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Drozdova, Arina. "Revisiting «Gender Equality» in European Politics." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 21, no. 3 (2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32021145154.
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Despite the formal equality of women and men in rights, political activity and the decision-making process on public issues remain male-dominated areas. Political priorities are determined by men, and political culture continues to be mainly masculine. Therefore, separate women's political parties, with their own programs aimed at solving gender problems, enable women to represent themselves in the political processes of the country. The article examines the experience of women's parties in three countries: Sweden (Feminist Initiative), Germany (Feminist Party of Germany), and Spain (Feminist Party of Spain). The author also provides and analyzes data on the involvement of women in the top leadership positions of states. It is argued that the study of the differences between women’s parties in individual countries makes it possible to assess the level of the problem of women’s participation in politics.
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Fagerström, Linda. "Den marknadsförda maktordningen. Kön och politik i det offentliga rummets bilder." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 25, no. 4 (2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v25i4.4051.
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Art images, as well as media images, photographs and other mass-produced commercial images, reflect existing gendered power structures in society. At the same time, those representations (and therefore, also the gendered power structures in them) form ideals which individuals in society, consciously or unconsciously, strive to follow. These dynamics are here discussed with examples from some recent and in Sweden well-known images (in commercials by clothes/fashion company H&M, hygienic products brand Dove, and posters produced by political parties duringan election campaign on the EMU). In 1993, Sweden was chocked/amazed by the H&M underwear campaign with porn actress and model Anna Nicole Smith, who, in platina blond curls and poses clearly echoing 1950's pin-up pictures, was said to promote a "natural" womanliness and femininity. According to Susan Bordo, bodily and fashion ideals are intimately connected to society and politics, especially gender relations. In times of change and instability in gender relations, Bordo says, ideals in populär culture tend to underline differences between the sexes, in order to mark the importance of separating men and women. Anna Nicole Smith figured on every Swedish street corner during a period when equality issues were dominant on the political agenda, due to a feminist organization called "Stödstrumporna" who threatened to form a women^ party for the general elections in 1994. In 2003, when Sweden voted on the EMU, the EU Commissioner Margot Wallström was pictured strong and self-confident in posters promoting the "yes"-side. Wallström has a prominent position - both in these pictures and in reality. Most often, however, as Maud Eduards has shown, a single woman is accepted whereas groups of women are concerned threateningboth in politics and in images/representations.
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Rönnbäck, Josefin. ""Utan kvinnor inget folkstyre". En historisk exposé över kampen för ökad kvinnorepresentation i Sverige." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 31, no. 3 (2022): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v31i3.3628.
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Sweden is often recognized globally as a role model regarding gender equality, and especially when it comes to women’s political representation. However, for a long time male politicians effectively kept women out and Swedish women found it difficult to enter into politics. The purpose of this article is to give a historical overview of the Swedish women´s movement and its struggle for increased political representation and present and discuss initiatives taken by Swedish women in different times, after the suffrage struggle (1921) and before the female representation increased considerably (in the 1970s). The article takes as point of departure the theoretical framework developed by Maud Eduards (2002) about women as political actors and about the meaning and consequences of women organizing themselves – especially when and if they organize themselves separately (from men). In the article I investigate questions like: When and how did Swedish women organize themselves and struggle for an increased number of women in politics? Which women did collaborate and under what circumstances and premises? How did they relate to and navigate in a party system that during this period was primarily dominated by men, men’s interests and class conflicts? The article shows that the women’s struggle over political positions and political influence in Sweden has been long and I argue, in reference to Maud Eduards, that it is of great interest how women organize themselves, with or without men, in a small or large number, direct and individually or indirect through other organisations and how they relate and respond and to the party system.The article maps important parts of the Swedish women’s movement and highlights three female and political initiatives: Föreningen Kvinnolistan (Woman’s List) in the 1920s, Kommittén för ökad kvinnorepresentation (The Committee for equal representation) in the 1930-40s and Samarbetskommittén för ökad kvinnorepresentation (The Committee for equal representation) in the end of 1960s.
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Roth, Silke, and Clare Saunders. "Gender Differences in Political Participation: Comparing Street Demonstrators in Sweden and the United Kingdom." Sociology 53, no. 3 (2018): 571–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518803008.
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Research on gender and politics has primarily focused on women’s participation in women’s movements and institutional politics separately. Our article is innovative in multiple respects: first, employing a comparative perspective we analyse what impact gender regimes have on participation in street protests. Second, we study the relationship between participation in electoral and protest politics and how this relationship is gendered. Third, we compare the participation of men and women in social movements. We are able to do this by drawing on nuanced survey data of five street demonstrations in the UK and Sweden. Our comparative research demonstrates that involvement in protest and institutional politics varies by gender, country and context. Our findings have important implications for gender equality in terms of social inclusion and political representation and contribute to political sociology, sociology of gender and social movement research.
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Folke, Olle, Johanna Rickne, and Daniel M. Smith. "Gender and Dynastic Political Selection." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 2 (2020): 339–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020938089.
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Throughout history and across countries, women appear more likely than men to enter politics on the heels of a close family relative or spouse. To explain this dynastic bias in women’s representation, we introduce a theory that integrates political selection decisions with informational inequalities across social groups. Candidates with dynastic ties benefit from the established reputations of their predecessors, but these signals of quality are more important to political newcomers such as women. Legislator-level data from twelve democracies and candidate-level data from Ireland and Sweden support the idea that dynastic ties are differentially more helpful to women, and that the quality of predecessors may be more relevant for the entry and evaluation of female successors than their male counterparts. The role of informational inequalities is also reflected in the declining dynastic bias over time (as more women enter politics), and in the differential effect of a gender quota across Swedish municipalities.
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Hedfeldt, Mona, and Gun Hedlund. "A Clash between the Business and Political Climates in Sweden – Gender in the European Structural Fund Partnerships." European Spatial Research and Policy 18, no. 1 (2011): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10105-011-0004-1.
