Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Working class – France – History »

Histories of the working class in France have largely ignored the existence of working-class conservatism. This is particularly true of histories of the interwar period. Yet, there were an array of Catholic and right-wing groups during these years that endeavoured to bring workers within their orbit. Moreover, many workers judged that their interests were better served by these groups. This thesis explores the participation of workers in Catholic and right-wing groups during the 1930s. What did these groups claim to offer workers within the wider context of their ideological goals? In which ways did conservative workers understand and express their interests, and why did they identify the supposed ‘enemies of the left’ as the best means of defending them? What was the daily experience of conservative workers like, and how did this experience contribute to the formation of 'non-left' political identities? These questions are addressed in a study of the largest Catholic and right-wing groups in France during the 1930s. This thesis argues that, during a period of left-wing ascendancy, these groups made the recruitment of workers a top priority. To this end, they harnessed particular elements of mass political culture and adapted them to their own ideological ends. However, the ideology of these groups did not simply reflect the interests of the workers that supported them. This thesis argues that the interests of conservative workers were a rational and complex product of their own experience. They were formed by a large range of materials, from preconceived attitudes to issues such as gender and race, to the everyday experience of bullying and intimidation on the factory floor. This thesis shows that workers could conceive of their interests in a number of different ways, and chose from a range of different groups to try and further them.

La grande propriété étend sa domination de la montagne tarnaise au Gaillacois, englobant Castrais et Vaurais. Au cœur de la relation notables / paysans, les modes de faire-valoir suscitent des débats passionnés. Le métayage, mode dominant, partage idéal capital / travail pour ses partisans, est rejeté par les propriétaires soucieux de modernisation comme incompatible avec le progrès, que le maître-valetage, faire-valoir direct caractérisé par la présence d'un maître-valet fournisseur de main-d'œuvre, peut seul favoriser. Cependant, il ne s'impose pas et disparait, tandis que le métayage, qui repose sur le partage de la production, à mi-fruits ou au tiers en faveur du propriétaire, se maintient jusque dans les années 1960. Une porosité existe : fermage et métayage partagent les caractères les plus archaïques, corvées, redevances et les mêmes interdits. On accorde au maître-valet un pourcentage de certaines productions, afin de lutter contre son « indolence ». La stagnation de la production semble conforter l'incompatibilité métayage / progrès. Mais les résultats obtenus par certains propriétaires qui s'appuient sur les droits qu'il donne, contrôle des cultures et assolements, utilisation des corvées pour la bonification des terres, s'opposent à cette interprétation. L'investissement personnel semble essentiel. La présence des notables de la terre influence la vie politique : par le biais des comices, ils tentent, en récompensant travail, sobriété et maintien de nombreux enfants dans l'agriculture, d'immobiliser une société rurale traditionnelle. Au plan électoral, leur influence, indéniable, est contrebalancée par la structure de la population paysanne<br>The great estate area spread his domination from the Tarnese mountains to the Gaillac region, including the Castres and Lavaur ones. The different farming modes inspire passionate debates and are at the heart of the relationships between the worthies and the peasants. The main-mode-sharecropping -an ideal share capital / work for his supporters is rejected by owners concerned with modernization as conflicting with progress, whereas the farm-servant system appears the best one direct farming, characterized by the presence of a farm-servant master who is to provide labour. However, it does not last long and vanishes when the criticized sharecropping system, based on the fifty-fifty share or the one-third one of the production for the owner, last until the 1960's. A porosity exists: tenant farming and sharecropping share most archaic characters, chores, fees and even bans. A percentage on some crops is granted to the servants' masters so as to fight his « indolence ». The stagnation of production seems to comfort the incompatibility sharecropping / progress. But the results that some owners get thanks to the given by sharecropping, crops control, land cleaning, the use of chores for improvement of the soil, are opposed at this interpretation. Personal investment appears as essential. The presence of land worthies influence the political life : through agricultural organizations, they tries to reward work, sobriety and maintenance of numerous children in agriculture, to bring the traditional rural to standstill. On the polling plan, their undeniable influence is counterbalanced by the structure of peasant population

