Thèses : « Women – Political activity – Europe »

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HARALDSSON, Amanda. « Media discrimination and women's political representation : experimental evidence of media effects on the supply-side ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74306.

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Defence date: 07 March 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Klarita Gërxhani (European University Institute); Prof. Marta Fraile (Spanish Scientific Research Institute); Prof. Maria Edström (University of Gothenburg); Prof. Fabrizio Gilardi (University of Zurich)
Women continue to be underrepresented in politics, even in countries with relatively high gender equality such as within the borders of Europe. A major contributor to this underrepresentation is that women have lower political ambition than men, i.e., women are less interested in and willing to become political candidates. Moreover, the political domain remains highly masculinised, undervaluing the issues that disproportionately impact women and undervaluing feminine leadership traits. Both men and women in politics are part of perpetuating the stereotypical and limited image of what politics is and what politicians should do. Women’s descriptive (numeric), symbolic and substantive political representation are therefore harmed by supply-side factors. In this thesis, supply-side refers to those factors that impact the choices of potential political candidates and actual political candidates in ways that limit the quantity and quality of women’s political representation. This thesis tests the potential impact of media discrimination against women on the supply-side of women’s political representation. Media discrimination in political news includes underreporting on women, using stereotypical gender portrayals, disproportionately criticising female politicians and objectifying women. While the literature gives reason to expect both politically activating and deactivating effects of discrimination exposure on women, there are extremely few studies testing potential media effects on men and women’s political ambition. Likewise, there are extremely few studies testing whether gendered campaign environments impact the way future candidates choose to behave within the political domain. Using data from two experimental studies and content analyses, this thesis highlights both the resilience of women in the face of media discrimination, and simultaneously the way media discrimination hinders progress towards putting femininity on an equal footing with masculinity in the political domain.

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Mok, Hing-luen, et 莫慶聯. « A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976669.

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van, Geffen Robert. « Essays on the career paths and legislative activity of Members of the European Parliament ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3736/.

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Being a politician has become a profession for many. With the development of the European Parliament (EP) into an influential institution at the European level, building a career in the EP has become an interesting option for politicians. This thesis studies the different career paths of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and explores how these career paths and MEPs’ ambitions have an impact on their participation in the legislative process and thereby the way they represent citizens. This thesis is based on three empirical research papers. The first paper identifies two career paths that MEPs might follow, in addition to the three others which are generally used, and links these to the activities of MEPs in parliament. I find that an MEP’s career path and ambitions are relevant in explaining certain legislative behaviour across member states and party groups. The second paper looks at the career ambitions of MEPs and finds that MEPs’ career paths are also the result of expressed ambitions by politicians themselves, despite their dependence on party leadership and the second-order nature of EP elections. MEPs looking to pursue a career in the EP are more actively involved in the parliament’s activities. This higher level of participation and acquired policy influence is rewarded when MEPs stand for re-election. The third paper looks at the group of MEPs who become lobbyists after their time in parliament. Building on what is known from Washington, this paper finds that being on a powerful committee, from a smaller political group and having a longer tenure make it more likely that an MEP becomes a lobbyist. The findings across the three papers support the idea that the career paths and ambitions of politicians provide an important explanation when trying to understand an MEP’s willingness to invest resources in the EP’s legislative process.

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Krawatzek, Félix. « Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.

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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.

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Hörner, Julian. « National parliamentary scrutiny of European Union affairs : explaining divergence of formal arrangements and actual activity ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3301/.

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The role of national parliaments in the European Union (EU) has gained prominence in the last decade among academics and practitioners alike in relation to the alleged democratic deficit of the EU. The existing literature has largely focused on the formal powers of national parliaments. However, the formally strongest parliaments are not necessarily the most active, and vice versa. This thesis argues that this divergence between formal rights and actual activity exists because not formal scrutiny powers, but public Euroscepticism, the presence of parties for which Europe is salient and which care deeply about Europe (‘issue entrepreneurs’) as well as internal party cohesion on the EU are the most important factors influencing activity. Public Euroscepticism leads to more debate and resolutions when issue entrepreneurs are present and when parties have a coherent position on Europe. Recent measures and future plans to further increase the formal powers of national parliaments might not lead to more activity and might thus not help to ameliorate the democratic deficit. Methodologically, this thesis relies on computer-assisted content analysis, multilevel models as well as elite interviews. Each of the three papers focuses on a different aspect of parliamentary activity. The first paper focuses on the ‘communication function’ of parliaments and presents an analysis of parliamentary debates in EU affairs. The second paper quantitatively analyses the determinants of parliamentary activity in the form of resolutions, relating to the government control or ‘scrutiny function’. The third paper investigates parliamentary scrutiny activity in-depth in a case study of the ‘Fiscal Compact’. The thesis argues that national parliaments should mostly concentrate on their communication function in EU affairs, while other functions might best be carried out by the European Parliament. It thus suggests that different parliamentary functions can best be fulfilled by different institutions in the EU multilevel system.

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Wagener, Debra Lorraine. « Identity, dissatisfaction and political activity : the experience of east German women since unification ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288876.

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This thesis is an investigation into the integration of east German women into the Federal Republic following German unification. It draws on oral history interviews to examine the existence of a distinctive identity amongst east German women and concludes that their opinions and values reflect the Marxist Feminist principles upheld in the GDR, with particular reference to the belief in the importance of paid employment for the emancipation of women. The thesis also investigates the nature of dissatisfaction with the Federal Republic amongst east German women and concludes that a lack of fulfilment of expectations arising from socialisation in the GDR has led to a level of dissatisfaction amongst east German women which could act as a stimulus for political mobilisation. Finally, the thesis investigates the links between dissatisfaction and political activity amongst east German women and concludes that they display both political will and ability despite disempowerment in the GDR but also that there are signs of characteristics specific to east German women relating to disillusion and withdrawal. It also notes, however, that east German women have recorded signficant achievements in retaining more typically 'east German biographies' and that their individual resistance to change may prove to be their most powerful political weapon.

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Opyd, Dorota. « Why are women under-represented in the British House of Commons and the Sejm of the Republic of Poland ? » Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2015. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2036183/.

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This study explores the reasons for gender inequality in the lower chambers of the British and Polish Parliaments. The barriers to women’s political advance are investigated through elite interviews with women MPs with the aim of identifying and exploring the socio-cultural, socio-economic and structural factors which account for gender imbalance in national parliaments. The research examines these factors from the perspectives of those most involved: the women MPs. Through qualitative, semi-structured interviews, I examine the similarities and differences in the views of women politicians from countries with different electoral systems, contrasting models of equality guarantees and different historical and democratic cultures. The findings from the study illustrate the impact of cultural stereotypes on women who seek to join the political arena, the influence that media bias in the representation of women’s political activity has on female politicians and the extent of the restrictions associated with a male dominated environment. This research also addresses structural difficulties such as electoral systems and different types of equality provisions introduced in each country to help women parliamentary candidates. In addition, this study provides some indication of the way forward for the achievement of gender parity. The results provide clear support for the argument that gender balance cannot be achieved without challenging stereotypes and, most of all, without introducing measures to educate young girls on political careers. Within the same context, the biases of the media in promoting gender stereotypes and the untouchable power of social media have been identified. The findings also suggest a need to re-think the use of gender quotas, supporting these as a short-term solution but resisting the involvement of governments in gender equality issues, indicating that this should be dealt with by the political parties. The thesis also offers insights into the importance of behavioural patterns that men and women in power have learned though their socialisation, an issue largely missed in the existing literature.

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Chang, Yan Margaret, et 章茵. « A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977273.

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Sturman, Kathryn. « The Federation of South African Women and the Black Sash : constraining and contestatory discourses about women in politics, 1954-1958 ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18272.

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The period 1954 to 1958 saw an unprecedented level of mobilisation and active political campaigning by women of all races in South Africa. These campaigns were split along lines of race and class, as evidenced in the demonstrations against the extension of pass laws to African women by the Federation of South African Women [FSAW] and the campaign against the Senate Bill by liberal white women of the Black Sash. What they had in common is that both groups of women organised their action into separate structures exclusive to women, with independent identities from the male-dominated structures of the Congress Alliance and of white party politics. This separate organisation from men was not carried out with an explicit feminist agenda or a developed awareness of women's oppression, however. Nevertheless, their existence constituted a challenge to the dominant patriarchal discourse that constructed women's role as domestic and exclusive to the private sphere. Newspaper representations of the two organisations by both their political allies and their political opponents, provide evidence of this dominant discourse on "women's place" and insight on the public perception of political activity by women at the time. Within the texts of FSAW and the Black Sash one finds tensions between accepted notions of women's primary role as wives and mothers, and an emerging self-conception of women as politically active in the public realm. To an extent, the self-representation of these texts mirrors the patriarchal representations of women found in the newspaper reports. However, there are also definite departures from the traditional formulations of womanhood that can be conceived of as "contestations" to the dominant discourse. The patriarchal discourse was, therefore, a discursive constraint, both external and internalised, on women's ability to become active and effective in South Africa politics in the 1950s. Paradoxically, through the practical process of women's mobilisation in FSAW and the Black Sash, new space was opened on the political terrain that allowed for the alteration of the dominent discourse on women's place in society, as well as for the emergence of contestatory feminist discourses in South Africa.