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In this paper we highlight and discuss a Swedish equality paradox in two different spheres: entrepreneurship and politics. We focus on the EU Structural Funds and women entrepreneurs' access to resources through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). Combining human geography and political science, we draw upon network and partnership theory posing questions concerning the room for manoeuvre for women entrepreneurs to gain access to relevant networks, to create new networks in order to establish relations with EU related partnerships, and to gain access to the process of allocating EU structural fund financial resources.
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Boström, Lena, and Rolf Dalin. "Young People’s Opinions on Rural Sweden." International Education Studies 11, no. 6 (2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v11n6p45.
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This study focus on adolescents motivations about remaining in rural areas in the Mid Sweden Region, a part of Sweden with decreasing school performance scores and high out-migration. The study is based on 1,500 young people’s responses to a Web-based survey within the framework of a regional school development project. The research questions focused on: whether youths were going to stay there or move the future in urban or rural areas, influences, and the future choices and differences among genders, regions, and age groups. The empirical data are processed with statistical analysis. The study confirms previous research on young people’s relocations from rural areas; jobs and education are important motives, and the most prone to move are women. What is new knowledge is that lessons about the region’s importance have a positive, significant effect on individuals’ plans to remain in their home municipality. This can and should be highlighted in local, regional, and national politics, but more importantly in school discourses. Since school plays a role in students’ thinking and future choices, a larger formation effort could be of great value for norms and regional political standpoints. The study has relevance to the international terms of similar geographical areas.
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Alnebratt, Kerstin, and Birgitta Jordansson. "Jämställdhet, meritokrati och kvalitet - Ett triangeldrama i den akademiska vardagen." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 32, no. 2-3 (2022): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v32i2-3.3538.
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In Sweden, the issue of gender equality in higher education and research has been on the agenda since women entered universities in significant numbers more than 40 years ago. Several political initiatives have been taken, which have been crucial to enhanced gender equality but, at the same time, they have been essentially contested in academia itself. In this article we analyse how specific logics, based on the culture of academic research, are hard to reconcile with logics based on political justice that govern the politics of gender equality. Secondly, gender equality is often understood today as concerning knowledge produced by research. Ever since the 1970s, the two lines of development — more women in academia and more gender studies — have been intertwined in Swedish research policy. Support for female-dominated research fields like gender studies has been perceived as supporting gender equality in higher education. Gender studies have, in many ways, benefited from this support but, at the same time, reduced the field to being a matter of gender equality, rather than a research area in its own right. Consequently, gender studies in Sweden have been challenged from other disciplinary perspectives by those who claim that they represent not research, but a political endeavor to bring about gender equality. Without a clear distinction between methods of improving conditions both for women researchers and for gender research, the two will be conflated. This confusion is problematic not only for women involved in gender research but for the field itself. Supporting gender studies may be dismissed as political and incompatible with academic doxa and self-understanding. On the other hand, favoring women in the name of gender equality is incompatible with the understanding of fairness, which forms the meritocratic order in academia.
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Langevin, Louise. "Tracing The Women-Friendly Welfare State, Gendered Politics of Everyday Life in Sweden, edited by Åsa GunnarssonÅsa Gunnarsson, dir,Tracing The Women-Friendly Welfare State, Gendered Politics of Everyday Life in Sweden(Stockholm :Makadam, 2013)." Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 27, no. 2 (2015): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjwl.27.2.347.
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Elgán, Elisabeth. "Sexualpolitikens genus i Frankrike och Sverige." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 20, no. 3 (2022): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v20i3.4447.
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This comparative study, inspired by Marc Bloch, deals with the abortion and contraception politics of Sweden and France during the first half of the XXth century from a gender perspective At a discursive level the resemblance between the two countries is clear: this is the main result of this study. At this time many western countries, restricted the diffusion of contraceptives in some way and passed more efficient and abortion legislation thus increasing surveillance. The dominant view in Sweden and France, although the explicit motives for these policies were different in the two countries, was that sexuality was man's business and that it was men who were to be protected from contraception "propaganda" or to be led on the straight path to marriage and fatherhood. Nature intended women to be primarily mothers and they were therefore not seen as sexually active but instead in need of close protection, i.e. a repressive abortion law, to help them to fulfil they nature. This discourse dominated the political debates and was taken up by women politicians and women's organisations as well. The exception was the small circle of neo-malthusians and supporters of birth control. The church seems to have played very little role in these debates at this time in both Sweden and France. The discourse with respect to gender is then the same in Sweden and France, but there are some other differences that need explaining. A comparison highlights the particularities of the two countries. One of the differences is the important role played by eugenics in Sweden. The fascination exercised by medical science on politicians seems to have been particularly strong on the left wing where it was seen as a potential ally and as providing legitimisation in the struggle for a progressive social policy. Scientific thought in Sweden also seern to have been invaded by eugenics. It was very different in France where the scientists resisted eugenic ideas and stayed attached to an older belief that milieu was more important than inheritance. This belief coincided with that of the rather socially progressive and democratic French political regime of the time who hoped that upbringing and education would realise the famous dream of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité.
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Mondani, Hernan, Amir Rostami, Tina Askanius, Jerzy Sarnecki, and Christofer Edling. "Women in Violent Extremism in Sweden." Proceedings 77, no. 1 (2021): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/proceedings2021077015.
