Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Women – Political activity – Europe »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Women – Political activity – Europe"
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Vickstrom, Erik R., et Amparo González-Ferrer. « Legal Status, Gender, and Labor Market Participation of Senegalese Migrants in France, Italy, and Spain ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 666, no 1 (14 juin 2016) : 164–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716216643555.
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Policymakers are understandably concerned about the integration of migrants into labor markets. This article draws on retrospective data from the MAFE-Senegal (Migration between Africa and Europe) survey to show that the effect of legal status on Senegalese migrants’ labor market participation in France, Italy, and Spain differs for men and women because of gendered immigration policies. We find that there is little association between Senegalese men’s legal status and their labor force participation. For Senegalese women, however, those who legally migrate to these countries for family reunification are more likely to be economically inactive upon arrival than women with other legal statuses. Family reunification does not preclude labor market participation entirely, however, as some of these women eventually transition into economic activity.
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Woodacre, Elena. « Saints or Sinners ? Sexuality, Reputation and Representation of Queens from Contemporary Sources to Modern Media ». De Medio Aevo 10, no 2 (25 août 2021) : 371–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.76266.
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This article explores allegations of sexual scandal connected with premodern royal women in Europe and China. It begins by assessing expectations of queenly ideals, particularly the emphasis given to female chastity in European and Chinese culture. This forms a foundation for an extended discussion of tales of sexual impropriety of both real and legendary queens from China in the third century BCE to eighteenth century Europe. This survey highlights three key themes: the idea of dangerous and destructive beauty, the topos of the wanton and promiscuous queen and perceptions of transgressive affairs. Finally, the article assesses the connection between the portrayal of the sexual scandal of royal women in contemporary sources with the way in which these women’s lives are represented in modern media, particularly films and television series. Ultimately, it demonstrates that allegations of sexual scandal could both be a means to attack these women (and their royal husbands) in their lifetimes and could have long lasting negative impact on the memory of their lives, resulting in their political power, agency and activity being obscured by an emphasis on their love lives and supposed affairs.
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Grebnyak, Oksana, et Olga Novozhenina. « The structure of social anxiety in Russian society : gender emphasis ». Science. Culture. Society 28, no 2S (6 septembre 2022) : 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.2s.2.
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The article presents the structure of Russian citizens' anxiety in the gender context, focusing on the attitude of Russian women to the economic and social policy conducted by the authorities, self-assessment of their financial situation, expectations and vision of the future. The material is based on the data of the 52nd stage of the All-Russian monitoring "How are you, Russia?", conducted with the participation of the authors in May 2022 by the Institute of Socio-Political Research of FCTAS RAS. It shows the convergence of men's and women's value judgments due to the increased social and economic activity of women. At the same time, there is still a traditional difference in the level of income, as well as in the distribution of gender roles according to the archetypes "woman = keeper of the family home" and "man = strategist, thinking globally. Respondents of both sexes expressed equally minimal concern about the topic of the special military operation in Ukraine, with women showing serious concern about the economic consequences of the current foreign policy. In the structure of their anxiety, problems of rising prices, economic sanctions, deteriorating relations with the U.S. and Europe, and, as a consequence, fear of an uncertain future lead the way. Lack of stability and uncertainty decrease the loyalty to the power structures among female respondents, who are the most vulnerable in the current situation, slightly increasing the level of protest activity in parallel.
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Kolin, Marija, et Lilijana Cickaric. « Gender inequalities in employment, governance and decision-making ». Stanovnistvo 48, no 1 (2010) : 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1001103k.
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In this paper we examine gender differences in the pattern and level of employment, main characteristics of women's employment and their participation in political institutions, public policy and decision-making process. The analysis contains comparative view pointed out on gender differences in Serbia and European Union and assessment of anti-discrimination measures and active integrative approach to gender participation. The quantitative data derived from official gender sensitive statistics from EU and UN institutions, supplemented by qualitative findings of recent surveys. The evidence presented in the paper pointed out unfavorable position of women in the labor market, characterized by low economic activity, limited access to managerial position and prestige wages, high unemployment, poverty and vulnerability. The Serbian labor market is characterized by a downward rate of activity of women and a high unemployment rate, the latter being the crucial factor of unequal position. Activity of women at the labor market amounting to 54.6% in 2006 relative to the total female population of working age is very low. Economic activity of women is considerably beneath that of men which amounts to 72.7% active men as compared to the total male population of working age. Statistics and reports on the structure of the unemployed show that women are more affected by unemployment than men. It is 1.5 times higher than that of men of the same working age. The unemployment rate in Serbia is one of the highest in Europe, ranging from 21% to 30%, depending on the methodology of calculation. The position of unemployed women is determined by poor opportunities to contract full-time employment, low and irregular payment of unemployment benefits, poor chances for prequalification and professional retraining and a high probability of engagement on unpaid jobs at home or jobs in 'gray economy'. In the second part of the article the differences and similarities in patterns of political behavior of women in Serbia and European Union are examined, considering participation in governance, decision making and public policy. The analysis emphasizes that women are still under-represented in political system and its institutions in Serbia, more then in the most EU countries. Namely, the number of women in politics in Serbia was dramatically reduced in the course of the nineties due to strengthening of nationalistic politics, ethnic conflicts, economic sanctions and isolation of the country. Relative to the socialist period, when participation of women in parliaments was 17%, women completely disappeared from the political scene in this period. After the 1992 elections, only 4.0% women were elected into the Serbian parliament, and after the elections in 2000, of the 250 members of the Serbian parliament, only 27 (10.8%) were women. Finally, participation of women at the 2008 Parliamentary Elections doubled (20,4%) following the introduction of quota for the less represented gender in the Law on Election of Members of Parliament. Representation increased to 21.3% at the local level also. But, women are still underrepresented on leading positions in governing and decision making in public policy. There are three times less women among the legislators, state agencies officials, CEOs, directors and managers. .