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Boylan, Kristina A. « Mexican Catholic women's activism, 1929-1940 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34c1a60f-ded1-4cd5-b304-aa4b9a292e9e.

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This dissertation examines Catholic lay women's roles in the Church-State conflict in Mexico during the 1930s. After the Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929), clergy and laymen who publicly supported the Catholic Church were threatened with legal sanctions and government reprisal. Thus, Church leaders called upon Catholic women to assume public roles and to work creatively in defence of their faith, albeit following strictly delineated, gendered norms of behaviour. The Introduction discusses the lack of nuanced analysis of women's participation in the Catholic Church in Mexico. Chapter 1 traces the history of Catholic Social Action as envisioned in Europe and as adapted to Mexico from the end of the nineteenth century through the Cristero Rebellion, and includes a discussion of the roles envisaged for women in the Church hierarchy's strategy to concentrate and centralise lay people's efforts into the Acción Católica Mexicana (ACM). The first chapter also includes an overview of the Church-State conflict in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Mexico. Chapter 2 presents the reorganisation of various Catholic lay women's social and civic associations into the Union Femenina Católica Mexicana (UFCM). Chapters 3 and 4 form a case study of the UFCM in the Archdiocese of Guadalajara and the state of Jalisco. Chapter 3 concentrates on the Guadalajara Diocesan Chapter of the UFCM and on Catholic women's activism in the context of urban and regional issues. Chapter 4 compares the experiences of women in smaller towns and rural communities throughout the diocese and state, examining women's collective and independent responses to anticlerical legislation, the Mexican state's programs of socialist and sexual education and agrarian reform, the Church hierarchy's calls to action, and their own perceived need for religious and social organisation. The Conclusion evaluates Mexican Catholic women's responses to the social conflicts of the 1930s, their accomplishments, and the legacies of their mobilisation.

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Chiu, Shuk-yi, et 趙淑儀. « Changes in the role concept of women in their process of political participation ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31249188.

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Stormont, Diane. « Hong Kong : politics, women and power / ». Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24534432.

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Jauch, Linda. « Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.

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McGrath, Shelly A. « Explaining the gender gap in voting using feminist consciousness theory ». Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1266034.

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Previous research shows that women are more likely to vote Democrat than men. Using the 2000 Middletown Area Survey this paper tests the Feminist Consciousness Theory as a possible explanation for the gender gap in voting. Results indicate that women in the study voted more Democrat than men. Those who scored higher on the NonTraditional Gender Role Ideology scale, the Support for Gender Equality Scale and who said that they were a feminist were more likely to vote Democrat. Women were more likely to support gender equality and identify as being a feminist than were men. This means that because women are more likely to have a feminist conscious they are more likely to vote Democrat.
Department of Sociology

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Meyer, Christa. « Can gender come to the rescue of foreign policy ? : an exploration into the ways in which the (mis)understanding of gender influences the making of foreign policy ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52725.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This paper attempts to provide a broad theoretical background of the ways in which gender has informed the making of foreign policy. It examines the various types of feminism in the zo" century and how they complement each other, criticize each other and have contributed to critical political debate. Realism as the dominant political paradigm of the zo" century comes under scrutiny and it is shown how it abets and supports male domination by cloaking it in neutral language and institutions that appear neutral. Foreign policy objectives are often linked to the national interest, which in itself is a problematic and contested concept. Foreign policy makers face new challenges today as the political landscape changes, often driven by multinational corporations who dictate the rules of political engagement. Not only has the international political arena changed drastically in the zo" century, but so has the domestic arena. Studies in foreign policy attitudes show marked differences along gender lines. Most studies focus on the pacifist attitudes of women, but this paper goes on to show how gendered theories of security, globalization, the environment and human rights could inform foreign policy makers and others who shape foreign policy agendas.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om 'n bree teoretiese agtergrond te skep van die wyses waarin gender (geslag as 'n konstruksie) die skep van buitelandse beleid beinvloed. Dit bestudeer die verskeie tipes feminisme in die 20ste eeu en hoe hulle mekaar komplimenteer, mekaar kritiseer en bygedra het tot kritiese politieke debat. Realisme as die dominante paradigma van die 20ste eeu word noukeurig bestudeer en daar word gewys hoe hierdie paradigma manlike dominasie ondersteun deur dit te vermom in neutrale taal en instellings wat neutraal voorkom. Buitelandse beleid word dikwels gekoppel aan die nasionale belang wat op sigself 'n problematiese konsep is. Weens die veranderende internasionale politieke arena staar makers van buitelandse beleid nuwe uitdagings in die gesig, veral omdat multinasionale maatskappye dikwels die die reels van die spel bepaal. Studies toon dat gevoelens en houdings oor spesifieke buitelandse beleidskwessies dikwels verskillend vir mans en vrouens manifesteer. Meeste studies fokus op die ondersteuning van vrouens van vrede in kontras met geweld en oorlog. Hierdie tesis gaan verder deur te wys hoe 'gendered' teoriee van sekuriteit, globalisering, die omgewing en menseregte moontlik die skeppers van buitelandse beleid kan beinvloed.

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Watson, Norman. « Daughters of Dundee : gender and politics in Dundee : the representation of women, 1870-1997 ». Thesis, n.p, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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Wu, Amy. « The Cultural Legacy of Communism in Entrepreneurship : Entrepreneurial Perceptions and Activity in Central and Eastern Europe ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1752.

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Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, this paper examines differences in entrepreneurial perceptions (fear of failure, opportunity perception, self-efficacy, public opinion) between CEE and non-CEE countries, before and after the 2008 recession, as well as the effects of these perceptions on entrepreneurial motivation and overall levels of activity. The results suggest that CEE countries have systematically more pessimistic outlooks in terms of fear of failure and opportunity perception, but no difference from non-CEE countries in self-efficacy and public opinion. Additionally, most of the difference in fear of failure and opportunity perception, along with an increase in necessity-motivated entrepreneurship, comes after the recession, suggesting less durability and resilience of optimistic entrepreneurial perceptions in CEE countries. Finally, there is evidence of a higher threshold for a perceived opportunity to become a business reality in these post-socialist CEE countries.