Cette thèse s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique menée pendant plusieurs années à Hagoncourt, une petite ville de Lorraine marquée par l’industrie du fer. Elle a pour objet l’histoire sociale de sa « classe populaire », c’est-à-dire d’un ensemble social localement situé rassemblant des individus socialement dominés, issus pour la plupart de familles ouvrières. Du XIXe siècle, jusqu’au milieu des années 1970, à Hagoncourt, l’usine sidérurgique et la mine de fer assurent à la ville et à sa population une prospérité relative, visible aussi bien dans ses cités bien tenues que dans ses nombreux commerces. La fermeture de l’usine puis de la mine, précipite la majorité des Hagoncourtois dans une crise économique et sociale sans précédent : plus que jamais, le chômage et la précarité touchent ou menacent tous les membres de l’ancienne « classe ouvrière ». Après quarante ans de politiques néo-libérales, de reflux du paternalisme aussi bien que du « communisme populaire » et de l’« insubordination ouvrière », ou encore d’oppositions internes exacerbées, le « peuple d’Hagoncourt » semble marqué par une sorte de désespérance à la fois sociale et politique, dont l’abstention aux élections est un indicateur sûr. Cependant, de la « génération du fer » (les « vieux ») à la « génération de la crise » (« les jeunes »), on retrouve une énergie sociale qui laisse penser que la classe populaire d’Hagoncourt est bien toujours en vie socialement. Depuis la crise financière et économique de 2007-2008, les membres de la classe populaire d’Hagoncourt, située dans la vallée de l’Orne-Fensch (où se trouve Hagoncourt) se sont distinguées dans leur luttes pour la survie de l’usine de Gandrange (2008) puis de celle de Florange (2012), avant de nourrir le mouvement des « gilets jaunes » à partir de 2018. De façon générale, ce qu’on peut appeler la « triple vie » ou les trois formes de l’habitus de la classe populaire d’Hagoncourt composent une figure collective contemporaine dans toute ses contradictions et ses convergences, face à la domination sociale : 1) Une morale agonistique ou « guerrière », traditionnellement considérée comme « masculine », qui valorise la force physique ou la rudesse des manières et du langage et qui peut aller jusqu’à un certain nihilisme ; 2) Une morale pacifique, traditionnellement considérée comme « féminine », qui privilégie la manière douce, une forme de timidité et qui peut tendre vers un certain conformisme social ; 3) Une morale politique ou civique, avec un penchant pour l’intérêt général et la recherche de sens, associée à la valorisation de la « culture », qui peut dériver aussi bien vers une sorte de « narcissisme social » que vers une disposition politique « révolutionnaire » résultant d’une « lutte des classes »<br>What can be defined as the « triple life » of the working class, refers to the three forms of the working class’ habitus. The members of the working class do not equally display these forms according to the historical period. If for the “iron” generation sent to the hub or the kitchen since the age of 14 and designed to live a simple rough life in the “small-town”, the “hard model” of the habitus prevails in an evident way; the “crisis generation” that has over a long time been protected by the soft comfort of the family home and a juvenile atmosphere in school, now listens to the propaganda of a world that becomes more “open” and seems to start life in a “gentle slope”. Nevertheless, since 2008 the aggravation of the circumstances of working class’ life for an undetermined period, has led to a hardening of the ensemble in the context of unrestrained capitalism. According to the dominant ideology the working class should have melted into the bourgeoisie ever since the fall of the Berlin wall in the 1990’s. The young generation of the working class finds a new horizon of exploitation and domination. Poverty hits them instead of the “American dream” and a society without classes which they could have imagined while watching TF1. Considering their relationship with politics, it is known that the 1980’s (the Mitterand years) have marked a reflux of “popular communism” and the insubordination of the workers. Although, the years 2000 (the Sarkozy-Hollande-Macron years) come with a little new wind of popular insurrection that grows more and more intense, until it becomes the “yellow tempest” in 2018. Amongst the people of Hagoncourt that have been interviewed, with the exception of the “iron” and “crisis” generations, three forms of habitus can be identified that imply a social existence threatened and weakened by the dominant class: 1) agonistic or warlike morals traditionally considered « masculine », that valorise physical force and brutal manners and language and sometimes tend to a certain nihilism. 2) peaceful morals, traditionally considered “feminine” that give privilege to tender manners, a kind of timidity and sometimes tend to a certain social conformity. 3) political or civic morals with a preference for the general interest and the quest for meaning associated to the valorisation of culture and that can possibly take on a “revolutionary” political disposition