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This presentation summarizes a register-based study on women who have been identified as belonging to three violent extremist milieus in Sweden: violent Islamic, violent far-right, and violent far-left extremism. We studied the women in these milieus along a number of analytical dimensions, ranging from demographic and educational to criminal background and network relationships, and compared them to three reference groups: (i) non-extremist biological sisters to female extremists in the study population; (ii) men in the respective extremist milieus; and (iii) female members of other antagonistic milieus such as organized crime. Our results showed that there are both similarities and differences between groups. In some cases, like age and region of birth, there are commonalities between violent far-right and violent far-left women. Regarding region of birth and migration background, women affiliated to violent far-right and violent far-left extremism are predominantly born in Sweden. Women affiliated to violent Islamic extremism tend to be born in Sweden to a greater extent than men in the same milieu, but to a much lesser degree than women in the violent far-right and violent far-left. When it comes to education, women in the violent Islamic milieu are closer to women in violent far-right extremism. Women in violent far-left extremism perform best at school, with consistently higher grades. The average score of women in violent far-left extremism is identical to that of their sisters, and women in violent far-left extremism perform on average substantially better than men in the same milieu. Women in violent Islamic extremism, in contrast, perform on average similarly to men in violent far-left extremism, and they perform better than their biological sisters. Regarding labor market attachment, violent Islamic extremists have the weakest attachment and the highest dependency upon financial assistance as well as a low employment share (36 percent in 2016), but also a relatively high share of individuals with a high number of unemployment days, suggesting that women in violent Islamic extremism experience higher social exclusion. We find the highest employment share among women in violent far-left extremism, where 89 percent are gainfully employed in 2016 (80 percent for at least three of the last five years) and about a 20 percent unemployment share. Men in violent far-left extremism have an employment share around 10 percent below that of the women in far-left extremism for 2016. The highest fractions of individuals that have not been in contact with the health system due to mental disorders are among violent Islamic extremism, with the women’s fraction at 84 percent, compared to their non-extremist sisters and men in the same milieu that are just above 79 percent. Women in violent far-left extremism have the highest share of in-patient major mental disorders among the extremist milieus (3 percent), higher than men in the same milieu (less than 1 percent) as well as than women and their sisters in the other categories. During the period 2007–2016, 68 percent of individuals in the extremist milieus are covered by the register of suspected individuals. The coverage is substantially higher for men, 72 percent than for women, 43 percent. Compared to their sisters, women in all three milieus are criminally active to a much higher extent. However, women in all three milieus are less criminally active than women in other antagonistic milieus, among whom 67 percent have been suspected at least once. In all three milieus, the share of men with a criminal record is about twice as large as that of women. As far as the gender aspect is concerned, we know that extremist milieus generally have a conservative view of the role of women in society. In our results, this is reflected in the low rates of crime in women compared to men, and relatively marginal positions in the co-offending networks. The fact that women in violent far-left extremism have stronger positions in their networks than the other women in the study population is expected, given that the ideology of this milieu allows for greater equality. This means that women in violent far-left extremism participate more often than, e.g., women in violent far-right extremism, in political actions where violence is common. This pattern of gender roles and criminal involvement also holds concerning women in violent Islamic extremism. This milieu has a more traditional view of the role of women than views among even violent far-right extremists. Women in violent Islamic extremism are less involved in crime and, in particular, violent crime.
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Eduards, Maud. "Män - finns de?" Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 19, no. 3-4 (2022): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v19i3-4.4525.
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This article takes up the basic question whether - and how - women can be named in a liberating way. The discussion has its starting point in two concrete issues debated in the course of the 1998 election campaign in Sweden. The first is the problem of gender and competence and the second is the question of strategic and organisational nioves. Both examples demonstrate that men and women are named differently in politics, the main point being that women always have to reläte to the fact that they are defined as women. Men, on the other hand, dominate politics while at the same time indicating that they are not there as men but as individuals. Hence, my question: Men - do they exist? I maintain that an important aspect of feminist theory and practice is to point out men as a category, as actors in terms of male norms and interests. Basically, this is a political struggle over who has the power to name gender and gender relations. Through collective action, women claim for themselves part of the right of definition. Those who act cannot be encircled. However, by making common cause, women also construct men as their opponents and thereby breach the boundaries of what is entailed in being a man. Men are challenged as an unrestricted, fluid, 'human' category. The concluding argument is that the liberating link between women's 'difference' (read: denied agency) and men's power, in theory as well as in practice, is to be found in woraens collective actions, their active and conscious naming of themselves as a political category.
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Haandrikman, Karen, Natasha A. Webster, and Ann-Zofie Duvander. "Geographical Variation in Local Gender Contracts in Sweden." Applied Spatial Analysis and Policy 14, no. 3 (2021): 679–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12061-020-09371-2.
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AbstractDespite Sweden’s national gender-neutral family and social policies, local differences in gender contracts exist and have been related to differences in the structure of the labour market and cultural traditions. Existing studies are outdated and used relatively large administratively defined areas, which may lead to several measurement and interpretation errors. This paper examines geographical variation in gender contracts in present-day Sweden using individualized neighbourhoods on different scales. Gender contracts are operationalized using six indicators on the level of family, politics and labour. We identify five types of local gender contracts: the metropolitan gender contract, the progressive gender contract, the suburban gender contract, the commuter gender contract and the traditional gender contract. The most gender equal patterns are found in metropolitan and other urban areas, with high shares of fathers taking parental leave and the highest shares of women with high education and gainful employment, and low shares of young mothers. The analyses give evidence of considerable local variation instead of a dominant gender contract in each region. The findings may stimulate further research and local policies on gender inequality.
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Gustafsson, Gunnel. "Sustainable Pressure for “Women‐Friendliness” in Sweden." Political Psychology 19, no. 1 (1998): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00092.
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Pollack, Ester. "Sweden and the #MeToo movement." Interactions: Studies in Communication & Culture 10, no. 3 (2019): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/iscc.10.3.185_1.
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The international #MeToo initiatives organized in October 2017 received a quick and widespread response in Sweden. Women from a wide range of occupational groups and work environments ‐ after sharing their stories in closed forums on social media ‐ made their testimonies public under several related hashtags. The testimonies about allegations of sexual misconduct and abuse were described as men’s misuse of power in relation to women in weaker positions, often women who were younger and dependent. The published testimonies quickly led to a stream of news reports and commentaries in the legacy media, in some cases resulting in individualized scandals and media hunts. One of these scandals related to the Swedish Academy, the institution responsible for the Nobel Prize in Literature. While the initial Swedish #MeToo movement was dominated by broad collective mobilization in different societal areas pointing to sexual harassment as a structural problem, the individualized scandal coverage in leading media outlets in some cases represented unverified ‘naming and shaming’ that later led to ethical critique and new public debates. A political result of the #MeToo movement in Sweden was a new law prohibiting non-consensual sex that came into force in July 2018.