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Alchin, Angela Nicole. « Are women making a difference in peacekeeping operations ? Considering the voices of South African women peacekeepers ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96843.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although there has been a shift from state security to human security, feminist scholars pointed out the missing gender dynamic of a human security approach. The inclusion of a gendered lens has allowed for peacekeeping to come under scrutiny on how it affects the human security of the host society. Due to increased allegations of sexual exploitation of locals by male peacekeepers, the UN and scholars alike have advocated the increasing recruitment of women in peacekeeping operations, claiming that they have a number of unique contributions which improve the operational effectiveness of a peacekeeping unit and the human security of vulnerable populations. Broadly, the unique contributions women make to peacekeeping is: 1. They have a calming effect on men which decreases violence by peacekeepers; 2. Women are more inclined to interact with locals; 3. They are better respondents to victims of sexual violence; and 4. Women are inspirational to local women. However, women have faced a number of challenges which inhibit them from fulfilling these unique contributions. This project contributes to this line of inquiry and, by conducting focus group discussions with women soldiers in the 9 South Africa Infantry (9 SAI) base, this study provides further understanding on the challenges women peacekeepers face in realizing their value to peacekeeping missions. The evidence presented in this article suggests that even though women can have a positive impact on the operational effectiveness of a unit, the broadly advocated unique contributions of women peacekeepers presents a false holism of women in the military. In the South African case, patriarchal beliefs define gender perceptions and create a self-perception amongst women which inhibit them from realizing their contributions to peacekeeping missions beyond patriarchal lines. Furthermore, the South African National Defence Force’s (SANDF) liberal feminist approach to recruiting women in the military is based on gender equality, which has come at the expense of valuing gender difference. Considering the South African case, and more broadly, the hegemonic masculine culture of military institutions allows for the creation of a soldier identity which only features masculine qualities. Therefore, both men and women do not value feminine qualities which are useful and needed in peacekeeping operations. In the end, women dilute their femininity to fit into this male domain, defeating the point of adding more women to peacekeeping operations for their feminine qualities. This study shows that, ultimately, the correlation between recruiting more women and improving the human security of vulnerable citizens is hazy. Depending on the context in which peacekeepers are deployed, women peacekeepers may exacerbate the insecurity of the locals, the unit, and themselves. To overcome these challenges, this paper advocates the creation of a new soldier identity which should be championed by the SANDF. Furthermore, gender training should be done on a regular basis. In addition, recruitment processes should especially target women and emphasize the value they may add to the military and peacekeeping operations. Finally, ongoing challenges difficult to overcome are the deeply entrenched patriarchal beliefs in the South African society, and the hegemonic masculine culture of the SANDF.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel daar ŉ verskuiwing in fokus vanaf staatsveiligheid na menslike veiligheid plaasgevind het, lewer feministiese teorie steeds kritiek op menslike veiligheid omdat dit faal om ŉ geslagsaspek in ag te neem. Die insluiting van ŉ geslagsaspek het veroorsaak dat navorsing oor die maniere waarop ŉ vredesoperasie die menslikesekuriteit van die plaaslike bevolking beïnvloed gedoen word. As gevolg van toenemende bewerings van seksuele uitbuiting van plaaslike inwoners deur manlike vredebewaarders het beide die VN en ander geleerdes aanbeveel dat meer vroue gewerf moet word vir deelname aan vredesoperasies. Hul beweer dat vroulike vredesmagsoldate ŉ aantal unieke bydraes kan maak tot die effektiwiteit van vredesmageenhede, asook die menslike sekuriteit van kwesbare bevolkings. Die unieke bydrae wat vroue kan maak tot vredesendings sluit die volgende in: 1. Hulle het ŉ kalmerende effek op mans wat dus lei tot minder geweld deur manlike vredesmagsoldate; 2. Groter kommunikasie met die plaaslike bevolking; 3. Groter bevoegdheid om vroulike slagoffers van seksuele geweld te ondersteun; en 4. Inspirasie vir die plaaslike vroue. Alhoewel vroue hierdie unieke bydra kan maak, is daar ŉ aantal uitdagings wat hul in die gesig staar en dus verhoed om hierdie unieke bydrae te kan maak. Hierdie studie maak ŉ bydrae tot hierdie rigting van ondersoek, deur gebruik te maak van fokusgroepbesprekings met vroulike soldate van die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag om verdere begrip vir die uitdagings wat vroue vredesmagsoldate ondervind te kweek. Die studie dui aan dat alhoewel vroue ŉ bydrae kan maak tot die operasionele doeltreffendheid van vredesoperasies, kan hierdie unieke bydrae nie aan alle vroue toegeskryf word nie. Hierdie studie toon dat patriargie in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks ŉ groot uitdaging vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) is omdat dit persepsies van geslag skep wat vroue verhinder om hul unieke bydrae tot vredesoperasies te realiseer. Verder, het die SANW se liberale feministiese benadering tot die werwing van vroue in die weermag gebaseer op geslagsgelykheid, gerealiseer ten koste van geslagsverskille wat waardeer moet word. In die geval van Suid-Afrika, asook militêre instellings in die algemeen, is daar ŉ hegemoniese manlike kultuur wat voorsiening maak vir die skepping van 'n soldaatsidentiteit wat net manlike eienskappe reflekteer. Dit is dus die rede waarom manlike en vroulike soldate nie waarde heg aan vroulike eienskappe nie, alhoewel hierdie eienskappe nuttig is in vredesoperasies. Op die ou einde is die toevoeging van vroue tot die weermag as gevolg van hul vroulike eienskappe onnuttig, aangesien hul hierdie eienskappe ‘opgee‘ om in te pas by die manlike kultuur van die SANW. Hierdie studie trek die stelling dat meer vroue in vredesoperasies tot die verbetering van menslikeveiligheid lei in twyfel. In teendeel, afhangende van die konteks waarin vredesmagte ontplooi word, kan vroulike vredesmagsoldate die menslike sekuriteit van die plaaslike bevolking, die vredeseenheid, en hulself in gedrang plaas. Om hierdie uitdagings die hoof te bied, stel hierdie studie voor dat die SANW ŉ nuwe soldaatsidentiteit wat manlike en vroulike eienskappe insluit, skep en bevorder. Geslagsopleiding moet ook op 'n gereelde basis plaasvind. Daarbenewens moet die werwingsproses veral op vroue gemik word en die waarde wat hulle toevoeg tot beide die weermag en vredesoperasies beklemtoon word. Ten slotte, voortdurende uitdagings wat moeilik is om die hoof te bied sluit in: die patriargale oortuigings in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing asook die hegemoniese manlike kultuur van die SANW.

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AXINIA, Anca Diana. « Women and politics in the Romanian Legionary Movement ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73796.

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Defence date: 13 January 2022
Examining Board: Professor Laura L. Downs, (European University Institute); Professor Pieter M. Judson, European University Institute); Professor Irina Livezeanu, (University of Pittsburgh); Professor Kevin Passmore, (University of Cardiff)
This thesis examines women’s participation in the Legionary Movement or Iron Guard, a far-right, anti-Semitic movement active in interwar Romania. Over four chapters, I analyze how the participation of women changed over time, the different forms this participation took, and how these different forms shaped and redefined political relations within the movement. The first chapter focuses on women’s participation in the student activism that characterized Romanian universities throughout the interwar period. University politics played a major role in the origins, development, and self-image of the Legionary Movement. The chapter follows the evolution of the movement’s use of university politics through the lens of increasing female participation. The second chapter is entirely devoted to the exploration of family relations in the Legionary Movement’s ideology and experience. In the third chapter, I analyze the open support or sympathy for the Legionary Movement held among the intellectual elites of Bucharest, the aristocracy, and, finally, among some feminist circles. Gender and class dynamics are inseparable in the analysis of the political beliefs and activity of the women protagonists of this chapter, whose support of or sympathy for the Legion complicates the notion of membership and opens different perspectives on the intersection of gender and class within the movement. Finally, the fourth chapter explores the adoption and adaptation by some legionary women and, especially, by the more formal feminine section, of violence as a form of political action. What emerges from this study is the experimental nature of women’s participation, the constant redefinition of its forms and limits. Moving in an ideological framework designed for them by men, women found their space(s) of agency at the interplay of discourse and practice, through the opportunities for political action offered by the complexity of lived experience.

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Mannya, Maphuti Mabothakga. « Representation of black, young, women politicians in South African online news media : a case study of Lindiwe Mazibuko ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80129.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the main areas of transformation that continues to be a priority in the 21st century in South African and all other democratic societies is equality between men and women. The media plays an important role in attaining the desired balance in the way it represents both genders. This study analysed the representation of South Africa's main opposition party's (Democratic Alliance) parliamentary leaders, Lindiwe Mazibuko, in the online print media in South Africa. Articles on Mazibuko from four leading news websites were analysed during the period in which her nomination to the position of parliamentary leader was announced, the run up to the party's elections, her election to the position and a month into her election. Not all persons suffered equally under the Apartheid regime therefore the empowerment of black women and their rise to positions of leadership and power remains an important priority if the gains of freedom are to be completely attained. Therefore every hindrance that would hamper their efforts should be addressed. The way the media represents not only women in general, but black women in particular is an important area of focus. Moreover, coverage of these women when they are in power and how they are portrayed to be handling these positions is critical. The paper approaches the representation of black, women politicians in the South African media from a womanist approach which goes beyond feminist assertions, from the mass communications theory, gender and media and the political economy theories. Using the quantitative research method of content analysis, 101 articles published on Timeslive, City Press Online, Mail & Guardian Online and Independent Online websites between 1 September 2011 and 30 November 2011 were analysed. The findings revealed that Mazibuko's age was mentioned in 62% of the articles, her gender in 28% of the articles and her race in 21%. This means that more than her race and gender, her age was the main area of focus for the majority of the news articles. The conclusion of this study questions the focus of these attributes that have no influence on her performance or ability to do her work and what it means to the progression of media representation of not only black women political leaders, but aspiring young, black, women political leaders.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gelykheid tussen mans en vroue is een van die hoofareas van transformasie, en 'n voortdurende prioriteit in die 21ste eeu in die Suid-Afrikaanse en talle ander demokratiese samelewings. Die media speel 'n belangrike rol om 'n gewenste balans te bereik deur hoe beide geslagte verteenwoordig of uitgebeeld word. In hierdie studie was die verteenwoordiging van een van Suid-Afrika se hoof opposisie partye (Demokratiese Alliansie) se parlementêre leiers, Lindiwe Mazibuko, in die aanlyn gedrukte media in Suid-Afrika geanaliseer. Artikels oor Mazibuko van vier toonaangewende aanlyn nuus webtuistes tydens die aankondiging van haar nominasie tot die posisie as parlementêre leier, die aanloop tot die party se verkiesing, haar verkiesing tot die posisie, asook 'n maand na haar verkiesing, is geanaliseer. Nie alle mense het in dieselfde mate onder die Apartheidsbewind gely nie, daarom bly die bemagtiging van swart vroue en hul opgang na leierskap 'n gewigtige prioriteit indien die voordele van vryheid as geheel bereik sou word. Alle hindernisse wat hul pogings beperk moet dus aangespreek word. Die manier hoe die media nie net vroue in geheel, maar spesifiek swart vroue verteenwoordig, is 'n belangrike fokus area. Verder is die blootstelling van hierdie vroue wanneer hulle in magsposisies is, asook hoe hulle voorgehou word om daardie posisies te hanteer, van kardinale belang. Hierdie tesis benader die verteenwoordiging van swart, vroue politici in die Suid-Afrikaanse media vanuit 'n vroue (womanist) benadering wat verder as feministiese bewerings gaan, vanuit die massa-kommunikasieteorie, geslag en media asook die politieke ekonomiese teorieë. Daar was gebruik gemaak van inhoudsanalise om 101 artikels wat op die webtuistes van 'Timeslive’, 'City Press Online’, 'Mail & Guardian Online’ en 'Independent Online’ gepubliseer is tussen 1 September 2011 en 30 November 2011, te analiseer. Die bevindinge het daarop gewys dat Mazibuko se ouderdom in 62% van die artikels, haar geslag in 28% van die artikels en haar ras in 21% van die artikels genoem was. Dit beteken dat meer as haar geslag of ras was haar ouderdom die vernaamste fokusarea van die meeste nuusberigte. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie bevraagteken hierdie eienskappe wat geen invloed het op haar vordering of vermoë om haar werk te doen, en wat dit beteken vir die vooruitgang van mediaverteenwoordiging van nie slegs swart, vroue politieke leiers nie, maar aspirant jong, swart, vroue politieke leiers.

