Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Women politicians – France »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Women politicians – France"
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Fernández-Rovira, Cristina, et Santiago Giraldo-Luque. « How Are Women Politicians Treated in the Press ? The Case of Spain, France and the United Kingdom ». Journalism and Media 2, no 4 (23 novembre 2021) : 732–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/journalmedia2040043.
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Women politicians have been discriminated against or negatively valued under stereotypes in media coverage and have been given a secondary role compared to male politicians. The article proposes an analysis of the treatment given by digital media to women political leaders. They are from different parties in three countries and the aim is to identify the polarity (positive, neutral or negative) of the information published about them in the media. The text focuses on the cases of Anne Hidalgo and Marine Le Pen, from France, Nicola Sturgeon and Theresa May, from the United Kingdom and Ada Colau and Inés Arrimadas, from Spain. The study develops a computerised sentiment analysis of the information published in two leading digital newspapers in each country, during the month of November 2019. The research, with the analysis of 1100 journalistic pieces, shows that the polarity or valence of the women analysed is predominantly neutral and positive and that the journalistic genres do not determine the media representation of the women studied. On the contrary, the country of study does have a predominant incidence on the way in which women politicians are represented, while the relationship of affinity or antipathy of the Spanish media with the women politicians studied is significant.
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da Silva, Caroline, Judith de Jong, Allard R. Feddes, Bertjan Doosje et Andreea Gruev-Vintila. « Where are you really from ? Understanding misrecognition from the experiences of French and Dutch Muslim women students ». Journal of Social and Political Psychology 10, no 1 (25 mai 2022) : 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.9395.
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We investigate experiences of misrecognition through comparative focus groups with headscarf-wearing Muslim women students in France (N = 46) and in the Netherlands (N = 32). In both countries, women reported experiencing misrecognition across four interrelated dimensions: (1) totalising misrecognition, having their Muslim identity highlighted at the expense of other group affiliations; (2) membership misrecognition, having their national belonging denied; (3) content misrecognition, having negative characteristics associated with their religious identity, and (4) invisibility, having their voices unheard in society and/or their identities excluded from (public) professions. Participants conceptualised misrecognition as a product of deficient intergroup (Muslims vs. non-Muslims) contact and as being worse in France. French women felt relatively more invisible in the public sphere than their Dutch counterparts and perceived politicians across the political spectrum as an important source of misrecognition. These findings suggest that misrecognition is present in Europe, and potentially worse in France, raising the question about what measures might be taken to counter this form of group-based exclusion.
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Elgán, Elisabeth. « Sexualpolitikens genus i Frankrike och Sverige ». Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 20, no 3 (16 juin 2022) : 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v20i3.4447.
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This comparative study, inspired by Marc Bloch, deals with the abortion and contraception politics of Sweden and France during the first half of the XXth century from a gender perspective At a discursive level the resemblance between the two countries is clear: this is the main result of this study. At this time many western countries, restricted the diffusion of contraceptives in some way and passed more efficient and abortion legislation thus increasing surveillance. The dominant view in Sweden and France, although the explicit motives for these policies were different in the two countries, was that sexuality was man's business and that it was men who were to be protected from contraception "propaganda" or to be led on the straight path to marriage and fatherhood. Nature intended women to be primarily mothers and they were therefore not seen as sexually active but instead in need of close protection, i.e. a repressive abortion law, to help them to fulfil they nature. This discourse dominated the political debates and was taken up by women politicians and women's organisations as well. The exception was the small circle of neo-malthusians and supporters of birth control. The church seems to have played very little role in these debates at this time in both Sweden and France. The discourse with respect to gender is then the same in Sweden and France, but there are some other differences that need explaining. A comparison highlights the particularities of the two countries. One of the differences is the important role played by eugenics in Sweden. The fascination exercised by medical science on politicians seems to have been particularly strong on the left wing where it was seen as a potential ally and as providing legitimisation in the struggle for a progressive social policy. Scientific thought in Sweden also seern to have been invaded by eugenics. It was very different in France where the scientists resisted eugenic ideas and stayed attached to an older belief that milieu was more important than inheritance. This belief coincided with that of the rather socially progressive and democratic French political regime of the time who hoped that upbringing and education would realise the famous dream of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité.