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Vasiutynskyi, V. « PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTENT OF POLITICAL BLAME ATTRIBUTION IN THE MODERN UKRAINIAN CONTEXT ». Ukrainian Psychological Journal, no 1 (11) (2019) : 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/upj.2019.1(11).5.
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Political blaming is considered as a means of active public-political self-determination of a person or a group and as a means of psychological protection from experiencing of own feeling of guilt. According to the survey of 120 Kyiv residents, there is the high level of respondents’ dissatisfaction concerning the direction and results of Ukrainian society development and the high readiness to assess negatively authorities and political institutions. The factor structure of corresponding attitudes includes «total accusation of the powers» (previous and current Ukrainian authorities), «blaming of Russian and pro-Russian actors (Russia, Putin, agents of Russian influence in Ukraine)», «blaming of international actors (the USA, Europe, NATO)», «assessment of radical political sentiments» (Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine and residents of the Western Ukraine). Clarification of the specific content of a political blame has shown the dominance of several stereotypical characteristics: corruption, anti-Ukrainian activity, helplessness or inaction, and deceit. Respondents who are more optimistic about the direction of society development are accuse more often the Communists and pro-Russian forces, while pessimists do the previous and present Ukrainian authorities. Gender-age differences have been manifested in the fact that the older generation blames more actively and show more ethnocentric attitudes, and women show a higher inclination to blame in comparison with men. Increased readiness for political blaming reflects the state of intense dissatisfaction of citizens with the results of social development, the responsibility for which they place primarily on the Ukrainian authorities and Russian aggressors. Searches for grounds for accusations in citizens’ own activities, in the influence of international actors, or in the objective circumstances of the society development are less clear. The external attribution of blame significantly prevails over self-blaming and the respondents are willing rather to find guilty people than to rearrange own position and or the content of own political activity.
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MARSH, KATE. « ‘La Nouvelle Activité des Trafiquants de Femmes’ : France, Le Havre and the Politics of Trafficking, 1919–1939 ». Contemporary European History 26, no 1 (5 décembre 2016) : 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000527.
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This article examines how the ‘moral panic’ about sex trafficking during the interwar years manifested itself in Le Havre, a French port which, at the beginning of the twentieth century, had become synonymous with the illegal trade. Interrogating hitherto neglected material in departmental archives, it explores how the problem of the trafficking of women (la traite des femmes) changed after 1919, how the administrative consequences of directives by the League of Nations could influence behaviours in everyday life and how an episode of female migration from Eastern Europe interacted with French political agendas to magnify and, in some cases, generate a problem.
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Rottenberg, Anda. « Kręte ścieżki feminizmu ». Porta Aurea, no 19 (22 décembre 2020) : 192–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/porta.2020.19.10.
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The world feminism started in the USA with the women’s struggle for a better pay and working conditions. Transplanted to Europe, and subsequently to the Soviet Union by the communist Clara Zetkin, it promptly died out there, since Soviet women had been made equal with men as for their duties. From then on for numerous decades the aspirations of women, including female artists in Western societies, proved incompatible with the expectations of women within the ‘Eastern Bloc’. This gap was visible already during the role-assigning in WW II, as well as in the means of paying tribute to women’s heroism and their symbolic, or maybe allegoric functioning in social awareness, the latter shaped both by the propaganda and the media and art that came from men’s ateliers. In the post-WW II decades, until the late 1980s, the differences in the approach to goals and means between the conventionally-conceived West and East were still visible. This can be traced on the example of the oeuvre of Polish women artists and their activity in the decades following WW II. It was only after the transformation that Polish women artists-feminists joined in the international discourse, yet maintaining references to their domestic social and political realities, again different from the West, at the same time overcoming subsequent cultural taboos rooted in the collective hypocrisies.
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Makaradze, Emzar. « The Role of Women in the Educational System of Turkey after WWII ». Balkanistic Forum 30, no 1 (5 janvier 2021) : 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.14.
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The study of women's issues, the feminist movement, as an academic discipline, and the first curriculum were established in the University of San Diego in 1970. The women’s problems have been mainly studied in the framework of traditional social and humani-tarian disciplines, mostly in literature, philosophy and psychology.The active dissemination of feminist ideas in Turkey after World War II, espe-cially in the late 1970s, and the creation of various feminist societies and journals provided a solid foundation for the establishment of research centers in universities, that study women's issues.There are two directions in the study of women's issues in Turkish universities and academic circles. The first one includes research centers that bring together rep-resentatives of various disciplines and fields of science. They deal with gender, the economic and social status of women, education and health. The second approach combines all those trends that are associated with the social faculty.The level of female activity in Turkey is much lower than in Europe. The status of a woman here is also characterized by its specific development.In the 1980s and 1990s, the feminist movement in Turkey became more and more active. New women's communities, magazines, newspapers, libraries were creat-ed, and women's conferences with an active participation of Turkish women were held both in Turkey and all around the world.It can be concluded that the women's movement in the higher and academic sys-tem of Turkey after World War II led to a new political process that raised the issue of gender equality. The struggle of women for emancipation played an important role in the formation of Turkish society.Despite some achievements regarding women's issues, there is still gender ine-quality, violation of women's rights in Turkish society, what indicates the fact that the women’s problems are still relevant in republican Turkey.
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Rufanova, Viktoriia Mykolaivna. « Formation of the modern paradigm of countering gender-based violence in the activities of international organizations ». Herald of the Association of Criminal Law of Ukraine 2, no 16 (20 décembre 2021) : 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21564/2311-9640.2021.16.244320.
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The author conducted a retrospective review of the activities of international organizations through the prism of their role in forming the legislative foundation for combating gender-based violence. It is noted that for the first time at the international level the norm of equality of all people was enshrined in Art. 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. An important step towards combating gender-based violence was the signing in 2011 of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence. The Istanbul Convention visualizes the issue of gender-based violence. It has been determined that women and girls are increasingly exposed to severe forms of violence, such as domestic violence, sexual harassment, rape, forced marriage, crimes committed in the name of so-called "honor", and genital mutilation, which constitutes a significant violation of human rights. for women and girls and is a major obstacle to achieving equality between women and men.