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Maswikwa, Belinda. « Limits of citizenship : a comparative analysis of Zimbabwean and South African women's citizenship agency ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97111.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Developmental initiatives in Sub-Saharan Africa emphasise participatory citizenship as the means through which poor women can assert and claim their citizenship rights. Although citizenship and agency are crucial elements in this narrative, little is known about the citizenship process for African women. Furthermore, there is no analytic framework to guide an empirical analysis of agency. This dissertation aims to address these gaps by examining how marginalised Black African women understand themselves as citizens, navigate their structural barriers and develop strategies to negotiate their membership in and relationship with their states. This dissertation uses a deviant case analysis of women living in Zimbabwean and South African townships, who identify as members of the isiNdebele and isiZulu ethnic groups respectively, to Western theories of agency. Data was collected through the use of in-depth interviews and analysed using content and relational analysis. Results indicate that the women use a range of everyday resistance strategies to negotiate their relationship with their states. These strategies are mapped onto an innovative analytic framework that synthesizes feminist, androcentric and subaltern theories of citizenship agency, in order to highlight the non-conventional ways that marginalised African women exercise their agency as citizens. Interestingly, both sets of women emphasise the obligation to vote, work and support oneself without recourse to the state, rather than a reciprocal and participatory relationship. The internalisation of citizenship as an obligation without a corollary emphasis on rights and participation is problematic given that both governments suffer from legitimacy, corruption and governance issues. The main policy implication arising from the study is that there is a need for civic education in schools as well as a feature of women‟s empowerment and community development programs so that marginalised African women are encouraged to expand their participatory skills to collectively challenge, contest and improve the substance of existing citizenship rights.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ontwikkelinginisiatiewe in Afrika beklemtoon deelnemende burgerskap as ŉ manier hoe arm vroue hul regte kan eis. Hoewel burgerskap en die agentskap (agency) belangrik in hierdie verhaal is, weet ons baie min oor hoe swart vroue burgerskap ervaar. Verder is daar geen analitiese raamwerk om 'n empiriese ontleding van hul agentskap te lei nie. Die proefskrif spreek hierdie gapings aan deur ŉ ondersoek oor hoe arm swart vroue in Afrika hulself as burgers verstaan, hoe hul strukturele hindernisse navigeer en strategieë ontwikkel om hul lidmaatskap van en verhouding tot die staat te onderhandel. Hierdie proefskrif gebruik ŉ vergelykende gevallestudie benadering wat vroue wat in Zimbabwe en Suid-Afrika in “townships” woon en wat hulself as isiNdebele en isiZulu identifiseer na te vors. Data is verkry deur die gebruik van in-diepte onderhoude, inhouds- en verwantskapsanalise. Die resultate dui aan dat vroue ŉ reeks strategieë gebruik vir “daaglikse weerstand” om hul verhouding met die staat te onderhandel. Hierdie strategieë word gekarteer op die innoverende analitiese raamwerk, wat ŉ sintese is van feministiese, androsentriese en subalterne teorieë van burgerskap, om sodoende die nie-konvensionele maniere waarop swart vroue hul agentskap uitoefen te beklemtoon. Beide groepe vroue beklemtoon die verpligting om te stem, werk en om jouself te onderhou sonder hulp van die staat, eerder as om ŉ wederkerige en deelnemende verhouding met die staat te beoefen. Die internalisering van burgerskap as ŉ verpligting sonder die wederkerige nadruk op regte en deelname is problematies. Dit kan gekoppel word aan die feit dat albei regerings gebuk gaan onder legitimiteitsprobleme, korrupsie en probleme rondom regeerkunde, wat vrae genereer oor hoe om hierdie regerings verantwoordbaar te hou. Die hoof beleidsimplikasie van hierdie studie is die daarstelling van burgerlike onderwys in skole, sowel as vroue se bemagtiging in ontwikkelingsprogramme. Dit sal bydra daartoe dat gemarginaliseerde swart vroue aangemoedig word om hul vaardighede rondom deelname te ontwikkel en die substansie van hul bestaande burgerskap kollektief uit te daag en te verbeter.

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Henderson, Nancy Ann. « British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860 ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4799.

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British aristocratic women exerted political influence and power during the century beginning with the accession of George III. They expressed their political power through the four roles of social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political patron/electioneer. British aristocratic women were able, trained, and expected to play these roles. Politics could not have existed without these women. The source of their political influence was the close interconnection of politics and society. In this small, inter-connected society, women could and did influence politics. Political decisions, especially for the Whigs, were not made in the halls of government with which we are so familiar, but in the halls of the homes of the social/political elite. However, this close interconnection can make women's political influence difficult to assess and understand for our twentieth century experience. Sources for this thesis are readily available. Contemporary, primary sources are abundant. This was the age of letter and diary writing. There is, however, a dearth of modern works concerning the political activities of aristocratic women. Most modern works rarely mention women. Other problems with sources include the inappropriate feminization of the time period and the filtering of this period through modern, not contemporary, points of view. Separate spheres is the most common and most inappropriate feminist issue raised by historians. This doctrine is not valid for aristocratic women of this time. The material I present in this thesis is not new. The sources, both contemporary and modern, have been available to historians for some time. By changing our rigid definition of politics by enlarging it to include the broader areas of political activities such as social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political/electioneer, we can see British aristocratic women in a new light, revealing political power and influence.

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Vitsitsi, Gladys. « Barriers to women’s upward mobility in the public sector : a case study of Malawian women chief executives ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/13469.

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Women representation in management positions is described as a fundamental human right and an important means of fair democratic representation. This study intended to investigate the factors determining women upward mobility and their promotion to management positions. Included as variables were traditional gender roles, access to education and lack of mentoring and role models. The study followed the qualitative approach using snowball sampling and conducting semi structured interviews with ten Controlling Officers from different ministries and department of the Malawi Public Service to find out whether the variables under investigation indeed affect women upward mobility. Empirical evidence shows that traditional gender roles e.g. being mothers affect women upward mobility. Similarly, limited access to education is another factor that limits women access to managerial positions. Lack of mentoring and role models, especially where there are already few women at the top also affects women’s upward mobility. The study recommended that Malawi government should help women get scholarships that provide for their children. Furthermore, the government should provide flexible working hours especially for mothers. Women themselves should meet for a cup of tea where they can empower each other on the most important aspects of their job as chief executives; that is delivering a speech, making presentations and forming networks.

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Miller, Carol Ann. « Lobbying the League : women's international organizations and the League of Nations ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f517ac72-18b3-42b2-9728-31129462bf4a.

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This thesis is an account of women's international work at the League of Nations. While feminists' shift from the national to the international arena has been noted in studies on the inter-war women's movement, most often it has been interpreted as a reflection of the heightened salience of peace work in the aftermath of the First World War. This is an important observation but it overlooks the fact that women's activities at the League embraced the full spectrum of feminist causes: social reform, women's rights and peace. This thesis gives prominence to inter-war feminist activity played against the backdrop of institutional developments at the League which encouraged women to believe their goals could be advanced under its auspices. One of the major goals of the Women's International Organizations was to establish a political role for women in international affairs. The first chapter describes the efforts of women's organizations to secure the representation of women in the League of Nations. Many recently enfranchised women in Europe and North America identified the League as an institution toward which they should direct their newly won political influence. This is assessed in the context of ideas that emerged in the aftermath of the First World War about the transformation of the international sphere through the infusion of female values. The second, third and fourth chapters present a profile of the women's networks operating in and around the League. The study reveals a high level of interaction between the Women's International Organizations and women in official positions at the League. Chapter 2 examines the aims of the Women's International Organizations and exposes tensions between social feminist and equal rights feminist organizations that led to a struggle for influence at the League. The third and fourth chapters assess the impact of gender-stereotyping on patterns of appointments to the League. However much appointments to Assembly delegations and League advisory committees should have carried with them national allegiances, women delegates were often seen to represent women and this both positively and negatively affected women's participation. The remaining chapters assess women's impact on the development of League activities with particular attention to the implications of the idea that women as women had a special contribution to make at the international level. Chapter 5 explores the extent to which the assertion of difference enhanced women's influence with regard to the League's social and humanitarian work in the 1920s and enabled them to have several gender-specific concerns placed on the agenda. The Depression and the rise of reactionary ideologies influenced feminists to call for more decisive League action on the status of women in the 1930s. Most member states of the League, however, did not view the status of women as a subject for international consideration. Chapter 6 looks at the conflict between social and equal rights feminists over what League initiatives would prove most effective for advancing the status of women and traces developments that ultimately led to the League sponsored Inquiry on the Legal Status of Women in 1937. The seventh chapter assesses the impact of traditional associations between women and peace on women's peace activities at the League. Cultural representations of women as peace-loving had political relevance in the context of League activities and the League attempted to bolster support in the 1930s by intensifying collaboration with women. Significantly, the Women's International Organizations responded by asserting that only with equality would women's influence for peace be fully available. The interplay between equality and difference permeated women's international work at every level and the conclusion evaluates the way in which this tension influenced women's participation in and contribution to the activities of the League of Nations.