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Lettinga, Doutje, et Sawitri Saharso. « Outsiders Within : Framing and Regulation of Headscarves in France, Germany and The Netherlands ». Social Inclusion 2, no 3 (17 septembre 2014) : 029–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v2i3.46.
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While women in Europe who wear the Islamic headscarf are generally seen as outsiders who do not belong to the nation, some countries are more tolerant towards the wearing of headscarves than others. France, Germany and the Netherlands have developed different policies regarding veiling. In this paper we describe how headscarves became regulated in each of these countries and discuss the ways in which French, Dutch and German politicians have deliberated the issue. The paper is based on a content analysis of parliamentary debates on veiling in France (1989–2007), Germany (1997–2007) and the Netherlands (1985–2007). Our aim is to discuss what these national political debates reveal about the way in which the social inclusion of Islamic women in (or rather exclusion from) the nation is perceived in these three countries. Our claim is that veiling arouses opposition because it challenges national self-understandings. Yet, because nations have different histories of nation building, these self-understandings are challenged in various ways and hence, governments have responded to headscarves with diverse regulation. While we did find national differences, we also discovered that the political debates in the three countries are converging over time. The trend is towards increasingly gendered debates and more restrictive headscarf policies. This, we hypothesize, is explained by international polarization around Islam and the strength of the populist anti-immigrant parties across Europe.
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Antonucci, Maria Cristina. « Female presence in lobbying careers in Europe : A comparison of women in the lobbying workforce in three national political systems and the EU ». GENDER – Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft 13, no 1-2021 (15 mars 2021) : 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/gender.v13i1.05.
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This paper investigates women in lobbying careers in Italy, the UK and France in comparison with the EU Parliament to verify the hypothesis that in political systems with a gender mainstreaming approach, it is easier for women to have access to political, institutional and politics-related careers. Given the differences between national and supranational political systems, the collected data display a fairer gender balance in the stock of registered lobbyists at the EU Parliament than in the national registers for lobbyists. The explanatory factors are the EU institutional approach towards gender mainstreaming and a fairer gender balance in EU top-political and administrative jobs. The paper argues that there is a spillover effect from fair-gendered political careers to the lobbying professions. EU lobbyists need to reflect the diversity of EU politicians and administrative staff. In this sense, the EU institutionalization of the gender mainstreaming approach goes beyond issues such as the descriptive and substantive political representation of women in politics while creating a more inclusive environment for equal opportunities in traditionally male-dominated jobs.
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Aidt, Toke S. « Review of Forging the Franchise : The Political Origins of the Women’s Vote ». Journal of Economic Literature 60, no 3 (1 septembre 2022) : 1039–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20201567.
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Recent years have seen several 100-year anniversaries of the women’s vote, and today universal and equal suffrage is an inseparable part of democracy. Dawn Teele’s book, Forging the Franchise, is an inquiry into the reasons why male politicians elected by male voters gave women the right to vote in the United Kingdom, the United States, and France. It offers a theory of the political origins that focuses on electoral expediency and mobilization of women’s groups and it provides quantitative evidence from the three countries. It argues that women got the right to vote when the incumbents saw and needed an electoral advantage of expanding the right to vote to females. The book is of interest not only to those who want a deeper understanding of the historical process of women’s enfranchisement or who are interested in the political economy of democratization, but to everyone with a concern about gender inequality in politics today. (JEL D72, E16, J16, N30, N40)
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Dars, Basheer Ahmed, Muhammad Nabeel Musharraf et Arshad Munir. « The Dress Code for Muslim Women ». Journal of Islamic and Religious Studies 3, no 1 (11 février 2020) : 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36476/jirs.3:1.06.2018.11.