The author singles out three conditional periods of formation of the modern paradigm of counteraction to gender - based violence in the activity of international organizations: 1) 1945 - 1974. The basic foundations of gender equality are laid at the level of the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Combating gender-based violence was not considered through the prism of sex discrimination. The activities of the world community were aimed primarily at combating discrimination against women in the political, socio-economic and cultural spheres of society. 2) 1975-2010.During this period, all 4 World Conferences on the Status of Women were held. In 1979, the General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Articles 30 of the Convention clearly define discrimination against women and propose an agenda for action at the national level to end such discrimination. The Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, adopted by the General Assembly in 1993, contains a definition of violence against women. 3) 2011 - to the present time. This period covers the process of realizing the scale of the spread of gender-based violence. A key event of this period was the adoption in 2011 of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence. Activation of the world community to intensify the fight against gender-based violence. Adoption of sustainable development goals, in which gender equality is recognized as the general idea (Goal 5) and condition of sustainable development.
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Voloshyn, Yurii, et Nataliia Mushak. « Influence of the European Court of Human Rights Practice on the Implementation of the Principle of Gender Equality in Ukraine ». Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no 4(33) (15 mars 2021) : 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-4(33)-2.
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The article analyses the modern court decisions of the European Court of Human Rights on the formation and implementation of the principle of gender equality in Ukraine. The research defines that the importance of ensuring equal rights and opportunities for women and men for Ukraine was because Ukraine is a member of all major international and European regional agreements in the field of human rights. The authors state that this is due both to Ukraine's general commitments to promoting respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and their adherence, as well as the fact that its participation in European integration processes is important for Ukraine. The research stipulates that gender equality provides equal rights for women and men, as well as their same significance, opportunities, responsibilities and participation in all spheres of public and private life. The authors prove that the pioneering work of the Council of Europe in the field of human rights and gender equality contributed to the development of a comprehensive legal framework. Gender equality is one of the organization's priority areas of activity, and the Council of Europe continues to actively address current and emerging challenges and address barriers to achieving real and complete gender equality. The research investigates the provisions of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and Protocol No12 in terms of prohibition of discrimination and ensuring gender equality. It also determines that the conceptual principles of these documents are the protection of human rights, support for democracy and ensuring the principle of the rule of law. The article states that, in particular, the modern legal instrument in the field of gender equality is the Council of Europe's Gender Equality Strategy 2018–2023. The document provides for the achievement of the main six goals. These include combating gender stereotypes and gender discrimination; preventing and combating violence against women; ensuring equal access of women to justice; ensuring equal participation of women and men in political and public decision-making; implementation of the strategy for achieving gender equality in politics and all activities; protection of the rights of migrants, refugees, women and girls seeking asylum. The authors prove that the establishment of the European value of gender equality should be ensured both in society as a whole and in its various institutions, in particular. This is primarily to prevent gender discrimination, ensure equal participation of women and men in making socially important decisions, ensuring equal opportunities for women and men to combine professional and family responsibilities, prevent gender violence, etc. Keywords: Gender Equality, European Standards, Legal Mechanism, European Court of Human Rights, Discrimination, Equal Rights.
Thèses sur le sujet "Women – Political activity – Europe"
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HARALDSSON, Amanda. « Media discrimination and women's political representation : experimental evidence of media effects on the supply-side ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74306.
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Defence date: 07 March 2022Examining Board: Prof. Klarita Gërxhani (European University Institute); Prof. Marta Fraile (Spanish Scientific Research Institute); Prof. Maria Edström (University of Gothenburg); Prof. Fabrizio Gilardi (University of Zurich)
Women continue to be underrepresented in politics, even in countries with relatively high gender equality such as within the borders of Europe. A major contributor to this underrepresentation is that women have lower political ambition than men, i.e., women are less interested in and willing to become political candidates. Moreover, the political domain remains highly masculinised, undervaluing the issues that disproportionately impact women and undervaluing feminine leadership traits. Both men and women in politics are part of perpetuating the stereotypical and limited image of what politics is and what politicians should do. Women’s descriptive (numeric), symbolic and substantive political representation are therefore harmed by supply-side factors. In this thesis, supply-side refers to those factors that impact the choices of potential political candidates and actual political candidates in ways that limit the quantity and quality of women’s political representation. This thesis tests the potential impact of media discrimination against women on the supply-side of women’s political representation. Media discrimination in political news includes underreporting on women, using stereotypical gender portrayals, disproportionately criticising female politicians and objectifying women. While the literature gives reason to expect both politically activating and deactivating effects of discrimination exposure on women, there are extremely few studies testing potential media effects on men and women’s political ambition. Likewise, there are extremely few studies testing whether gendered campaign environments impact the way future candidates choose to behave within the political domain. Using data from two experimental studies and content analyses, this thesis highlights both the resilience of women in the face of media discrimination, and simultaneously the way media discrimination hinders progress towards putting femininity on an equal footing with masculinity in the political domain.
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Mok, Hing-luen, et 莫慶聯. « A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976669.
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van, Geffen Robert. « Essays on the career paths and legislative activity of Members of the European Parliament ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3736/.
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Being a politician has become a profession for many. With the development of the European Parliament (EP) into an influential institution at the European level, building a career in the EP has become an interesting option for politicians. This thesis studies the different career paths of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and explores how these career paths and MEPs’ ambitions have an impact on their participation in the legislative process and thereby the way they represent citizens. This thesis is based on three empirical research papers. The first paper identifies two career paths that MEPs might follow, in addition to the three others which are generally used, and links these to the activities of MEPs in parliament. I find that an MEP’s career path and ambitions are relevant in explaining certain legislative behaviour across member states and party groups. The second paper looks at the career ambitions of MEPs and finds that MEPs’ career paths are also the result of expressed ambitions by politicians themselves, despite their dependence on party leadership and the second-order nature of EP elections. MEPs looking to pursue a career in the EP are more actively involved in the parliament’s activities. This higher level of participation and acquired policy influence is rewarded when MEPs stand for re-election. The third paper looks at the group of MEPs who become lobbyists after their time in parliament. Building on what is known from Washington, this paper finds that being on a powerful committee, from a smaller political group and having a longer tenure make it more likely that an MEP becomes a lobbyist. The findings across the three papers support the idea that the career paths and ambitions of politicians provide an important explanation when trying to understand an MEP’s willingness to invest resources in the EP’s legislative process.