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Jakku, Nina. "Islamophobia, Representation and the Muslim Political Subject. A Swedish Case Study." Societies 8, no. 4 (2018): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8040124.
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Applying media analysis, this article addresses how the exclusion of Muslim women from fields of common public interest in Sweden, such as partaking as an active citizen, is materialized. Focusing on a specific event—the cancellation of a screening of Burka Songs 2.0—and the media coverage and representation of the cancellation, it discusses the role of discourses of gender equality, secularity and democracy in circumscribing space for Muslim political subjects. It casts light on Islamophobic stereotyping, questionable democracy and secularity, as well as the over-simplified approaches to gender equality connected to dealings with Muslim women in Sweden. Besides obstacles connected to Muslim political subjects, the study provides insights into media representation of Muslim women in general, specially connected to veils and the role of lawmaking connected to certain kind of veiling, in Sweden and Europe.
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Wängnerud, Lena, and Anders Sundell. "Do politics matter? Women in Swedish local elected assemblies 1970–2010 and gender equality in outcomes." European Political Science Review 4, no. 1 (2011): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000087.
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A substantial number of studies support the notion that having a high number of women in elected office helps strengthen the position of women in society. However, some of the most cited studies rely on questionnaires asking elected representatives about their attitudes and priorities, thus focusing on the input side of the political system. The closer one gets to outcomes in citizens’ everyday lives, the fewer empirical findings there are to report. In this study, we attempt to explain contemporary variations in gender equality at the sub-national level in Sweden. We use six indicators to capture a broad spectrum of everyday life situations. The overall finding is that having a high number of women elected does affect conditions for women citizens, making them more equal to men in terms of factors such as income levels, full-time vs. part-time employment, and distribution of parental leave between mothers and fathers, even when controlling for party ideology and modernization at the municipal level. No effect was found, however, on factors such as unemployment, poor health, and poverty among women. Thus, the politics of presence theory (Phillips, 1995), which emphasizes the importance of having a high number of women elected, does exert an effect, but the effect needs to be specified. For some dimensions of gender equality, the driving forces of change have more to do with general transformations of society than the equal distribution of women and men in elected assemblies. We thoroughly discuss measurement challenges since there is no accepted or straightforward way of testing the politics of presence theory. We challenge the conventional wisdom of using indexes to capture the network of circumstances that determines the relationship between women and men in society; aggregating several factors undermines the possibility of building fine-tuned understandings of the operative mechanisms.
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Eriksson, Anne-Louise. "Genusinkarnationer i kyrkans rum. En könad o-ordning." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 24, no. 3-4 (2022): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v24i3-4.4120.
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The Church of Sweden has undergone many changes concerningthe role of women duringthe last fifty years. This artide tries to investigate whether or not these changes really promotes gender equality in the church. Circumstances that on a surface level seems to be a step forward, like more women priests, can on a more hidden level point in another direction, a general weakening of the role of priests both in the society as a whole and in the church. In order to make the Church of Sweden more transparent I analyse it as if made up of (at least) three different rooms; a physical room (the church building where services are held), and two nonphysical rooms (the organisation that organises people and activities, and a divine room understood as the faith and teaching of the church). Gender understood both as a socially and culturally construal of what it is to be a woman or a man, here called "gender (without a body)", and as the individual expression of what it is to be a woman oraman, here called "gender with a body", is used to analyse the rooms. The three rooms obviously affect each other, but it is also clear that a change for the better from a feminist perspective in one of the rooms does not necessarily lead to a change in another room. So far feminist theologians in Sweden have paid much attention to what has been going on in the physical room. The article ends by stressing the importance of attention also for what goes on in the two non-physical rooms. That means a call for feminist politics in the organisation and a feminist theological re-construction of the "divine room".
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Andersson, Anton, Christofer Edling, and Jens Rydgren. ""In Sweden we shake hands" - but are we really." Sociologisk Forskning 54, no. 4 (2017): 377–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.54.18240.
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Motivated by a recent controversy over handshaking, a survey of the personal networks of young Swedes (n=2244) is used to describe greeting practices across social class, gender, immigrant background, and geographic location. While greeting practices in the sample are fairly uniform, there are also important differences. Handshaking is predominantly used by respondents with an immigrant background, men and women distinguish between greetings depending on the gender of the person they are greeting, and greeting practices differ between northern and southern Sweden as well as between rural and urban areas.
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Niskanen, Kirsti. "Kvinnopolitiskt engagemang i könsneutral vetenskap - Karin Kocks könsteoretiska analys under 1930-talet." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 22, no. 3-4 (2022): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v22i3-4.4282.
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In this artide, the Swedish economist Karin Kock's work "Kvinnoarbetet i Sverige" (Womens Work in Sweden) from 1938, is analysed as a "feminist empiricist" strategy of knowledge. Karin Kock earned a Ph.D. in economics from Stockholm University in 1929. After that, she built a successful career, first as a teacher and researcher at Stockholm University, låter as a government official and minister. She was the only woman economist active in Sweden before the 1970's. Kock was an organised feminist from the middle of the 1920'son. Married women's right to work was a controversial political issue in Sweden in the inter-war years, and Women's Work in Sweden was written as a part of a government investigation into that question. Kock based her theoretical work on women's wages and their situation on the labour märket on a large scale empirical investigation, which showed that the labour märket in Sweden was characterised by horizontal and vertical segregation, as it was in the other industrialised countries. Kock then utilised the difference between women's and men's wages as starting point for an analysis of the factors that influenced the supply and demand for women's labour, thereby combining neoclassical labour märket theory with institutionalist analysis. Women s Work in Sweden was the only work where Kock used her feminist commitment as a basis for formulating a scientific problem. The broad economic and social approach she developed in this work in the end of 1930's came to be the mainstream approach among feminist economists during the 1980's and 90's.