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Wernitznig, Dagmar. « No documents, no history : a political biography of Rosika Schwimmer (1877-1948) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711810.

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Foley, Meredith Anne. « The women's movement in New South Wales and Victoria, 1918-1938 ». Phd thesis, Department of History, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6084.

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Johansen, Kine Fjell. « The state and civil society in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa : the case of women’s movements ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6875.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Both democracy and civil society is seen to be dysfunctional in many African countries. Political leaders are not accountable to the people and citizens’ participation in the democracies is low. Particularly, women have often been neglected both within formal politics and the civil society. The aim of this thesis has been to investigate the role of the women’s movements in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa. The study has focused on the relationship between the women’s movement and the state, and further addressed the extent to which the women’s movements have been able to direct the state and influence policymaking for improved women’s rights and gender equality in the respective countries. The thesis has found that the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in the three countries inhibits very different characteristics that give rise to varying degrees of success from the work of the women’s movements. Further, the relationship has been subjected to changes in accordance with the overall political developments in the three countries. In Uganda and South Africa the political transitions of the mid 1980s and early 1990s, each respectively represented a period of good connection and communication between the women’s movements and the state. The women’s movements were able to present a strong voice and, thereby, were able to influence the state for the adoption of national gender machineries. After the political transitions, the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in both Uganda and South Africa has, however, become more constrained. In South Africa, the debates on women’s rights and gender equality have been moved from the terrain of the civil society and into the state, leading to a seemingly weakened voice for the women’s movement outside the state. In Uganda, the women’s movement have come to be subjected to pressure for co-optation by the government. The government does not genuinely uphold a concern for increased women’s rights and gender equality, and the women’s movement has at times been directly counteracted. Further, in Kenya, the women’s movement’s relationship with the state is characterised by competition rather than communication. The women’s movement is subjected to high degrees of repression, attempts of cooptation and silencing from the state, and the women’s movement have been effectively restricted from presenting a strong voice and influence the state to any great. The three case- studies illustrates that the political opportunity structures present at a particular time influence the extent to which women’s movements can work effectively in different contexts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Menige Afrikaland se demokrasie sowel as burgerlike samelewing word as disfunksioneel beskou. Politieke leiers doen geen verantwoording aan die mense nie, en burgers se deelname aan demokrasie is gebrekkig. Veral vroue word afgeskeep in die formele politieke sfeer én die burgerlike samelewing. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die rol van die vrouebewegings in Uganda, Suid-Afrika en Kenia te ondersoek. Die studie konsentreer op die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat, en handel voorts oor die mate waarin die verskillende vrouebewegings die staat kan lei en beleidbepaling kan beïnvloed om beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid in die onderskeie lande teweeg te bring. Die tesis bevind dat die verhouding tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat in die drie lande onder beskouing baie uiteenlopende kenmerke toon, wat wisselende grade van sukses in die vrouebewegings se werk tot gevolg het. Voorts verander dié verhouding namate die oorkoepelende politieke bestel in die drie lande verander. Uganda en Suid-Afrika se politieke oorgange in die middeltagtiger- en vroeë negentigerjare onderskeidelik het ŉ tydperk van goeie bande en kommunikasie tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat verteenwoordig. Die vrouebewegings se stem het groot gewig gehad en kon dus die staat beïnvloed om nasionale beleid en werkswyses met betrekking tot gender in te stel. Ná die onderskeie politieke oorgange is die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat in sowel Uganda as Suid-Afrika egter aansienlik ingeperk. In Suid-Afrika het die debat oor vroueregte en gendergelykheid van die gebied van die burgerlike samelewing na die staat verskuif, wat die vrouebeweging se stem buite die staat aansienlik verswak het. In Uganda is die vrouebeweging weer onderwerp aan druk van koöpsie deur die regering. Die regering blyk nie werklik besorg te wees oor beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid nie, en die vrouebeweging word by tye direk teengewerk. Daarbenewens word die Keniaanse vrouebeweging se verhouding met die staat gekenmerk deur kompetisie eerder as kommunikasie. Die vrouebeweging het te kampe met heelwat onderdrukking en koöpsie- en muilbandpogings van die staat, en word in effek daarvan weerhou om hul menings te lug en die staat in enige beduidende mate te beïnvloed met die oog op groter doelgerigtheid en beter beleidbepaling wat vroueregte en gendergelykheid betref. Die drie gevallestudies toon dat die politieke geleentheidstrukture op ŉ bepaalde tydstip ŉ uitwerking het op die mate waarin vrouebewegings doeltreffend in verskillende kontekste kan funksioneer.

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Maritz, Loraine. « Afrikanervroue se politieke betrokkenheid in historiese perspektief met spesiale verwysing na die Women’s National Coalition van 1991 tot 1994 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1188.

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Thesis (DPhil (History)—University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
Toe die onderhandeling vir ‘n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika na 1990 begin is, het dit ‘n tydperk ingelei waar talle kwessies oor menseregte na vore gekom het. Ook vroue het die geleentheid aangegryp om vrouesake en gender-verhoudings op die nasionale agenda te plaas in ‘n poging om die onregverdighede van die verlede aan te spreek. Die Women’s National Coalition (WNC) is in 1992 amptelik gestig uit vrees dat vroue van die belangrike politieke prosesse wat die toekoms van Suid-Afrika sou bepaal, uitgesluit sou word. Die doelwitte van die WNC was om inligting oor vroue se behoeftes en aspirasies in te samel en dit in ‘n Vrouehandves saam te vat wat uiteindelik ‘n integrale deel van die nuwe grondwet van Suid-Afrika sou word. Die WNC was ‘n inisiatief van die African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL). Die swart vrou in Suid-Afrika se onderdrukking was drieledig: sy was onderdruk as vrou, deur patriargie en deur apartheid. Sy het polities aktief geraak toe haar familiestrukture bedreig is en het teen paswette, swak behuising, en uitsetttingsaksies van die regering, geprotesteer. Tydens die 1980’s het swart vroue wat aan die noodtoestand blootgestel is, se politieke betrokkenheid verander en sy het ‘n rewolusionêre vryheidsvegter geword. In die buiteland het die swart vrou wat in die bevrydingstryd betrokke was geleidelik erkenning in die ANC gekry. Hierdie vroue was ná 1990 gedetermineerd dat hul verwagtinge vir totale gelykberegtiging in die demokratiese Suid-Afrika sal realiseer. In hierdie proefskrif val die soeklig veral op die Afrikanervrou en -vroueorganisasies wat by die WNC aangesluit het. As Afrikanernasionalis was haar politieke betrokkenheid in die verloop van die geskiedenis marginaal. Met geïsoleerde aktivistiese optrede soos die vroue-optogte van 1915 en 1940, asook die militantheid van die vakbondvroue, het Afrikanervroue hoofsaaklik die veilige ruimte van die liefdadigheidsterrein gebruik om hul politieke voorkeure uit te leef. Afrikanervroue se betrokkenheid in die stemregbeweging was op aandrang van die mans en by insinuasie ook die optogte van 1915 en 1940. Met die magsoorname van die Nasionale Party het die Afrikanervrou polities onbetrokke geraak. Haar funksie was hoofsaaklik die van moeder en vrou en ondersteunend van die heersende ideologie. Met die aftakeling van apartheid is talle tradisionele Afrikanersimbole bevraagteken. Meer as 40% van die Afrikaner het by die meer regse partye aangesluit. Hierdie gebeure het die Afrikanervrou aan die begin van die 1990’s sonder ‘n spesifieke identiteit gelaat. Met die onderhandelings vir die toekomstige demokratiese bestel ‘n werklikheid, was die Afrikanervrou in ‘n onbenydenswaardige identiteitskrisis gedompel. Sy wou apolities bly, maar is deur Afrikanerintelligentsia en politici aangesê om die politieke wêreld te betree. Aan die anderkant wou Afrikanerkultuurorganisasies die Afrikanerkultuur inklusief beveilig. Die Afrikanervroue het moeilik by die WNC aangepas. Daar was talle praktiese probleme, maar dit was veral haar gebrek aan politieke vernuf, en die vyandigheid van swart vroue wat die vergaderings van die WNC domineer het, wat haar betrokkenheid in die wiele gery het. Die gedagte het ook by feitlik al die Afrikanervroue ontstaan dat die WNC ‘n politieke rookskerm was vir die ANC om sy magsbasis te versterk. Die spanninge van die Veelparty-onderhandelinge het ook na die WNC oorgespoel en vertragings en opskorting van lidmaatskap tot gevolg gehad. Daar was Afrikanervroue wat hul belewenis van die WNC as volkome positief ervaar het, wat dit as geleentheid gesien het om by vrouebemagtiging en politieke onderhandelinge betrokke te raak. Die meerderheid van vroue wat by hierdie ondersoek betrek is, was egter onseker en het die negatiewe aspekte van hul belewenis hulle die ondervinding laat bevraagteken. Daar was selfs vroue wat slegs die vyandigheid onthou het. Uiteindelik het Afrikanervrou nie heeltmal aangepas by die WNC nie en was ook nie werklik betrokke nie.