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Krawatzek, Félix. « Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Hörner, Julian. « National parliamentary scrutiny of European Union affairs : explaining divergence of formal arrangements and actual activity ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3301/.
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The role of national parliaments in the European Union (EU) has gained prominence in the last decade among academics and practitioners alike in relation to the alleged democratic deficit of the EU. The existing literature has largely focused on the formal powers of national parliaments. However, the formally strongest parliaments are not necessarily the most active, and vice versa. This thesis argues that this divergence between formal rights and actual activity exists because not formal scrutiny powers, but public Euroscepticism, the presence of parties for which Europe is salient and which care deeply about Europe (‘issue entrepreneurs’) as well as internal party cohesion on the EU are the most important factors influencing activity. Public Euroscepticism leads to more debate and resolutions when issue entrepreneurs are present and when parties have a coherent position on Europe. Recent measures and future plans to further increase the formal powers of national parliaments might not lead to more activity and might thus not help to ameliorate the democratic deficit. Methodologically, this thesis relies on computer-assisted content analysis, multilevel models as well as elite interviews. Each of the three papers focuses on a different aspect of parliamentary activity. The first paper focuses on the ‘communication function’ of parliaments and presents an analysis of parliamentary debates in EU affairs. The second paper quantitatively analyses the determinants of parliamentary activity in the form of resolutions, relating to the government control or ‘scrutiny function’. The third paper investigates parliamentary scrutiny activity in-depth in a case study of the ‘Fiscal Compact’. The thesis argues that national parliaments should mostly concentrate on their communication function in EU affairs, while other functions might best be carried out by the European Parliament. It thus suggests that different parliamentary functions can best be fulfilled by different institutions in the EU multilevel system.
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Wagener, Debra Lorraine. « Identity, dissatisfaction and political activity : the experience of east German women since unification ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288876.
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This thesis is an investigation into the integration of east German women into the Federal Republic following German unification. It draws on oral history interviews to examine the existence of a distinctive identity amongst east German women and concludes that their opinions and values reflect the Marxist Feminist principles upheld in the GDR, with particular reference to the belief in the importance of paid employment for the emancipation of women. The thesis also investigates the nature of dissatisfaction with the Federal Republic amongst east German women and concludes that a lack of fulfilment of expectations arising from socialisation in the GDR has led to a level of dissatisfaction amongst east German women which could act as a stimulus for political mobilisation. Finally, the thesis investigates the links between dissatisfaction and political activity amongst east German women and concludes that they display both political will and ability despite disempowerment in the GDR but also that there are signs of characteristics specific to east German women relating to disillusion and withdrawal. It also notes, however, that east German women have recorded signficant achievements in retaining more typically 'east German biographies' and that their individual resistance to change may prove to be their most powerful political weapon.
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Opyd, Dorota. « Why are women under-represented in the British House of Commons and the Sejm of the Republic of Poland ? » Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2015. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2036183/.
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This study explores the reasons for gender inequality in the lower chambers of the British and Polish Parliaments. The barriers to women’s political advance are investigated through elite interviews with women MPs with the aim of identifying and exploring the socio-cultural, socio-economic and structural factors which account for gender imbalance in national parliaments. The research examines these factors from the perspectives of those most involved: the women MPs. Through qualitative, semi-structured interviews, I examine the similarities and differences in the views of women politicians from countries with different electoral systems, contrasting models of equality guarantees and different historical and democratic cultures. The findings from the study illustrate the impact of cultural stereotypes on women who seek to join the political arena, the influence that media bias in the representation of women’s political activity has on female politicians and the extent of the restrictions associated with a male dominated environment. This research also addresses structural difficulties such as electoral systems and different types of equality provisions introduced in each country to help women parliamentary candidates. In addition, this study provides some indication of the way forward for the achievement of gender parity. The results provide clear support for the argument that gender balance cannot be achieved without challenging stereotypes and, most of all, without introducing measures to educate young girls on political careers. Within the same context, the biases of the media in promoting gender stereotypes and the untouchable power of social media have been identified. The findings also suggest a need to re-think the use of gender quotas, supporting these as a short-term solution but resisting the involvement of governments in gender equality issues, indicating that this should be dealt with by the political parties. The thesis also offers insights into the importance of behavioural patterns that men and women in power have learned though their socialisation, an issue largely missed in the existing literature.
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Chang, Yan Margaret, et 章茵. « A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977273.
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Sturman, Kathryn. « The Federation of South African Women and the Black Sash : constraining and contestatory discourses about women in politics, 1954-1958 ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18272.
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The period 1954 to 1958 saw an unprecedented level of mobilisation and active political campaigning by women of all races in South Africa. These campaigns were split along lines of race and class, as evidenced in the demonstrations against the extension of pass laws to African women by the Federation of South African Women [FSAW] and the campaign against the Senate Bill by liberal white women of the Black Sash. What they had in common is that both groups of women organised their action into separate structures exclusive to women, with independent identities from the male-dominated structures of the Congress Alliance and of white party politics. This separate organisation from men was not carried out with an explicit feminist agenda or a developed awareness of women's oppression, however. Nevertheless, their existence constituted a challenge to the dominant patriarchal discourse that constructed women's role as domestic and exclusive to the private sphere. Newspaper representations of the two organisations by both their political allies and their political opponents, provide evidence of this dominant discourse on "women's place" and insight on the public perception of political activity by women at the time. Within the texts of FSAW and the Black Sash one finds tensions between accepted notions of women's primary role as wives and mothers, and an emerging self-conception of women as politically active in the public realm. To an extent, the self-representation of these texts mirrors the patriarchal representations of women found in the newspaper reports. However, there are also definite departures from the traditional formulations of womanhood that can be conceived of as "contestations" to the dominant discourse. The patriarchal discourse was, therefore, a discursive constraint, both external and internalised, on women's ability to become active and effective in South Africa politics in the 1950s. Paradoxically, through the practical process of women's mobilisation in FSAW and the Black Sash, new space was opened on the political terrain that allowed for the alteration of the dominent discourse on women's place in society, as well as for the emergence of contestatory feminist discourses in South Africa.