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Mier-Cruz, Benjamin. "Brown Eyed Boy: Narrating Internalized Oppression and Misogynoir in Jonas Hassen Khemiri’s Everything I Don’t Remember." Konturen 11 (2020): 128–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/konturen.11.0.4826.
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The rise of anti-immigrant sentiment and right-wing extremism in Sweden in the wake of growing migration has affected Sweden’s global reputation as a model progressive welfare state that prioritizes human rights and generously extends citizenship, welfare, and labor rights to migrants and asylum seekers. In Jonas Hassen Khemiri’s Allt jag inte minns [Everything I Don’t Remember] (2015), xenophobia, Islamophobia, and racialized heteronormativity appear in the unlikely form of Vandad, a hypermasculine Muslim immigrant who has secretly fallen in love with another Swedish Arab man. This study involves a narratological analysis of how internalized racism inspires the novel’s narrator of color to produce figurative narrative acts of internal colonialism—that is, violent narrative acts, made possible by the effects of racism, against other non-white characters in the story. The essay additionally explores how the objectification of non-white women’s bodies and acts of misogynoir, the anti-Black misogyny that Black women experience, by queer men of color in the text operate as secondhand technologies of oppression manufactured by the political discourse of the extreme right. The essay concludes with a critique of the far right’s exploitation of collective cultural memory to mass-produce white nationalism in the guise of tradition and the implications this has for non-white Swedes and migrants in Sweden.
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Velásquez, Juan. "Förortsfeminismens villkor - transversell politik." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 28, no. 3 (2022): 56–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v28i3.3880.
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Juan Velásquez is recognizing the difficulties that frame the fight against discrimination, segregation and racism in Sweden. Gender mainstreaming and anti-discrimination work usually go for disparate roads, in spite that growing racism, homophobia and antifeminism require bigger unification between civil society, administrators and the scientific community. To articulate these actors Velásquez proposes transversal politics. He has studied this type of transversal work within the frame of a research project conducted in the multicultural community of Fittja, Botkyrka municipality in the metropolitan region of Stockholm. To advance this work he has developed a perspective based on participatory research that has turned into a transversal research. From the interaction among municipal officials, women’s networks and researcher, Velásquez seeks to make two fundamental contributions to the discussion on transversal politics. The first one is to engage in the local community. Transversal politics has been lifted as a perspective to build feminist alliances to overcome global patriarchal structures, and case studies on micropolitics related to that discourse are still few. Both the way in which women performed diversity as well as the search for commonality among them is subject to a series of conditions that frame what Velásquez in the context of a multicultural suburb in the Swedish welfare state calls a suburban feminism. The second contribution is based on a study how women in a place like Fittja overcome the conditions that frame their political underrepresentation. Velásquez shows how women practice what feminist scholars named ”rooting” to analyse their subordinate condition, advancing dialogues where the use of affections and feelings are fundamental. These affections have been important to make ”shifting”, to go from the understanding of subordination to the construction of a local alliance to face the patriarchal outline that concern them. The understanding of the conditions that frame the construction of local feminist alliances is also analyzed in relation to the problems that urban governance can generate, when a transversal frame between women networks, the public administration and researcher is established in order to empower underrepresented groups among women.
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Clarke, Alice L. "Women, resources, and dispersal in nineteenth-century Sweden." Human Nature 4, no. 2 (1993): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02734113.
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Pettersson, Katarina. "Ideological dilemmas of female populist radical right politicians." European Journal of Women's Studies 24, no. 1 (2016): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506815617978.
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Radical right political parties are usually heavily male-dominated; accordingly, previous research has concentrated on the perspective of men. The present study aims to enhance the understanding of the worldview of women within radical right parties. Taking a critical discursive psychological approach, the study looks at how female populist radical right politicians in Sweden and Finland discursively negotiate the tension between the Nordic societal norm of gender equality, on the one hand, and the patriarchal ideology of populist radical right parties, on the other. The analysis suggests that the female populist radical right politicians’ discourse is indeed highly ambivalent. The discursive tension between gender equality and a patriarchal politics is heavily intertwined with two further tensions: first, that of a societal norm against prejudice versus a politics based on xenophobia; and second, that of a culture that cherishes individualism versus a political pressure to homogenize the political or cultural ‘Other’. The study compares the discourse of female populist radical right politicians in the two country contexts. Moreover, it discusses the differences and similarities between this discourse, on the one hand, and that of male populist radical right politicians, on the other. Finally, it analyses the gendered and racialized categorizations accomplished by the discursive patterns, and elaborates on their societal implications.
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Nyberg, Anita. "Gender Equality policy in Sweden: 1970s–2010s." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 2, no. 4 (2012): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v2i4.2305.
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The aim of this article is to give an overview of gender equality policy in Sweden from the 1970s until today. A number of political measures and whether these measures individually, as well as combined, have promoted gender equality and the dual-earner/dual-carer model are described and analyzed. The conclusion is that the right to part-time work, publicly financed child care, parental leave, and tax deductions for domestic services make it easier for mothers to reconcile work and family, but do not challenge the distribution of family responsibilities between women and men. However, the individual right for fathers to 2 months of parental leave does challenge the gender order, to a certain extent, and fathers today participate more in care and domestic work than earlier. The dual-earner/dual-carer family is closer at hand when women have a higher education and earnings and thereby greater bargaining power. Employed work is more conditional among women with a lower education level, i.e., they may be employed but under the constraint that they are still responsible for care and domestic work in the family. Another constraint in this group where many work part-time is the lack of available full-time positions in the labor market.
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Elgenius, Gabriella, and Magnus Wennerhag. "The changing political landscape of Sweden." Sociologisk Forskning 55, no. 2-3 (2018): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.55.18187.