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Alazmi, Marzouqah Q. « An analysis of changing gender relationships in Kuwait : empowering Kuwaiti women in social and political contexts ». CardinalScholar 1.0, 2010. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1562864.

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In this study, I focus on the changing gender relationships between women and men and on women’s political rights in Kuwaiti society in particular. Specifically, I measure Kuwaiti citizens’ attitudes toward Kuwaiti women in political roles after Kuwaiti women gained their political rights, especially after May 16, 2005. Gender relationships continue to change, and in order to understand these changes it is important to examine the current cultural context in which they are occurring. This context includes political change, cultural development, the impact of the media and economic systems, as well as changing laws, religions, socialization, and globalization. All of these factors influence gender relations in Kuwaiti society. This study focuses specifically on the way that political ideology and perceptions about gender roles impact attitudes toward political efficacy for women in Kuwait. This study focuses on Kuwaiti citizens’ attitudes and perceptions about women’s political rights and changing gender relationships in Kuwaiti society. The study uses survey data based on a random sampling of students at Kuwait University, along with the snowball technique for the general population, taken from Kuwaiti employees in public businesses. The data measure the attitudes of both of these populations towards Kuwaiti women’s political rights.
Department of Sociology

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Slamat, Anastasia Nicole. « NGOs as linkages between grassroots women and the state : prospects for state feminism in South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80228.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.

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Johnsen, Kristen Brooke. « The influence of gender on foreign policy beliefs and behavior : a literature review ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53130.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since feminist approaches to international relations (IR) first made their appearance in the late 1980s, efforts to explain the 'gender gap' have proliferated. Gender studies within IR in particular have been focused on foreign policy opinion, seeking to discover whether men and women have different views on foreign policy simply due to the fact that they are of different genders. The correlate of this is that if women believe differently than men, in which way do they believe differently and if this were then taken to its logical end, what would happen if they were more equally responsible for foreign policy decision-making? As an illustration of the varying approaches to feminist IR, this research project undertakes a brief overview of the history of feminist IR, showing how the tools and language of traditional IR do not encompass the needs of feminist IR study. The research article then reviews the literature of gender, feminism and foreign policy beliefs and behavior, examining its research core and evolution to date. Three research questions are covered. Firstly, is gender a relevant variable in foreign policy analysis? Secondly, if yes, does it make a difference to the foreign policy beliefs of women? Thirdly, where women play a significant role in foreign policy decisionmaking, are countries more pacific on the international level? Dealt with separately, foreign policy beliefs are found to have a clear gender-based breakdown. Foreign policy behavior is less simple to approach since the dataset of countries led by women during international disputes is limited. The research project and literature review also looks forward, pointing toward the future, not only of gender and foreign policy studies but also to the implications that future developments in feminist IR may have for the study of IR.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Pogings om die geslagsgaping te verduidelik het vermenigvuldig sedert die feministiese benadering tot Internasionale Verhoudinge die eerste keer in die laat 1980's sy verskyning gemaak het. Geslagstudies binne Internasionale Verhoudinge het veral gefokus op opinies oor buitelandse beleid om sodoende vas te stelof mans en vroue verskillende sienings oor buitelandse beleid huldig bloot as gevolg van die feit dat hulle verskillende geslagte is. Die keersy hiervan is dat indien vroue anders glo as mans, op watter manier hulle anders glo, en - indien dit dan tot 'n logiese uiteinde gevoer word - wat sou gebeur indien daar meer gelyke verantwoordelikheid vir buitelandse beleidsbesluite sou wees. As 'n illustrasie van die verskillende benaderings tot feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge, onderneem hierdie navorsingsprojek 'n oorsig van die geskiedenis van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge om sodoende te toon dat die gereedskap en taal van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge nie aan die behoeftes van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudingstudies voldoen nie. Hierdie navorsingsartikel gee dan 'n oorsig oor geslagsliteratuur, feminisme en buitelandse beleidsopinies en -gedrag deur sy navorsingskern en evolusie tot datum te ondersoek. Drie navorsingsvrae word behandel. Eerstens, is geslag 'n relevante veranderlike in buitelandse beleidsanalise? Tweedends, indien ja, veranderdit die buitelandse beleidsopinies van vroue? Derdens, is lande meer passief op internasionale vlak waar vroue 'n wesentlike rol in buitelandse beleidsbesluitneming speel? Afsonderlik beskou, is daar gevind dat daar 'n duidelike geslagsonderskeid in buitelandse beleidsopinies is. Dis egter minder eenvoudig om buitelandse beleidsgedrag te bestudeer, aangesien slegs beperkte inligting oor lande wat gedurende internasionale dispute deur vroue beheer is beskikbaar is. Die navorsingsprojek en literatuuroorsig kyk ook vorentoe met spesifieke verwysing na die toekoms van nie net geslag en buitelandse beleidstudies nie, maar ook na die implikasies wat toekomstige verwikkelinge In feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge 'n vir die studie van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge kan hê.

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Mihindou, Piekielele Eugenia Tankiso. « The African Renaissance and gender : finding the feminist voice / ». Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1113.

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Davies, Rebecca. « "Not just supporting but leading" : the involvement of the women of the South Wales Coalfield in the 1984-85 miners' strike ». Thesis, University of South Wales, 2010. https://pure.southwales.ac.uk/en/studentthesis/not-just-supporting-but-leading(056949c5-de42-4510-971d-4b4b52a82df6).html.

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The 1984-85 miners’ strike dramatically changed the face of the South Wales Valleys. This dissertation will show that the women’s groups that played such a crucial supportive role in it were not the homogenous entity that has often been portrayed. They shared some comparable features with similar groups in English pit villages but there were also qualitative differences between the South Wales groups and their English counterparts and between the different Welsh groups themselves. There is evidence of tensions between the Welsh groups and disputes with the communities they were trying to assist, as well as clashes with local miners’ lodges and the South Wales NUM. At the same time women’s support groups, various in structure and purpose but united in the aim of supporting the miners, challenged and shifted the balance of established gender roles The miners’ strike evokes warm memories of communities bonding together to fight for their survival. This thesis investigates in detail the women involved in support groups to discover what impact their involvement made on their lives afterwards. Their role is contextualised by the long-standing tradition of Welsh women’s involvement in popular politics and industrial disputes; however, not all women discovered a new confidence arising from their involvement. But others did and for them this self-belief survived the strike and, in some cases, permanently altered their own lives. The activities of the women’s support groups confirmed changes in the social role of women that had been occurring since the 1960s in the coalfield communities of South Wales, and thereby contributed to a revision of the traditional notion of ‘communities’ which were changed by the very process of being defended.

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Miguda, Edith Atieno. « International catalyst and women's parliamentary recruitment : a comparative study of Kenya and Australia 1963-2002 / ». Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm6362.pdf.

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Mertens, Jennifer R. « Gender and the 1988 presidential election : a study of voting behavior in Middletown ». Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/544130.

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This study examined gender differences in vote choice, made consequential by the recent emergence of a gender gap in support for Republican candidates. Explanations of the gender gap have included the following: 1)Self-interest explanations emphasizing women's greater dependence on social services and women's support of women's issues. 2)Socialization explanations emphasizing women's more pacifist attitudes.Data for the study came from a random sample of "Middletown." Variables in the analysis included Feminism, Social Traditionalism, the Ethic of Care, support for Child Care and support for Dukakis. In order to explore gender differences in voting behavior, analyses for vote choice were done for women and men, seperately. Path analyses of women's and men's support for Social Traditionalism, child care, and Dukakis are presented in the paper.
Department of Sociology

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Coffman, Jeffrey, et University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. « Hoops, nets, and ballots : investigating the relationship between competitive sport socialization and political participation of female candidates ». Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2010, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2475.