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Boylan, Kristina A. « Mexican Catholic women's activism, 1929-1940 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34c1a60f-ded1-4cd5-b304-aa4b9a292e9e.
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This dissertation examines Catholic lay women's roles in the Church-State conflict in Mexico during the 1930s. After the Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929), clergy and laymen who publicly supported the Catholic Church were threatened with legal sanctions and government reprisal. Thus, Church leaders called upon Catholic women to assume public roles and to work creatively in defence of their faith, albeit following strictly delineated, gendered norms of behaviour. The Introduction discusses the lack of nuanced analysis of women's participation in the Catholic Church in Mexico. Chapter 1 traces the history of Catholic Social Action as envisioned in Europe and as adapted to Mexico from the end of the nineteenth century through the Cristero Rebellion, and includes a discussion of the roles envisaged for women in the Church hierarchy's strategy to concentrate and centralise lay people's efforts into the Acción Católica Mexicana (ACM). The first chapter also includes an overview of the Church-State conflict in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Mexico. Chapter 2 presents the reorganisation of various Catholic lay women's social and civic associations into the Union Femenina Católica Mexicana (UFCM). Chapters 3 and 4 form a case study of the UFCM in the Archdiocese of Guadalajara and the state of Jalisco. Chapter 3 concentrates on the Guadalajara Diocesan Chapter of the UFCM and on Catholic women's activism in the context of urban and regional issues. Chapter 4 compares the experiences of women in smaller towns and rural communities throughout the diocese and state, examining women's collective and independent responses to anticlerical legislation, the Mexican state's programs of socialist and sexual education and agrarian reform, the Church hierarchy's calls to action, and their own perceived need for religious and social organisation. The Conclusion evaluates Mexican Catholic women's responses to the social conflicts of the 1930s, their accomplishments, and the legacies of their mobilisation.
Livres sur le sujet "Women – Political activity – Europe"
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V, Davies Elizabeth, dir. Women of Europe : Women MEPs and equality policy. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] : Cambridge University Press, 1986.
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1942-, Jaquette Jane S., et Wolchik Sharon L, dir. Women and democracy : Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe. Baltimore, Md : Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.
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1938-, Rueschemeyer Marilyn, dir. Women in the politics of postcommunist Eastern Europe. Armonk, N.Y : M.E. Sharpe, 1994.
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Women and power in parliamentary democracies : Cabinet appointments in Western Europe, 1968-1992. Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press, 1997.
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Marianne, Githens, Norris Pippa et Lovenduski Joni, dir. Different roles, different voices : Women and politics in the United States and Europe. New York : HarperCollinsCollege, 1994.
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1954-, Earenfight Theresa, dir. Women and wealth in late Medieval Europe. New York, NY : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Earenfight, Theresa. Women and wealth in late medieval Europe. New York, NY : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Maurouard, Elvire Jean-Jacques. Femmes noires au pouvoir en Europe : L'écueil du racisme. Paris : Cygne, 2014.
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L, Wolchik Sharon, Meyer Alfred G et Conference on Changes in the Status of Women in Eastern Europe (1981 : George Washington University), dir. Women, state, and party in Eastern Europe. Durham : Duke University Press, 1985.
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1951-, Green Karen, dir. A history of women's political thought in Europe, 1400-1700. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Women – Political activity – Europe"
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Poloni-Staudinger, Lori, et Candice D. Ortbals. « Women Engaged in Violent Political Activity ». Dans Terrorism and Violent Conflict, 33–50. New York, NY : Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5641-4_3.
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Holt, Maria. « Challenging Preconceptions : Women and Islamic Resistance ». Dans Europe, the USA and Political Islam, 79–101. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230298156_5.
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Ortbals, Candice D., et Lori M. Poloni-Staudinger. « Women Engaged in Violent Activity as Terrorists, Guerrillas and Genocidaires ». Dans Gender and Political Violence, 19–53. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73628-0_2.
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Suzuki, Mihoko. « Women’s Political Writing ». Dans The Routledge History Of Women In Early Modern Europe, 287–308. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series : Routledge histories | : Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429355783-13.
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Laignelot, Jean-Baptiste, et Nicolas Delmas. « The growing influence of topical issues in legislative activity : limited political, but innovative and responsive, initiative ». Dans Schuman Report on Europe, 139–43. Paris : Springer Paris, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0451-4_21.
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Popa, Raluca Maria. « Translating Equality between Women and Men across Cold War Divides : Women Activists from Hungary and Romania and the Creation of International Women’s Year ». Dans Gender Politics and Everyday Life in State Socialist Eastern and Central Europe, 59–74. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101579_5.
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Nowak, Basia A. « “Where Do You Think I Learned How to Style My Own Hair?” Gender and Everyday Lives of Women Activists in Poland’s League of Women ». Dans Gender Politics and Everyday Life in State Socialist Eastern and Central Europe, 45–58. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101579_4.
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Leleu, Laurence. « Virile Women and Effeminate Men : Gendered Judgements and the Exercise of Power in the Ottonian Empire c. 1000 ce ». Dans The Palgrave Handbook of Masculinity and Political Culture in Europe, 85–104. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58538-7_5.
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Fuchs, Gesine, et Christine Scheidegger. « Political Representation of Women in Europe. What Accounts for the Increase in the 2000s ? » Dans Gender and Family in European Economic Policy, 199–225. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41513-0_10.