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The political landscape in Sweden has undergone considerable changes in recent decades The number of political parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight, and the socio-economic issues of the traditional political right–left scale has been challenged by socio-cultural issues relating to lifestyle and identity. Notably, the notion of Swedish exceptionalism and the particularities of its welfare state is lingering despite findings pointing in the opposite direction e.g. with the increased electoral support for the radical right, and its ethno-nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. The corporatist model has been challenged by new forms of political authority, participation and representation. New political actors, such as social movements and civil society actors, think tanks and policy professionals, are becoming increasingly engaged in political processes. The long-term trend suggests that traditionally marginalised groups, such as the young, women and groups of migrant background, are represented in decision-making forums to a higher degree than before. Yet, current conditions need further analysis. In this article, we provide a background to Sociologisk Forskning’s special issue on the political landscape of the parliamentary election in 2018.
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Canning, Victoria. "Degradation by design: women and asylum in northern Europe." Race & Class 61, no. 1 (2019): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396819850986.
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The increasingly punitive measures taken by European governments to deter people seeking asylum, including increased use of detention, internalised controls, reductions in in-country rights and procedural safeguards, have a hugely damaging impact on the lives and wellbeing of women survivors of torture, sexual and domestic violence. This article, based on a two-year research project examining Britain, Denmark and Sweden, involved more than 500 hours speaking with people seeking asylum, as well as interviews with practitioners. It highlights among other issues non-adherence to the Istanbul Convention (for Denmark and Sweden, who have ratified it); non-application of gender guidelines; and significant wholesale violations of refugee rights. It demonstrates some of the ways in which increasingly harsh policies impact on women seeking asylum and highlights the experiences relayed by some who are affected: those stuck in asylum systems and practitioners seeking to provide support. Indeed, it indicates that women seeking asylum in Britain, Denmark and Sweden are made more vulnerable to violence due to the actions or inactions of the states that are supposed to protect them.
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Wagnsson, Charlotte, Eva-Karin Olsson, and Isabella Nilsen. "Gendered Views in a Feminist State: Swedish Opinions on Crime, Terrorism, and National Security." Gender & Society 34, no. 5 (2020): 790–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243220946029.
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Gender differences have been observed regarding many political and social issues, yet we lack comprehensive evidence on differences in perceptions on a wide range of security issues increasingly important to voters: military threats, criminality, and terrorism. Previous research suggests that when women are highly politically mobilized, as they are in Sweden, gender differences in political opinion are large. On the other hand, Swedish politicians have worked hard to reduce gender stereotypical thinking. This prompts the question: Are there gender differences in attitudes on security issues in Sweden, and if so, in what ways do the attitudes differ? This study is based on comprehensive data from focus groups and a large-scale survey. The results show that women were more prone to respond with an “ethic of care,” across security issues. Women were more inclined to understand security problems as structural, explained by macho culture, segregation, and injustice. Women tend to support preventive measures that provide individuals with opportunities to choose “the right path,” such as education and economic investment in deprived areas. When asked about national security, women believe more in diplomacy and dialogue. In general, women are less inclined to support various repressive solutions.
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Wottle, Martin, and Eva Blomberg. "Feminism och jämställdhet i en nyliberal kontext 1990-2010." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 32, no. 2-3 (2022): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v32i2-3.3550.
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The article discusses the relationship between gender equality politics and the advancement of neo-liberalism in Sweden from the 1980s–90s. As theoretical starting point serves a discussion by Nancy Fraser, concerning the relationship between feminism and neo-liberalism, and her fears that capitalism has co-opted the feminist agenda, in fact putting feminism in the service of market-liberalism. From many perspectives, it is evident that Swedish society, like so many in the Western world, has been subjected to the forces of market logic, imbuing the politics from conservatism to social-democracy alike. To what extent has this development affected feminism on the one hand, and gender equality politics on the other? Do we detect a new kind of liberal feminism? A neo-liberal feminism? The article makes use of empirical evidence concerning the current politics on behalf of the Liberal-Conservative Swedish Government to promote female entrepreneurship. Three political areas with relevance for both gender equality and the issue of female entrepreneurship are investigated: the future of the public welfare sector, the issue of tax-deduction for household services, and, finally, gender quotas and women on company boards. While promoting a politics where the market is increasingly substituted for the public welfare-sector, and offered as a solution in most political areas, the Liberal-Conservatives of today have nevertheless embraced a feminist rhetoric. Acknowledging the forces of ‘the gender powerorder’ and structural inequality is now a standard feature within liberal gender equality politics. This political merger between feminism and neo-liberal politics may be interpreted as just paying lip-service; as a way of reconciling a long tradition of consensus surrounding gender equality with the overall neo-liberal aim of transforming the entire society along market principles. But, we may also see a neo-liberal feminism in its own right, intent on expanding the field of gender equality to enterprise, ownership and economic power.
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Portocarero, Lucienne. "Social Mobility in France and Sweden: Women, Marriage and Work." Acta Sociologica 28, no. 3 (1985): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169938502800301.
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Munobwa, Jimmy Stephen, Fereshteh Ahmadi, and Mehrdad Darvishpour. "Diversity Barometer 2020: Attitudes towards Immigration and Ethnic Diversity in Sweden." Social Sciences 10, no. 10 (2021): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10100401.
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Migration is topical in many counties, and attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity are volatile. In our longitudinal “Diversity Barometer”, we have studied changes in Swedes’ attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity in Sweden since 2005, using a postal questionnaire sent to a random sample of the Swedish population aged 18–75. In this article, we analyzed data from 2020 (n = 1035) in comparison with previous Diversity Barometer surveys from 2005 to 2018. The findings showed that Swedes had increased contact with immigrants from the Middle East, Asia and Africa. The majority had good experiences of studying or working with people with foreign background, although those with bad experiences had also increased. Attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity were more positive in 2020, thereby stopping a negative trend that started with the refugee influx in 2015. Positive attitudes were more established among women, younger people, those with higher education, people living in larger cities and those with more contact with people with foreign background. Sympathizers of political parties closer to the left wing were more positive towards immigration and ethnic diversity. We used political correctness, contact theory, strain theory and theory about group conflict/threats to provide hypothetical explanations for the observed changes in attitudes.