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Although more women are successfully breaching the social, economic and political barriers that can prevent them from participating as electoral candidates, few women campaign for elected office. A dearth of female candidates may be understandable, given research demonstrating that women tend to avoid competition and competitive environments. Thus, elections – competitive by design – may attract fewer women than men. This thesis posits that the inherent competitiveness of electoral politics may deter women from campaigning for office. However, this work also forwards that competitive sport socialization during adolescence may prepare women for electoral competition. This paper examines the results of a self-administered survey mailed to 449 female candidates for municipal office. The survey investigated candidates’ adolescent experiences in competitive sports and attitudes relating to internal political efficacy. The results appear to demonstrate a strong correlation between competitive sport socialization and either positive or neutral evaluations of political competition.
x, 163 leaves ; 29 cm

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Jacobs-Smith, Michelle Wilma. « Die sosiale en religieuse rol van die vrou in oud-Israel ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53387.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study investigates the social and religious roles of women in Ancient Israel. The thesis comprises of four parts. Chapter 1 focuses on the role of women in an anthropological perspective. We take a look at how women were perceived within the pre-industrial communities. Israel did not live in a vacuum but was part and parcel of the ancient Near Eastern cultural world. Chapter 2 therefore focuses on the role of women in Egyptian and Assyrio-Babylonian cultures. Her social, economic, political and religious roles are under investigation. In Chapter 3 the focus shifts to the role of women within the social organisation. A short overview with a few examples demonstrates where the role of women expands beyond that of social organisation. This role, which could be described as a "political function", was only allocated to a few privileged women. Chapter 4 deals with the religious role of the Israelite women. This chapter forms the other focus point of the study. The religious activities of women within the official, popular and familiy religious spheres are examined. Chapter 5 presents a brief summary of the main conclusions of the study.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word ondersoek ingestel na die sosiale en religieuse rol van die vrou in Oud-Israel. Die tesis bestaan uit vier dele: In Hoofstuk I word aandag gegee aan die rol van die vrou in antropologiese perspektief. Hier word nagegaan hoe die vrou gesien is in pre-industriële gemeenskappe. Omdat Israel nie in 'n vakuum geleef het nie, maar 'n integrale deel van die ou Nabye Oosterse kultuurwêreld was, word daar in Hoofstuk 2 op 'n oorsigtelike wyse op die plek van die vrou in die kulture van Egipte en Assirië- Babilonië gekonsentreer. In Hoofstuk 3 verskuif die fokus na Israel en word nagegaan watter rol die vrou in die sosiale organisasie gehad het. Daar word ook kortliks gekyk na voorbeelde waar die rol van die vrou wyer gestrek het as die engere familie kring. Hierdie rol, wat getipeer sou kon word as 'n tipe "politieke funksie", was egter net vir 'n paar vroue beskore. Hoofstuk 4 handel oor die religieuse rol van die vrou in Israel. Hierdie hoofstuk vorm die ander fokuspunt van die studie. Daar word gekyk na die aandeel van die vrou in die offisiële religie, die populêre religie en die familie-religie. In Hoofstuk 5 word die belangrikste bevindinge van die ondersoek kortliks saamgevat.

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Thorn, Brian T. « The hand that rocks the cradle rocks the world, women in Vancouver's Communist movement, 1935-1945 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61609.pdf.

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Phillips, Crystal H. « Theorizing Aboriginal feminisms ». Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Women's Studies, c2012, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3120.

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Increasingly, Aboriginal women engage with feminist theory and forms of activism to carve their own space and lay a foundation for an Aboriginal feminism. I compile prominent writings of female Aboriginal authors to identify emerging theoretical strains that centre on decolonization as both theory and methodology. Aboriginal women position decolonization strategies against the intersectionality of race and sex oppression within a colonial context, which they term patriarchal colonialism. They challenge forms of patriarchal colonialism that masquerade as Aboriginal tradition and function to silence and exclude Aboriginal women from sovereignty and leadership spheres. By recalling and reclaiming the pre-colonial Aboriginal principle of egalitarianism, which included women within these spheres, they are positioned to create a hybrid feminism that locates egalitarianism within a contemporary and relevant context by combining it with human rights. In this way, Aboriginal feminism balances culture and tradition with principles of individual and collective rights.
ix, 142 leaves ; 29 cm

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Jacobs, Chantal, et Chantal Rowena Jacobs. « Attitudes towards Gender Equality and the Representation of Women in Parliament : A comparative study of South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4053.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ŉ sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ŉ bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ŉ belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ŉ belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ŉ aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ŉ verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ŉ poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ŉ hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ŉ laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.

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Clarke, Roland Tuwea. « Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia : The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1038.

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Despite the remarkable contributions made by women to secure peace in Liberia, women's representation in politics is still low. The first female African President has been elected, as well as a few women to strategic government positions, but the vast majority of women remain invisible. The reliance on these few women in government is inadequate to produce the significant changes that will be required to bring equality for all women. This study examines the recognition of women's relative participation and recognition in postwar reconstruction in Liberia. Differences between traditional and non-traditional women's participation in Liberia were found. This study includes interviews and document review as methods for exploring how women, traditional and nontraditional, may or may not participate in Liberian political decisions.

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Van, Schalkwyk Gina. « Gendering conflict resolution in the Democratic Republic of the Congo ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53435.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research report documents the results of a study that aims at investigating the potential contribution of a gender perspective towards conflict resolution. In this regard, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is used as a case in point. The study takes the form of an exploratory and descriptive study and extensive use is made of both primary and secondary sources of data. By arguing that a gender perspective on conflict will elucidate the way in which women are affected differently by conflict it logically follows that women should be permitted to assume their rightful positions in attempts at transforming conflict. The application of a gender perspective furthermore urges a revision of conflict resolution towards conflict management and transformation as the appropriate ways of bringing an end to war. This implies that the emphasis is shifted from a search for political solutions towards conflict prevention and early warning as the most effective ways of pre-empting violent conflict and the breakdown of peace-processes aimed at resolving violent conflicts. In the search for an appropriate role for women in conflict management, the study revisits a number of frameworks for the full and equal participation of women in conflict management at the international, regional and subregional levels of analysis. These frameworks are then applied to the situation in the DRC and some practical courses of action are proposed. While the study concludes that there is a clearly defined need for exposing the gender bias in the analysis and resolution of violent conflict, it notes that the patriarchal nature of the DRC and the international system will in many instances hamper progress towards the achievement of a non-patriarchal and nongendered peaceful social world order.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag dokumenteer die uitkomste van 'n studie wat daarna streef om die potensiële bydrae van vroue tot konflik resolusie te ondersoek. Tot hierdie end word die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo as 'n gevalstudie gebruik. Die navorsings ontwerp is eksploratories en beskrywend en daar word ekstensief gebruik gemaak van beide primêre en sekondêre bronne van data. Deur aan te voer dat 'n gender perspektief op konflik die wyse waarop vroue verskillend geraak word deur konflik beklemtoon, volg dit logies hierop dat vroue toegelaat behoort te word om hul regmatig plek in te neem ten tyde van pogings tot konflik transformasie. Die toepassing van 'n gender perspektief dwing verder ook 'n hersiening van konflik resolusie en beskou konflik bestuur en transformasie as die gepaste maniere om oorlog tot 'n einde te bring. Dit bring mee dat daar 'n verskuiwing van klem plaasvind - vanaf 'n soeke na politieke oplossings na konflik voorkoming en vroeë/tydige waarskuwing as die mees effektiewe instrumente om geweldadige konflik en die ineenstorting van vredesprosesse te voorkom. In die soeke na die gepaste rol vir vroue in konflik bestuur, herondersoek die studie 'n aantal raamwerke vir die volledige en gelyke deelname van vroue in konflik bestuur op die internasionale, regionale en sub-regionale vlakke van analise. Hierdie raamwerke word dan toegepas op die situasie in the DRK, en praktiese riglyne word voorgehou. Hoewel die studie vind dat daar 'n duidelike gedefinieerde behoefte bestaan om die gender vooroordeel in die analisie en resolusie van konflik te openbaar, word dit ook aanvaar dat die patriargale aard van die DRK en die internasionale sisteem in die meeste gevalle ware vooruitgang in die daarstelling van 'n nie-patriargale, gelykregtige, vreedsame sosiale wêreldorde sal kniehalter.

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Sihlwayi, Nancy Nomadewuka. « The role of women in develpmental local government : a case study of the Wells Estate area in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020111.

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The study investigates the role of women in development which is a favourite topic of the researcher. It investigates some aspects of the process of development involving women. It is obvious that the research was provoked by the legal framework directed at the transformation agenda that represents the democratic process of the country. The role of women, in other sectors, who were excluded from issues of community management, politics and government of the country, became obvious for the researcher due to their strategic role in society which is being undermined. The above view poses the challenge of power-sharing with men. This constituted a huge challenge that emanated from a stereotypical perspective and the fear of the unknown. Considerable pieces of legislation, policies, convention resolutions, conferences and publications became catalysts to intervene in the traditional challenge based on the societal construction. This, to the researcher, presents a clear historical anomaly where government has to address all the streamlining and implementation of policies. There should be sustainability through an Integrated Development Plan. The aim of the historical background of women, as envisaged by the study, is to highlight a contextualised role of women in the development of the transformation process and investigate numerous reasons that impede participation and the readiness of government in addressing these issues. Some questions that the researcher had to as relate to; What the impediments causing non-participation of women are; What elements contribute to the participation of women; What government strategies have unlocked non-participation of women; Why women’s contribution is critical to development; What strategies are deployed by government for women’s involvement? What the socio-economic benefits of participation by women are. It is the researcher’s opinion that the municipality should be complimented on its endeavours. However, they need to establish a strategic programme for empowering women to participate in development as a human rights issue.