A travers une étude générale des infrastructures de production, l’ambition de cette recherche est double. Il s’agit d’une part de mettre en évidence la centralité du studio dans l’organisation de la production cinématographique française des années 1930, mais également de montrer quel a pu être l’impact des évolutions de fonctionnement des studios au cours de la décennie sur les conditions de travail et les modes de sociabilité des ouvriers et techniciens du film. Cette thèse ne se contente pas de rassembler des données factuelles et de dresser un inventaire des structures de production dans la France de l’entre-deux-guerres, elle étudie également les dynamiques d’une branche de l’industrie cinématographique en pleine évolution - les studios – tout en faisant de l’humain – ouvriers et techniciens du film - le pivot de la réflexion. L’analyse des dimensions techniques, économiques et humaines des studios français dans les années 1930, se déploie en trois parties correspondant à trois périodes marquées par des dynamiques différentes.La première partie (1929-1930), aborde la question du passage au parlant en privilégiant une approche descriptive des installations ; elle dresse un tableau de la situation en 1929 et analyse les nouvelles dynamiques économiques et techniques qui modifient en profondeur le paysage des studios français à l’aube de la décennie. La deuxième partie (1931-1933), s’attache à mettre en lumière le fonctionnement quotidien des studios, leur rôle dans la formation et la carrière des professionnels mais également leur impact sur la vie économique et sociale des territoires dans lesquels ils sont implantés. Enfin la troisième partie, (1934-1939), soulève la question du modèle de développement des studios français. Premières victimes de la crise de la production des années 1934-1935, les ouvriers et techniciens du film sont les premiers à réagir, répondant à la dégradation de leurs conditions de travail et de rémunération par un mouvement de revendications et de luttes sociales qui agitent les studios durant toute la seconde moitié de la décennie<br>Throughout this general study of the production facilities, the goal of the research is two fold. It aims first at establishing the centrality of the studios in organizing the French movie production in the 1930’s. It equally looks at showing what have been the impacts of the changes which had affected the functioning of the studios during this decade on the working conditions and sociability modes of the working class and technicians of the film industry. Not only this PhD gathers evidences and draws an inventory of the production facilities in the France between the two world wars, but it also studies the dynamics of a fast evolving branch of the film industry, the studios, while making of the human - workers and technicians of the film industry - the centre of the reflection. The analysis of the technical, economic and human dimensions of French movie studios in 1930’s, unfolds in three parts corresponding to three periods marked by different dynamics. The first part (1929-1930), discusses the transition to talking cinema favoring a descriptive approach of the facilities; it paints a picture of the situation in 1929 and analyzes the new economic and technical dynamics that profoundly altered the landscape of French studios at the beginning of the decade. The second part (1931-1933) , aims to highlight the daily operation of the studios, their role in the training and career of professionals but also their impact on economic and social life of the territories in which they are located. Finally, the third part, (1934-1939), raised the question of the development model of French studios. First victims of the crisis of 1934-1935 production year, workers and technicians of the film are the first to react, responding to the deterioration of their working conditions and compensation by a movement of demands and social struggles that stir the studios throughout the second half of the decade

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-02-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:27:05Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 rezende_vd_me_fran.pdf: 10856254 bytes, checksum: 7ae4a41ce86bb84b4d1892369dd74407 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>A cidade de Franca tem na indústria calçadista sua principal atividade econômica, sendo um dos maiores centros produtores de calçados do país. A partir da década de 1950 ocorreu a intensificação do processo de industrialização do setor, com a implantação de modernas técnicas de produção, voltadas para o aumento da produtividade. Essas transformações acarretaram um significativo crescimento populacional, destacando-se a migração de mineiros, em grande parte ex-trabalhadores rurais. O parque industrial é marcado pela heterogeneidade, englobando grandes indústrias com mais de mil trabalhadores, até pequenas oficinas de conserto. Estudos recentes buscaram analisar as experiências dos trabalhadores do setor no cotidiano de trabalho e extrafábrica. Abriram novas perspectivas de análise, dentro das quais se insere o presente trabalho. Ao longo do processo de formação e consolidação da indústria calçadista no município as mulheres ocuparam posição de destaque, compondo cerca de 40% da força de trabalho empregada nesse setor produtivo. Contudo, verificou-se que a história da classe operária do município havia sido escrita sobretudo no masculino, desconsiderando-se as experiências das trabalhadoras do calçado. Assim, tivemos como principais objetivos analisar o processo de formação das mulheres enquanto operárias, as relações de trabalho e as expressões de ação política de um conjunto de sapateiras que fizeram parte do processo de industrialização entre as décadas de 1950 e 1980. Trabalhou-se com um corpus documental composto por fontes orais, documentos sindicais e outras fontes impressas. Foi possível constatar que as trabalhadoras vivenciaram um processo de sociabilização caracterizado pela divisão sexual do trabalho e subordinação aos homens desde os anos iniciais de suas vidas, características persistentes...