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Ravnbøl, Camilla Ida. "The Human Rights of Minority Women: Romani Women's Rights from a Perspective on International Human Rights Law and Politics." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 1 (2010): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x12595859744123.
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AbstractThis article explores the complexities surrounding the human rights of minority women. With analytical focus on Romani women in Europe it seeks to contribute with new insight into the grey areas of rights issues, where groups within special rights categories share different human rights concerns, by being both women and members of a minority group. Through an investigation of how contemporary human rights law and politics serve to address the concerns of Romani women, it sheds light on the challenges that the Romani women's issue presents to the international human rights framework. These challenges go beyond the Romani issue only and into larger issues of women and minorities. It raises questions as to whether the historical separation between categories of gender and race/ethnicity within the international community in practice has become a gap that isolates Romani women from the human rights attention that they claim. It is argued that in order to strengthen the validity of human rights in the lives of Romani women, as a framework that ensures their full and equal protection, special attention needs to be given to interrelated grounds and forms of discrimination. “Intersectionality” is re-introduced as a concept to frame such new approaches to the human rights of Romani women. The article is a summary version of the thesis “The Human Rights of Minority Women: Challenging International Discourses with the Case of Romani Women”, for which the author was awarded the Martin Alexanderson Research Scholarship, administered by the Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lund, Sweden. This summary version brings forward the main arguments of the thesis which was an awarded EMA thesis 2006–2007 of the European University Institute in Venice. For this reason it does not present any new findings or data after 2007 but merely summarises the main chapters of the thesis. The thesis investigated the complexities surrounding Romani women's human rights at UN and European level. Thus, national systems and the regional systems in the Americas and Africa are excluded. The empirical data comes primarily from the European region.
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Schunter-Kleemann, Susanne. "Geschlechterdifferenz in der politischen Debatte zur europäischen Union?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no. 92 (1993): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i92.1030.
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Recent referenda and surveys in Denmark, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria show that women are the most determined opponents against the project of an Europoean Political Union. This article deals with the political debate among women in some European countries and identifies the main topics which stand in the center of women's reservations against the Maastricht Treaty. The new EC Information Policy (Le Clercq Report 1993) is presented, which claims to win back the confidence of the European Citizens. This new communication strategy adresses to women in a special way,
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CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.
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One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
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Ruppanner, Leah, Maria Brandén, and Jani Turunen. "Does Unequal Housework Lead to Divorce? Evidence from Sweden." Sociology 52, no. 1 (2017): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516674664.
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The lack of couple-level data hinders direct exploration of how inconsistencies in couples’ housework reports structure their relationship quality. We address this limitation by applying Swedish data from the 2009 Young Adult Panel Study ( N = 1057 couples) matched with Swedish register data (2009–2014) to extend equity theory by estimating mismatch in couples’ housework reports on relationship satisfaction and stability. We find women who report performing more housework are less likely to be satisfied with their relationships, and are more likely to consider breaking up. These unions are also more likely to dissolve. Using both partners’ housework reports, we document discrediting women’s housework contribution, or reporting she does less than she reports, is associated with lower relationship satisfaction. Women in these partnerships also consider breaking up, and the unions are more likely to dissolve. Our results identify the gendered impact of housework inequality on relationship stability.
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Galais, Carol, Patrik Öhberg, and Xavier Coller. "Endurance at the Top: Gender and Political Ambition of Spanish and Swedish MPs." Politics & Gender 12, no. 03 (2016): 596–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000416.
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The gender gap in political ambition is an important explanation for the absence of women in legislative assemblies. However, previous research on this matter is limited by two facts: it is conducted mostly in the United States and does not pay much attention to cultural and institutional factors. In this article, we test the extent to which established mechanisms behind female politicians' career ambitions—such as differentiated political socialization and family support for men and women—are related to gender inequality among parliamentarians. We also draw attention to other lesser-known aspects, such as political culture and gender policies. To do so, we compare Spain and Sweden, two countries with a relatively high number of female members of parliament (MPs) but different cultures and gender policies. We make use of two representative surveys on Swedish and Spanish MPs. The results show that female MPs in Spain have to sacrifice their family life more than Spanish males and Swedish MPs regardless of sex. In addition, Spanish female MPs' long-term political ambitions are more dependent on family support. Female MPs' ambition in Sweden, in turn, is highly influenced by a politicized upbringing.
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Wennerholm, Carina, Catherine Bromley, AnnaKarin Johansson, Staffan Nilsson, John Frank, and Tomas Faresjö. "Two tales of cardiovascular risks—middle-aged women living in Sweden and Scotland: a cross-sectional comparative study." BMJ Open 7, no. 8 (2017): e016527. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2017-016527.
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ObjectivesTo compare cardiovascular risk factors as well as rates of cardiovascular diseases in middle-aged women from urban areas in Scotland and Sweden.DesignComparative cross-sectional study.SettingData from the general population in urban areas of Scotland and the general population in two major Swedish cities in southeast Sweden, south of Stockholm.ParticipantsComparable data of middle-aged women (40–65 years) from the Scottish Health Survey (n=6250) and the Swedish QWIN study (n=741) were merged together into a new dataset (n=6991 participants).Main outcome measureWe compared middle-aged women in urban areas in Sweden and Scotland regarding risk factors for cardiovascular disease (CVD), CVD diagnosis, anthropometrics, psychological distress and lifestyle.ResultsIn almost all measurements, there were significant differences between the countries, favouring the Swedish women. Scottish women demonstrated a higher frequency of alcohol consumption, smoking, obesity, low vegetable consumption, a sedentary lifestyle and also more psychological distress. For doctor-diagnosed coronary heart disease, there were also significant differences, with a higher prevalence among the Scottish women.ConclusionsThis is one of the first studies that clearly shows that Scottish middle-aged women are particularly affected by a worse profile of CVD risks. The profound differences in CVD risk and outcome frequency in the two populations are likely to have arisen from differences in the two groups of women's social, cultural, political and economic environments.