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Gray, Harriet. « Disparities and Diversification : Feminists in Europe Study War and/or Militaries ». Dans Feminist IR in Europe, 9–32. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91999-3_2.
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AbstractThis chapter discusses the dynamic feminist scholarship on war and militaries produced in contemporary Europe, highlighting work on militarism and militarization, military masculinities, the inclusion of women in armed organizations, military families, conflict-related sexual violence, and ‘everyday’ experiences. It sketches the national and institutional contexts where scholars are located and discusses the political economies that underpin significant disparities in geographical distribution and research focus, despite efforts to diversify scholarship and challenge dominant storylines and assumptions. In emphasizing how ideas and communities of scholars span continents, the chapter troubles the reification of ‘Europe’ as a privileged site of knowledge production.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Women – Political activity – Europe"
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Antanoviča, Agnija. « Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību : Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā ». Dans LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.
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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.
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Gökçek Karaca, Nuray. « The Position of Women in Economic Life : A Comparison between Transition Economies and Turkey ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00638.
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In this study, the participation of women in economic life, in other words their position in economic activity in Turkey was examined in comparison with the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). To examine women’s participation in economic life in Turkey in comparison with transition economies, we benefited from the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM), which was developed by the UNDP the participation of women in economic activity in Turkey is low extremely. The factors that reduce the participation in the workforce by women in Turkey are traditional division of work, economic development, level of education, unpaid family work, informal employment, legal regulation, discrimination, work/non-work preferences. The participation of women in economic activity is also low in transition economies. But transition economies is not homogenous in terms of participation of women in economic activities. Results also indicate that, the participation of women in economic activity in the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is higher than the participation of women in economic activity in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).
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Hana, Suela. « ANALYSIS OF INTEGRATION POLICIES FOR VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING, THE NECESSITY OF THEIR MULTIDISCIPLINARY EVALUATION ». Dans 5th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2021 – Economics and Management : How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2021.413.
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Extensive developments and changes in the economic, political, social, cultural and scientific fields have undoubtedly brought problems and disturbing phenomena in many parts of the world, such as the trafficking and exploitation of human beings. Every year many women, girls and children are illegally transported across the borders of their countries of origin, sold or bought, bringing to mind all the primitive ways of human slavery, seen in stark contrast to the galloping development that society has taken today, as well as aspirations for a worldwide civilization and citizenship. Regarding Albania, the beginning of trafficking in human beings dates in 1995 (Annual Analysis of 2003 of the State Social Service, Tirana), where the country found itself in a situation of instability of political, economic, social and cultural changes, as well as in a transitional geographical position to was used by traffickers, mostly Albanians, as an “open door” for the recruitment, transportation and sale of women, girls and children from Moldova, Russia, Romania, Turkey, Albania, China, etc. Albania is identified as a source and transit country for trafficked women and children. In addition, many NGOs and international organizations report significant increase cases in the trafficking of human beings. In 1999, official sources reported that young women and girls had been lured or abducted from refugee camps in Albania during the Kosovo crisis and then sold for prostitution in Italy and the United Kingdom. Reports from Italy, Germany, Belgium and the UK suggest that Albanian women and girls, which are trafficked for prostitution mostly are from rural areas (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Review Conference, September 1999). It is almost common to talk about the phenomenon of trafficking in human beings, about the motivating and attractive factors, the consequences associated with this phenomenon of Albanian society. Given the extent of the trafficking phenomenon during the last 30 years transition period in Albania, the Government has made different legislative and institutional efforts, through a strategic approach to combat and mitigate this phenomenon. However, the elements of identification, protection, reintegration and long-term rehabilitation for victims of trafficking remain issues of concern and still not properly addressed, in the context of the institutional fight against trafficking in persons, which should have as its primary goal the protection of the human rights for victims of trafficking and not their further violation or re-victimization (Annual Report of the European Commission, 2007).
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Lipatov, A. V., et O. A. Kazakevich. « FORMATION OF THE IMAGE OF ALEXANDER NEVSKY AMONG SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE CULTURAL SPACE OF THE CITY : ON THE EXAMPLE OF VOLGOGRAD ». Dans Культура, наука, образование : проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/13.
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The article considers the main milestones of the military and political activity of prince Alexander Nevskiy reflecting the most important milestones of the Russian people's struggle for independence and saving of the Orthodox faith in the XIII century. The public need in saving historical and cultural memory led to the erection of memorable places and objects of cult architecture in honor of A. Nevskiy, including in modern Volgograd. On the basis of the existing objects of the cultural space of Volgograd, the methodological ways of A. Nevskiy's image formation as the defender of medieval Russia and the notion of confrontation with the aggressive aims of Western Europe and the Mongol-Tatars are offered.
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Juhász, Péter, et Tahir Mammadov. « Covid-19 impact on the profitability of the EU27 banking sector ». Dans The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged : Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.1.
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Due to COVID-19, economic activity decreased considerably all across Europe. Our paper reviews the various pandemic effects and changes in the European banking sector. Using a dataset merged from four different secondary databases, we created a panel of countryquarters with 513 items covering the period 2016 Q1 – 2020 Q3 including the effects of the first wave of the pandemic. Correlation analysis revealed that during the pandemic, the connectedness of the banking system to the macroeconomy increased, and that the open economies had a more stable banking system. Performance fluctuations on the national banking system level increased, and banking performance became more closely linked to quarterly GPD growth. Covid-19 had a significant adverse effect on the banking sector's profitability on top of the standard macroeconomic fallbacks. Data also underpin that the countries where citizens had stronger trust in their government (political system, legal system, police) suffered less due to the Covid-19 crisis than other EU27 members. High-trust EU27 countries lost less in GDP, import, export, and banking profitability during the first wave of the pandemic. However, this might be partly also a result of some cultural characteristics linked to geography.