<br>The city of Franca - Brazil has in the shoemaker industry its main economic activity, being one of the biggest producing centers of footwear of the country. From the decade of 1950 the intensification of the process of industrialization of the sector occurred with the modern implantation production techniques, guided toward the increase of the productivity. These transformations had caused a significant population growth, putting in relief the migration of “mineiros”, mostly agricultural former-workers. The industrial park is marked by the heterogeneity, agglomerating great industries with more than a thousand workers, even small repair shops. Recent studies had searched to analyse the experiences of the workers of the sector in the daily of work and the extra-factory. They had opened new perspectives of analysis, inside of which it inserts the present work. Along of the process of formation and the consolidation of the shoemaker industry in the city the women had occupied distinction position, composing about 40% of the force of work used in this productive sector. However, it occurs that the history of the working class of the city had been written principally in the masculine, it ignoring the experiences of the workers-women of the footwear. Thus, we had as main objectives to analyse the process of formation of the women being workers, the relations of work and the expressions of politic actions of a set of women-shoemaker that had been party of the proceeding of industrialization between the decades of 1950 and 1980. We worked with a corpus documental composed for verbal sources, trade union documents and other sources printed. It was possible to verify that the workers had lived deeply a process of socialization characterized for the sexual division of the work and subordination to the men since the initial years of its lives, persistent characteristics in its experiences as workers...(Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian<br>Banca: Marisa Saenz Leme<br>Banca: Fernando Teixeira da Silva<br>Resumo: A cidade de Franca tem na indústria calçadista sua principal atividade econômica, sendo um dos maiores centros produtores de calçados do país. A partir da década de 1950 ocorreu a intensificação do processo de industrialização do setor, com a implantação de modernas técnicas de produção, voltadas para o aumento da produtividade. Essas transformações acarretaram um significativo crescimento populacional, destacando-se a migração de mineiros, em grande parte ex-trabalhadores rurais. O parque industrial é marcado pela heterogeneidade, englobando grandes indústrias com mais de mil trabalhadores, até pequenas oficinas de conserto. Estudos recentes buscaram analisar as experiências dos trabalhadores do setor no cotidiano de trabalho e extrafábrica. Abriram novas perspectivas de análise, dentro das quais se insere o presente trabalho. Ao longo do processo de formação e consolidação da indústria calçadista no município as mulheres ocuparam posição de destaque, compondo cerca de 40% da força de trabalho empregada nesse setor produtivo. Contudo, verificou-se que a história da classe operária do município havia sido escrita sobretudo no masculino, desconsiderando-se as experiências das trabalhadoras do calçado. Assim, tivemos como principais objetivos analisar o processo de formação das mulheres enquanto operárias, as relações de trabalho e as expressões de ação política de um conjunto de sapateiras que fizeram parte do processo de industrialização entre as décadas de 1950 e 1980. Trabalhou-se com um corpus documental composto por fontes orais, documentos sindicais e outras fontes impressas. Foi possível constatar que as trabalhadoras vivenciaram um processo de sociabilização caracterizado pela divisão sexual do trabalho e subordinação aos homens desde os anos iniciais de suas vidas, características persistentes...(Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)<br>Abstract: The city of Franca - Brazil has in the shoemaker industry its main economic activity, being one of the biggest producing centers of footwear of the country. From the decade of 1950 the intensification of the process of industrialization of the sector occurred with the modern implantation production techniques, guided toward the increase of the productivity. These transformations had caused a significant population growth, putting in relief the migration of "mineiros", mostly agricultural former-workers. The industrial park is marked by the heterogeneity, agglomerating great industries with more than a thousand workers, even small repair shops. Recent studies had searched to analyse the experiences of the workers of the sector in the daily of work and the extra-factory. They had opened new perspectives of analysis, inside of which it inserts the present work. Along of the process of formation and the consolidation of the shoemaker industry in the city the women had occupied distinction position, composing about 40% of the force of work used in this productive sector. However, it occurs that the history of the working class of the city had been written principally in the masculine, it ignoring the experiences of the workers-women of the footwear. Thus, we had as main objectives to analyse the process of formation of the women being workers, the relations of work and the expressions of politic actions of a set of women-shoemaker that had been party of the proceeding of industrialization between the decades of 1950 and 1980. We worked with a corpus documental composed for verbal sources, trade union documents and other sources printed. It was possible to verify that the workers had lived deeply a process of socialization characterized for the sexual division of the work and subordination to the men since the initial years of its lives, persistent characteristics in its experiences as workers...(Complete abstract click electronic access below)<br>Mestre