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It is not uncommon to find cases of Muslim women being harassed or bullied in many of the Muslim-minority countries because of their dress. These Islamophobic attacks, unfortunately, are not merely conducted by radicalised individuals; but the subjugation of the rights of Muslim women also comes from institutional bodies and governments. Secular nations, such as France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Netherlands, Bulgaria, Switzerland, USA, UK, Canada, China, and Russia have either imposed restrictions on Muslim women regarding their dress code. They see veil as a non-acceptance of progressive or cumulative values which is unsurprisingly not welcomed by the Muslim community. In such environment, it is inevitable for the Muslims to understand what the Qur’ān and Sunnah really say about the dress code for Muslim women in order to explain what their religion really requires from them and to communicate it appropriately to the government officials, journalists, politicians, and other relevant stakeholders. It is also essential from the perspective of segregating cultural aspects from the religious aspects. Many of the commonly used words for the dressing of Muslim women are more rooted in culture than the religion. It is accordingly vital to understand what the Qur’ān and Sunnah really command about the women dressing and how it has been interpreted in various Islamic societies and cultures. This paper accordingly presents an analysis of all the relevant Qur’ānic verses and the prophetic traditions (from the 6 most renowned books of ahadith). The linguistic analysis employed in this paper results in the identification of items of dress that were worn by Muslim women to safeguard their modesty during the times of Prophet Muhammad (ﷺ). The same principles are relevant for today’s age and time and the Muslims can use those guidelines to delineate cultural practices from the religious injunctions.
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Whitney, Susan B. « Introduction ». Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, no 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460301.
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World War I has been studied extensively by historians of France and for good reason. Waging the first industrial war required mobilizing all of France’s resources, whether military, political, economic, cultural, or imperial. Politicians from the left and the right joined forces to govern the country, priests and seminarians were drafted into the army, factories were retooled to produce armaments and other war material, and women and children were enlisted to do their part. So too were colonial subjects. More than 500,000 men from France’s empire fought in Europe for the French Army, while another 200,000 colonial subjects labored in France’s wartime workplaces. The human losses were staggering and the political, economic, and cultural reverberations long-lasting, both in the metropole and in the colonies. More than 1.3 million French soldiers and an estimated 71,000 colonial soldiers lost their lives, leaving behind approximately 1.1 million war orphans and 600,000 war widows.
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Adams, Melinda. « Context and Media Frames : The Case of Liberia ». Politics & ; Gender 12, no 02 (26 mai 2016) : 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000039.
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There is a growing body of work examining gender stereotypes in media representations of female candidates, but much of this literature is based on analysis of media sources in developed countries, including the United States (Braden 1996; Jalalzai 2006; Kahn 1994, 1996; Smith 1997), Australia (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), Canada (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), France (Murray 2010b), and Germany (Wiliarty 2010). The increase in female presidential candidates and presidents in Latin America has encouraged research on media portrayals of women in Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela (Franceschet and Thomas 2010; Hinojosa 2010; Piscopo 2010; Thomas and Adams 2010). To date, however, there has been little research exploring media representations of female politicians in Africa. (Exceptions include Adams 2010; Anderson, Diabah, and hMensah 2011). A question that emerges is whether the gender stereotypes common in coverage in the United States, Europe, and Latin America are also prevalent in Africa.
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Pestel, Friedemann. « Educating against Revolution : French Émigré Schools and the Challenge of the Next Generation ». European History Quarterly 47, no 2 (avril 2017) : 229–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416688164.
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The education of children as future elites after the Restoration was a persistent concern for French émigrés after the Revolution of 1789. Focusing on discourse on émigré education and émigré schools in Britain and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, this article examines how, in the 1790s, the émigrés' rejection of the Republic and their quest for monarchical restoration resonated in pedagogical activities. Under difficult living conditions and unclear prospects of political exile, education became a consolidating strategy of combating the Revolution with pedagogical means. The social composition, educational programmes, and public representations of émigré schools reveal their pivotal role in émigré community life, involving priests, women, writers, politicians, local supporters – and children. Comparison between Britain and the Holy Roman Empire allows for differentiating strategies of integration into the host societies and of immunization against revolutionary influences. Education contributed to strengthening the émigrés' identity and mobilizing their hosts for the ideological, military, and humanitarian struggle against the Revolution. The students' later careers call for reconsidering experiences of exile education among the elites of Napoleonic and Restoration France.
Thèses sur le sujet "Women politicians – France"
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Guaresi, Magali. « Parler au féminin : les professions de foi des député-e-s sous la Cinquième République (1958-2007) ». Thesis, Nice, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015NICE2032.