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Ramírez Rivera, Jessica Beatriz. « Prácticas Feministas en Museos y sus Redes Sociales en México : una respuesta ante la pandemia. Feminist Practices in Museums and their Social Networks in Mexico : a response to the pandemic. » Dans Congreso CIMED - I Congreso Internacional de Museos y Estrategias Digitales. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cimed21.2021.12631.
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El objetivo de esta comunicación es presentar algunas prácticas feministas que han hecho uso de las tecnologías en los museos de México, así como reflexionar en torno a la soberanía digital, los derechos culturales que se ejercen en las redes sociales y si estos se inscriben en la “internet feminista” desde los museos.En los últimos años, los movimientos feministas en México han tomado relevancia política, en ámbitos públicos y de intervención social. Muchas de ellas, han sido juzgadas negativamente por hacer uso de bienes culturales, lo cual ha desencadenado opiniones polarizadas.Si bien, la postura de los museos mexicanos a este respecto es reservada, existe una apertura a prácticas con perspectiva de género, desde sus investigaciones, oferta cultural y exposiciones temporales. Con las medidas de confinamiento derivadas del COVID-19, quedó claro que las estrategias de los museos para continuar sus actividades, se centraron y volcaron en las Redes Sociales y sus páginas web. Asimismo, se lograron continuar no solo con las prácticas con perspectiva de género que incipientemente se realizaban en estos espacios, si no que se incrementaron los contenidos de corte feminista y de acción política cultural.Entre los ejemplos más notables estuvieron la apertura de nuevos espacios virtuales como lo hizo el Museo Universitario de Arte Contemporáneo, con su Instagram Brillantinas MUAC, en donde se publican diversos materiales feministas desde la cultura y se ínsita al diálogo y la profundización de varios temas con perspectiva de género.Por otro lado, la actividad digital y cultural a raíz de la Conmemoración del Día Internacional para la Eliminación de las Violencias contra las Mujeres, fue adoptada por una gran cantidad de museos desde privados hasta estatales, ya sea con una mención al tema o una actividad o serie de actividades al respecto. Fue un ejercicio que trascendió a los 10 días de activismo y que obtuvo una interesante respuesta tanto negativa como positiva dentro de los públicos.Finalmente, uno de los ejercicios más interesantes que se lograron a pesar de las dificultades por la situación sanitaria, fue la iniciativa “Laboratoria: Mujeres en el Museo” lanzada por el Observatorio Raquel Padilla del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, que por medio de diversas herramientas digitales, se pudo llevar a cabo un ejercicio feminista y de soberanía digital en la elaboración de prototipos con perspectiva de género y para la prevención de las violencias contra las mujeres.-------- The objective of this communication is to present some feminist practices that have made use of technologies in museums in Mexico, as well as to reflect on digital sovereignty, the cultural rights that are exercised in social networks and if they are registered in the "Feminist internet" from museums.In recent years, feminist movements in Mexico have taken on political relevance, in public spheres and social intervention. Many of them have been judged negatively for making use of cultural property, which has triggered polarized opinions.Although the position of Mexican museums in this regard is reserved, there is an openness to practices with a gender perspective, from their research, cultural offerings and temporary exhibitions. With the confinement measures derived from COVID-19, it was clear that the museums' strategies to continue their activities were focused and turned over to Social Networks and their web pages. Likewise, it was possible to continue not only with the practices with a gender perspective that were incipiently carried out in these spaces, but also the contents of a feminist nature and of cultural political action were increased.Among the most notable examples were the opening of new virtual spaces such as the University Museum of Contemporary Art, with its Instagram Brillantinas MUAC, where various feminist materials from culture are published and the dialogue and the deepening of various issues are encouraged. gender perspective.On the other hand, the digital and cultural activity as a result of the Commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, was adopted by a large number of museums from private to state, either with a mention of the subject or an activity or series of activities in this regard. It was an exercise that transcended 10 days of activism and that obtained an interesting negative and positive response from the public.Finally, one of the most interesting exercises that were achieved despite the difficulties due to the health situation, was the initiative "Laboratory: Women in the Museum" launched by the Raquel Padilla Observatory of the National Institute of Anthropology and History, which through various digital tools, it was possible to carry out a feminist exercise and digital sovereignty in the development of prototypes with a gender perspective and for the prevention of violence against women.
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Marchenko, Nataliya. « Northern Sea Route : Modern State and Challenges ». Dans ASME 2014 33rd International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2014-23626.
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It is well-known that navigating the waterway from the primary trade hubs in northern Europe to the Asia-Pacific ports and contrariwise along the Russian Arctic Coast (Northern Sea Route - NSR) is much shorter and faster, than southern ways via Suez or around Africa. The NSR can significantly save costs (through saving time and fuel) and avoids the risk of attack by pirates. In addition, an increase in oil and gas activity in the North, forecasts of global warming and an ice-free Arctic have stimulated interest in Arctic navigation. However, Arctic transportation poses significant challenges because of the heavy ice conditions that exist during both the winter and summer. The profitability of using the NSR is called into question if possible high tariffs are included in the cost estimates. For many years, the NSR was principally used for internal Russian transport and since the end of the 1980s up until 2010, it was in stagnation with total amount of cargo transported annually stood at less than two million tons. Important political decisions in the 90s and increased economic feasibility intensified traffic and freight turnover. In 2013, the NSR Administration (NSRA) was established, new rules for navigation were approved and tariff policies were modified. In 2013, the NSRA issued 635 permits to sail in NSR waters, and 71 transit voyages have since been completed. The total amount of transit cargo was 1.36 million tons. More than 40% of the total number of permits were issued to vessels without ice class [1] according to the Russian Maritime Register of Shipping [2]. There are strong technical requirements for vessels attempting to sail the NSR; regardless, several accidents occurred in 2012–2013. Two vessels were dented by ice in the Chukchi Sea in 2012. A tanker was holed in September 2013 and created a real danger of an ecological disaster from fuel leakage for several days. Despite the expectation of an ice-free Arctic, the ice conditions in 2013 were rather difficult, and the Vilkitsky Strait (a key strait in the NSR between the Kara and Laptev seas) was closed by ice for almost the entire navigation period. In this paper, we review the current situation in the Russian Arctic, including political and administrative actions, recent accidents and the associated conditions and lessons learned.