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Myint, Phyusin Myo Kyaw. « Spirituality and Religion in Women's Leadership for Sustainable Development in Crisis Conditions : The Case of Burma ». PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1814.

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This research focuses on women's leadership roles for sustainable development in crisis conditions with particular attention to the foundations of the leadership roles of women based in spirituality and religion. The research question for this study ask: How do religious and spiritual traditions contribute to the leadership roles of women that can be effective in building sustainable development in crisis conditions? The study uses a content analysis of a key body of women's writings from Burma. The findings from the data explain some of the ways in which spirituality and religion have played significant roles in promoting the leadership of women at the community level for sustainable development under crisis conditions. The study contributes to theory development by generating a set of propositions on the leadership roles of women drawing from religious and spiritual traditions that can be tested in other regions and countries. The study also offers a set of lessons for sustainable development practice.

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Saal, Querida Shahida. « The forgotten ones : A case study of the obstacles that prevent meaningful participation in democratic governance of farm women in the greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres & ; Rawsonville ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4189.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research examines the extent of participatory democracy, as outlined in government policy, with particular relevance to the experiences of women living on farms in the Greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres and Rawsonville. The study is based on the notion that effective and meaningful political participation in South Africa has happened at the exclusion of many of its poor and marginalised citizens, in particular poor women living on farms. The research hypothesis holds that various factors relating to the socioeconomic conditions and political orientations of farm women contribute to their low levels of participation in democratic governance. The research question therefore is: what are the obstacles that prevent women living on farms in the Greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres and Rawsonville from effective and meaningful participation in participatory democracy? In answering the research question, mixed methods of data gathering were employed. Qualitative methods were used, with data-gathering techniques that included modified participant observation, non-scheduled structured interviews, and a focus group discussion. As relatively little is known of the experiences of farm women, these techniques were all geared towards better informing the researcher about relevant questions for the quantitative component of the research in the form of a survey. From the findings, the hypothesis that farm women do not participate in a meaningful process of participation was confirmed. The main findings in terms of the obstacles that prevent meaningful participation can be discussed in three categories. Firstly, the research indicates that farm women feel that since their opinions are not considered by politicians there is no reason for them to participate in governance. Secondly, because of a lack of capacity and resources critical for optimal participation, the women are also disempowered to not participate in politics. Finally, farm women are tired of empty promises and the abuse of power by corrupt officials. Hence they have become very cynical of processes that are supposed to be participatory, but in effect are not authentic at all. In conclusion, although participation is advanced on the basis of the principle of enhancing democracy, the lived realities of farm women cannot be ignored. Therefore, it is vital that participation in politics be seen from a holistic perspective, relying on both democratic principles and the socioeconomic development of farm women. Through political iii participation, farm women must be empowered to become not only democratic citizens, as envisioned by theorists of participatory democracy, but also capacitated people who live a dignified life.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek bestudeer die omvang van deelnemende demokrasie, soos uiteengesit in regeringsbeleid, spesifiek met betrekking tot die ervaringe van vroue wat op plase in die Groter Stellenbosch Area, Ceres en Rawsonville woon. Die studie is gebaseer op die argument dat effektiewe en betekenisvolle politieke deelname in Suid Afrika die meerderheid arm en gemarginaliseerde burgers, en spesifiek arm vroue op plase, uitsluit. Die navorsingshipotese is dat verskeie faktore wat verband hou met die sosioekonomiese omstandighede en politieke oriëntasies van plaasvroue bydra tot hulle lae vlakke van politieke deelname. Vervolgens is die navorsingsvraag: Wat is die faktore wat vroue op plase in die Groter Stellenbosch Area, Ceres en Rawsonville daarvan weerhou om effektief en betekenisvol deel te neem aan die politiek? Gemengde metodes van data-insameling is gebruik om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Kwalitatiewe data-insamelingstegnieke sluit in aangepaste deelnemende observasie, niegeskeduleerde gestruktureerde onderhoude en ŉ fokusgroepbespreking. Aangesien relatief min inligting oor plaasvroue bestaan, is die doel met die tegnieke om die navorser beter in te lig om vrae vir die kwantitatiewe komponent, ŉ opname, te skep. Deur die bevindinge is die hipotese dat plaasvroue nie gereeld aan effektiewe en betekenisvolle deelnemende prosesse deelneem nie bevestig. Wat die faktore wat deelname beïnvloed betref, is daar drie verskillende temas. Eerstens dui die navorsing daarop dat plaasvroue voel dat aangesien hulle opinies nie deur politici in ag geneem word nie, daar geen rede vir hulle is om aan die politiek deel te neem nie. Tweedens is plaasvroue as gevolg van ‘n gebrek aan die kapasiteit en hulpbronne noodsaaklik vir optimale deelname ook geneig om minder aan die politiek deel te neem. Laastens is die vroue moeg van leë beloftes en die misbruik van mag deur korrupte amptenare. Gevolglik is hul nou meer sinies, spesifiek oor prosesse wat veronderstel is om deelnemend te wees maar in werklikheid glad nie is nie. Ten slotte, alhoewel deelname aan die politiek bevorder word op grond van die beginsel dat dit demokrasie verbeter, kan die lewensomstandighede van plaasvroue nie geïgnoreer word nie. Hiervolgens is dit noodsaaklik dat deelname in die politiek vanuit ‘n holistiese oogpunt beskou word, gegrond op beide demokratiese beginsels en die sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling van plaasvroue. Deur politieke deelname moet plaasvroue bemagtig word om nie net demokratiese burgers te word nie, maar ook gekapasiteerde mense wat n waardige lewe lei.

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Jalalzai, Sajida. « The politics of recovery : women in the Tablighi Jamaʻat and Vishwa Hindu Parishad ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98541.

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This thesis examines the construction and utilization of gender in religious nationalist projects. Communalist groups sacralize gendered understandings of time, space, and community, rooted in the bifurcation of the public (masculine) realm and the private (feminine) sphere. Nationalist understandings of citizenship maintain the public and private division, but acknowledge the potential to politicize both. In this conception of citizenship, the private (feminine) is deployed to achieve social and religious change. This thesis analyzes two contemporary South Asian transnationalist groups, the Muslim Tablighi Jama`at and the Hindu Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and investigates women's participation in the nation as cultural repositories and as pedagogues. In these roles, women are able to recover and disseminate the "true" values and identity of the degenerate community, thereby revitalizing the nation. However, while women are empowered in these roles, they are simultaneously limited by patriarchal expectations of ideal womanly behaviour.

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Alfers, Laura Corrigall. « Stirring The Hornet's Nest : women's citizenship and childcare in post-apartheid South Africa / ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/267/.

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Wenhold, Marece. « The Black Sash : assessment of a South African political interest group ». Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1304.

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Ellis, Emily Melissa. « Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49977.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.

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Deshpande, Chitra. « Empowerment through Hindu nationalism ? : examining gender relations in the Shiv Sena ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab20698f-d74f-441e-be60-dbfd625b0114.

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This dissertation explores whether women and men can be empowered through cultural nationalism based on religious/ethnic identities. Religious fundamentalism is typically not associated with women's empowerment. As a patriarchal, Hindu nationalist party that advocates violence, the Shiv Sena is also an unlikely agent of women's empowerment. Yet, the Sena has been attracting numerous women who claim to have gained confidence through the party. Using the Shiv Sena as my case study, I interviewed four male and seven female Shiv Sena members using the biographic narrative method. By examining their biographic narratives and interviews of their families and colleagues, I was able to delineate the different empowerment cycles for men and women in Shiv Sena and determine each participant's level of empowerment. The empowerment framework defined by Jo Rowlands (1997), which distinguishes between personal, collective, and relational empowerment, serves as the basis of my assessment of women's and men's empowerment. As violence is generally disregarded as a means of empowerment, I discuss it in relation to the construction of empowering cultural identities. While establishing theoretical frameworks regarding empowerment, cultural identity and gender, I also examine the disempowerment of Maharashtrians (whom Shiv Sena originally represented) by the socio-economic and historical conditions of Bombay, India. I then demonstrate how Shiv Sena, led by its Chief, Bal Thackeray, has constructed a new hegemonic masculine identity for Maharasthrian men as a means of empowerment. In the final chapters, I examine Shiv Sena's impact on the lives of individual women and men. This analysis revealed that despite the patriarchal constraints imposed by the Sena, women were becoming personally empowered in both the private and public spheres. In contrast, while Shiv Sena men were achieving collective empowerment in the public sphere, they had more difficulty becoming personally empowered in both the home and workplace.

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