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Au croisement de l'histoire politique, des études sur le genre et de l'analyse du discours, cette thèse étudie les professions de foi électorales des candidat-e-s à la députation sous la Cinquième République (1958 – 2007). Le corpus, constitué sur la base d'hypothèses de travail relatives au genre en politique, rassemble la quasi-totalité des proclamations électorales des députées et un échantillon raisonné de textes d'hommes rédigés dans des conditions politiques comparables.Acte performatif par excellence, la déclaration de candidature établit les locuteurs et locutrices en personnalités politiques. Le fait-elle de manière contrastée selon le sexe des candidat-e-s ? Comment le genre façonne-t-il les prises de parole politiques et comment est-il façonné par le langage ? Comment se recompose-t-il au gré des douze législatures du régime quinto-républicain ?Pour répondre à ces questions, cette recherche s’appuie, dans le cadre des Humanités numériques, sur des méthodes d’analyse assistées par ordinateur.Elle décrit les modalités de l'élaboration d'un ethos féminin singulier et de l'expression de thématiques originales dans le discours électoral des femmes briguant la députation durant cinquante ansAt the crossroads of political history, gender studies and discourse analysis, the present PhD dissertation gives a detailed study of the statements of principles of MP women candidates under the French Fifth Republic (1958-2007). The corpus is designed according to a set of gender hypothesis in political context. It gathers almost all the declarations of women candidates under the French Fifth Republic, together with a reference corpus sampling a representative set of men declarations, made under similar political conditions.Statements of principles are performative acts setting speakers as political figures. Does gender impact political discourse and speeches? Did gender representations significantly evolve within the 12 legislative periods of the Fifth Republic?To answer these questions, we resorted to a set of text statistics methods in the framework of digital humanities. The thesis provides a comprehensive description of the development of women ethos within fifty years, bringing to light the gradual emergence of original themes and subjects
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LYON, Dawn. « The making of careers : women and men in business and politics in Britain, Belgium and France ». Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5299.
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Defence date: 17 June 2003Examining board: Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI - Supervisor) ; Dr. Susan Halford (Southampton) ; Prof. Michèle Lamont (Harvard) ; Prof. Peter Wagner (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Livres sur le sujet "Women politicians – France"
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Histoire des 16 : Les premières femmes parlementaires en France. Paris] : Fayard, 2017.
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Faye, Olivier. La conseillère : Marie-France Garaud, la femme la plus puissante de la Ve République. Paris : Fayard, 2021.
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Marie, Visot, dir. Christine Lagarde : Enquête sur la femme la plus puissante de France. Neuilly-sur-Seine : Michel Lafon, 2010.
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Les femmes politiques : En France, de 1945 à nos jours. [Paris] : Éditions Complexe, 2008.
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Hidalgo, Anne. Une femme dans l'arène. Monaco : Rocher, 2006.
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Horowitz, Sarah. Friendship and Politics in Post-Revolutionary France. University Park, PA : Penn State University Press, 2014.
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Comment l'égalité vient aux femmes : Politique, droits et syndicalisme en Grande-Bretagne, aux Etats-Unis et en France. Paris : Harmattan, 2012.
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Dittmar, Gérald. George Pau-Langevin, une candidature de la différence. Paris : Dittmar, 2007.
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The horror of love. New York, N.Y : Pegasus Books, 2012.
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Hilton, Lisa. The horror of love. Rearsby : Clipper Large Print, 2012.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Women politicians – France"
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Fernández-Rovira, Cristina, et Santiago Giraldo-Luque. « The Tone in Media Coverage of Women Politicians. Comparative Analysis of the Polarity of Journalistic Texts in Spain, France and the United Kingdom ». Dans Smart Innovation, Systems and Technologies, 403–13. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-5792-4_40.
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Crook, Malcolm. « Women Had to Wait ». Dans How the French Learned to Vote, 42–68. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894786.003.0003.
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The process of enfranchisement for women would prove still more protracted than for men. Historians highlight the fact that the female vote in France was obtained as late as 1944, almost a century after all males were enfranchised, but this surprising delay can be partly explained by the precocious arrival of universal manhood suffrage in 1848, often simply referred to as ‘universal suffrage’ by contemporaries. Almost everywhere, there was an interval between the award of votes to men and women, usually shorter where full male suffrage arrived later. This ‘gender gap’, which has been the subject of much discussion of late, was thus exaggerated in France, but women themselves were more active and inventive in demanding the franchise than is often supposed. They were standing for election and holding local office before their right to vote was finally recognized, despite the frustration of their demands, which stemmed from a gendered ideology of citizenship and the particular resistance of male politicians in parliament. In the period after the Second World War their apprenticeship in voting was rapidly accomplished and, of late, French women have achieved a high degree of parity in elected office.