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Carneiro De Carvalho, Vânia. « Decoration and Nostalgia - Historical Study on Visual Matrices and Forms of Diffusion of Fêtes Galantes in the 20th Century ». Dans 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001365.
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In São Paulo/Brazil, between the years 1950 and 1980, porcelain sculptures representing courtesy scenes were fashionable in wealthy and middle-class homes. Several Brazilian factories started to produce such images and many others were imported, the most of them from Germany. These representations were inspired by the fêtes gallants, a rococo style genre from the 18th century. Factories like Meissen, Limoges and Capodimonte produced thousands of copies which circulated in Western Europe and the Russian Empire. During the 19th century, from French institutional policies, the fêtes galantes were revalued along with the recovery of the rococo. This political and cultural movement resulted not only in domestic interiors decorated with authentic pieces from the 18th century gathered together by collectors, but also in the production of new objects. Following decorative practices, studies anachronistically reclassified 18th artisans as artists, constructing their biographies, circumscribing their peculiarities, and identifying their works. Many pieces from the privates collections ended in museums. The porcelain aristocratic figures won the world and are produced until today. It was at the end of the 19th century, in the region of Thuringia, that the technique of lace porcelain emerged. Produced by women in a male-dominated environment, the technique involved the use of cotton fabric soaked with porcelain mass which was then sewed and molded over the porcelain bodies of male and female figures. After that, the piece was placed in the oven at high temperature, burning the fabric and leaving the lace porcelain. It is significant and relevant for the purposes of this research that the lace porcelain technique was never recognized as a object of interest by the academic literature on porcelain. It is likely that the presence of the female labor, the practice of sewing and the use of fabric have been interpreted by the male academic and amateur elite as discredit elements. Added to this, the lace porcelain became very popular in the 20th century. The reinterpretation of rococo in the 20th century was also understood as a lack of artistic inventiveness associated with marketing interests, which resulted in the marginalization of these sculptures. What is proposed here is to study these objects as pieces of domestic decoration practices, recognizing in them capacities to act on the production of social, age and gender distinctions. I intend, therefore, to demonstrate how these small and seemingly insignificant objects were associated with decorative practices of fixing women in the domestic space in Brazil during the 20th century. They acted not alone but in connection with other contemporary phenomena such as post-war fashion, the glamorization of personalities from the American movie and European aristocracy and the rise of Disney movies, which promoted the gallant pair as a romantic idea for children in the western world.
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Demir, Emre. « THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE : THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Sabo, Helena maria. « DEVELOPMENT OF ICT EDUCATION IN ROMANIA ». Dans eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-136.
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Abstract. Computerized education is a pedagogical strategy adapted / adaptable to the policy model education in the post-cultural model of society. At the operational level, the process involves the concept of assimilation and exploitation of new information technologies in activities designed to level the educational system in the context of specific activities. This are: computerized and “computerial” literacy; ownership of knowledge in the studied disciplines of profile information, making management education, application of computer assisted instruction, teaching method or as a special educational means integrated into any teaching strategy. Cumulative contributions show that important progress has been achieved in Europe, particularly in the development of ICT in education, while one is notable heterogeneity of practices and policies presented in agreement with different political priorities, ideals and educational funding. In Romania, a characterization in general terms, might read: The educational system will undergo significant changes, as the main orientation and design of a system of permanent education. As routine tasks in any field of activity will be taken over by computers, the individual will have more free time to train. At this training will add competition increasingly harshness, which will require the use of leisure time for qualification. In essence, computerization is not limited to teaching a new method, which would enter into the traditional methods. Through their social role, designated the concept of “computer culture” signifies transforming computerization of education system by education, not only as a form of organization, but also as contents. Finally we should mention that the importance and complexity of the process of computerization of education requires attention to the state level. It is appropriate to develop a concept of implementing information technologies in education that would reflect all aspects of the process, its directions and propose to exploit resources, that Romania has already today in an efficient way.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Women – Political activity – Europe"
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Terrón-Caro, María Teresa, Rocio Cárdenas-Rodríguez, Fabiola Ortega-de-Mora, Kassia Aleksic, Sofia Bergano, Patience Biligha, Tiziana Chiappelli et al. Policy Recommendations ebook. Migrations, Gender and Inclusion from an International Perspective. Voices of Immigrant Women, juillet 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/rio.20220727_1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This publication is the third product of the Erasmus + Project entitled Voices of Immigrant Women (Project Number: 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364). This product is based on a set of policy recommendations that provides practical guidance on intervention proposals to those with political responsibilities in governance on migration management and policies for integration and social inclusion, as well as to policy makers in the governance of training in Higher Education (University) at all levels. This is intended to promote the development of practical strategies that allow overcoming the obstacles encountered by migrant women during the integration process, favoring the construction of institutions, administrations and, ultimately, more inclusive societies. The content presented in this book proposes recommendations and intervention proposals oriented to practice to: - Improve Higher Education study plans by promoting the training of students as future active protagonists who are aware of social interventions. This will promote equity, diversity and the integration of migrant women. - Strengthen cooperation and creation of networks between academic organizations, the third sector and public administrations that are responsible for promoting the integration and inclusion of migrant women. - Promote dialogue and the exchange of knowledge to, firstly, raise awareness of human mobility and gender in Europe and, secondly, promote the participation and social, labor and civic integration of the migrant population. All this is developed through 4 areas in which this book is articulated. The first area entitled "Migrant women needs and successful integration interventions"; the second area entitled "Promoting University students awareness and civic and social responsibility towards migrant women integration"; the third area entitled "Cooperation between Higher Education institutions and third sector"; the fourth and last area, entitled "Inclusive Higher Education".