --- p.27
Chapter 2.3 --- Multiple strategies --- p.29
Chapter 2.3.1 --- Co-occurrence of strategies --- p.29
Chapter 3. --- Method --- p.37
Chapter 3.1 --- Research design --- p.37
Chapter 3.2 --- Scenarios --- p.38
Chapter 3.3 --- Pilot study --- p.40
Chapter 3.3.1 --- Measurements --- p.40
Chapter 3.3.2 --- Description of the sample --- p.43
Chapter 3.3.3 --- Analysis --- p.43
Chapter 3.3.4 --- Adjustments --- p.45
Chapter 3.4 --- Power analysis --- p.45
Chapter 3.5 --- Main study --- p.47
Chapter 3.6 --- results --- p.48
Chapter 4. --- Conclusions and implications --- p.58
References --- p.67
Appendix: Questionnaire used in this study (Chinese version) based on scenario 1 --- p.74

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Crocker, Joanna. « Proprietorship of knowledge : the politics of social science research in the Third World ». Thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/10115.

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Thèses sur le sujet « World politics – Psychological aspects »

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