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Hellawell, Sarah. « Women as Peacemakers ». Dans The Global Challenge of Peace, 111–26. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800857193.003.0007.
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In May 1919, 147 members of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) met in Zurich to discuss the issues of war, peace and international relations. Their meeting coincided with the publication of the post-war peace terms. As a result, WILPF was the first international association to outline its criticism of the Treaty of Versailles. The conference resolved that the Treaty would ‘create all over Europe discords and animosities, which can only lead to future wars’. A group of WILPF delegates travelled from Switzerland to France to lobby the male politicians at Versailles, attempting to make the voice of women heard at the peace table. This chapter will examine the proceedings of the Zurich Conference and WILPF’s attempts to shape the peace process after the Great War. Many members were active suffragists and were committed to the campaign for female citizenship. The association’s pacifism was linked to its feminism and concerns for social justice and equality. Moreover, WILPF had been an early advocate of a ‘Society of Nations’. In 1919 the association urged negotiators to incorporate its ‘Woman’s Charter’ within the Covenant of the League of Nations to secure equality in the post-war era. Although all positions within the League of Nations were open to men and women on equal terms, women remained marginalised in the international political sphere during the interwar years. This chapter will explore WILPF’s efforts to increase the representation of women in politics, particularly in relation to the issues of peace and international relations. In so doing, this chapter will highlight the significant role that women played in the peace negotiations and foundation of the League of Nations in 1919.
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Barton, Nimisha. « Conclusion ». Dans Reproductive Citizens, 209–16. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749636.003.0009.
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This chapter mentions the Third Republican lawmakers, politicians, bureaucrats, employers, and social workers who summoned reproductive citizenship into being against the backdrop of severe depopulation and an imagined “crise de familles.” It reviews the routine application of social policies, states and social actors that worked in both official and unofficial spheres toward the goal of repopulating France with immigrant families. It also describes France's working-class urban neighborhoods, in which the gendered rhythms of neighborhood life reinforced the making and remaking of mixed and foreign-born families. The chapter points out how a female culture of mutual aid flourished in the social world of the apartment building and provided material support to French and immigrant wives and mothers. It identifies that immigrant women adopted French patterns of marriage, employment, fertility, and child-rearing.
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Breen, Richard, et Walter Müller. « Introduction ». Dans Education and Intergenerational Social Mobility in Europe and the United States, 1–19. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503610163.003.0001.
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This chapter sets out the main goal of the volume: to examine the role of education in shaping rates and patterns of intergenerational social mobility among men and women during the twentieth century. This is a particularly timely question given the concerns of politicians and policy makers with intergenerational mobility and their belief that the solution lies in education. The chapter explains what we mean by social mobility and the distinction between absolute and relative mobility, and it sets out the reasons why we expect changes to the educational system to lead to changes in both absolute and relative mobility. The chapter discusses the reasons for choosing the eight countries on which we focus: the United States, Sweden, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland. The operationalization of our main variables is explained and the questions to be addressed in each of the subsequent country chapters are set out.
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Ziparo, Jessica. « Epilogue ». Dans This Grand Experiment. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635972.003.0009.
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The Epilogue details the plight of the Spinner Memorial Association to have a statue of General Francis Elias Spinner erected on the grounds of the Treasury Department. Three early female federal employees formed the Association to raise money to commission the statue to honor Spinner's decision to bring women into the Treasury Department. Repeatedly, the women were denied permission to place the statue at the Treasury. The saga of the Spinner statue is compared to women’s entrance into the federal workforce. It is argued that early female federal employees were labor feminists who did important work by serving as visible and constant reminders to politicians and the country that women were valuable workers, who were capable of intellectually challenging labor. In setting this example, early female federal employees began to dismantle some of the economic and cultural restraints that limited the opportunities of nineteenth-century middle-class white women.