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Gemzöe, Lena. "Solidarity in Head-Scarf and Pussy Bow Blouse: Reflections on Feminist Activism and Knowledge Production." Social Inclusion 6, no. 4 (2018): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i4.1563.
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The author of this article discusses the ways in which gender equality and intersectionality are understood and enacted in two recent feminist campaigns in Sweden that use similar techniques to mobilise support for different causes. The first campaign is the so-called Hijab Call-to-Action, a solidarity action that took place in 2013 in which women in Sweden wore a hijab (the Muslim headscarf) for one day in defence of Muslim women’s rights. This campaign manifests the ways in which the notion of gender equality brings with it a norm of secularity, but also how the equation of equality and secularity is contested. The second feminist campaign discussed is the so-called Pussy Bow Blouse manifestation that aimed at taking a stand in the controversies surrounding the Swedish Academy as a result of the Metoo campaign in Sweden. The author looks at the political and discursive processes enfolded in these campaigns as a sort of collective learning processes that connect feminist activism and scholarship. A key concern is to critically analyse a binary model of powerless versus gender-equal or feminist women that figure in both debates. Further, the author shows that both campaigns appeal to solidarity through identification, but at the same time underscore the contingent and coalitional nature of identity in the act of dressing in a scarf or a blouse to take on a (political) identity for a day.
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Johansson, Joakim, and Linda Asplund Bergström. "The Gendered Parenting of Political Leaders." Advancing Women in Leadership Journal 35 (June 12, 2017): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21423/awlj-v35.a134.
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Do we have different expectations of male and female politicians regarding parenting when young children are involved? If so, what are the implications for political citizenship? The aim of this article was to examine the construction of parenting and gender in the portrayal in Swedish print media of high-ranking politicians Gustav Fridolin, leader of the Green Party, and Birgitta Ohlsson, a Liberal Party member of the Swedish Government. The study covers reporting from 2010 up to the end of 2012. Methodologically, a discourse analysis based on discourse theory was performed, implying a textual analysis of 39 articles through gender theoretical lenses. Although fathers were seen as primary caregivers in some of the articles, a recurrent phenomenon was the repetition in Swedish newspaper articles of the idea that mothers rather than fathers should be considered primary caregivers. Furthermore, since Ohlsson was criticized for not choosing parental leave and the critical remarks about Fridolin were instead about him choosing parental leave, the different expectations on women as mothers and men as fathers in politics imply that even in a Nordic country context young children are a greater obstacle for female rather than for male politicians. Thus, gender inequalities between women's and men's political citizenship continue to persist in Sweden.
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Af Petersens, Lovisa. ""Klokt tal af kloka kvinnor" - en kort presentation av Kvinnokonferensen i Stockholm 1897." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 22, no. 2 (2022): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v22i2.4297.
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In September 1897, simultaneously with the Art and Industry Exhibition, the first women's conference ever held in Sweden took place in Stockholm. It was arranged by the National Council of Women of Sweden. Holding a public conference such as this was an important way for women to gain access into the public sphere; a sphere traditionally dominated by men. Conferences were also important means of making manifestos public. Information was spread to the press in advance, and during the conference there w a s daily coverage in the press. The conference assembled 276 delegates, mostly Swedish women, but also delegates from the other Nordic countries. The main theme of the conference was the women's work. The sixteen speeches that were given is dividable into two categories. One category, can be said to include speeches focused on traditional forms of female labour, on work which was looked upon as feminine or work where feminine hereditary characteristics were seen as advantageous. The other category dealt with women's tasks in a more structural way. Speeches were made urging changes in the social and political situation of women. However, the conference was not only important as place to present present different manifestos in public. It also of great significance that women took to the platform and delivered their messages in a professional way. By doing this women gained access to the public sphere. Finally, the conference was highly important both in creating a network between women and in emphasizing the unity of the delegates.
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Annesley, Claire, and Susan Franceschet. "Gender and the Executive Branch." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (2015): 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000446.
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The executive branch of government constitutes the pinnacle of political power. In principle, presidents and prime ministers, along with their cabinets, set the policy agenda, debate, and deliberate policy initiatives; introduce legislation; and oversee the implementation of public policies. Executives are the most visible political actors, representing the public “face” of government. Until very recently, executives were also the most masculinized of political institutions, with women absent entirely from the position of prime minister or president until the 1960s, and, at least until the last decade, holding only a small number of posts in cabinet. Yet one of the most striking global trends in recent years is the growing number of women elected to the post of prime minister or president: at the time of writing there are 12 countries where a woman occupies the top political office. A growing number of women are also being appointed cabinet ministers and, in some cases, to some of the most traditionally masculine posts. It is common today to define “parity” cabinets as those where women hold between 40% and 60% of ministerial portfolios. With that definition, countries as different as Spain, Bolivia, Sweden, and South Africa have had gender parity in cabinet. What is more, women's presence in cabinet is now a firmly established norm. Among the first questions raised by commentators after a newly elected president or prime minister announces her cabinet are, how many women were appointed? To which portfolios were they assigned?
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Hagqvist, Emma, Susanna Toivanen, and Stig Vinberg. "The gender time gap: Time use among self-employed women and men compared to paid employees in Sweden." Time & Society 28, no. 2 (2016): 680–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x16683969.
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In this article, the authors set out to study the time use of men and women in Sweden, comparing self-employed and employed individuals. Previous studies indicate that there are reasons to believe that both gendered time use and mechanisms related to time use might differ between the self-employed and employees. Employing time use data, the aim was to study whether there are differences in gendered time use between self-employed individuals and employees in Sweden, and furthermore, which mechanism relates to gendered time use among self-employed individuals and employees. The results show that self-employed men and women distribute their time in a more gender-traditional manner than employees. In addition, relative resources are found to be an important factor related to gendered time use among the self-employed. For employees, gender relations tend to be a mechanism related to gendered time use. The conclusion is that working conditions are important for gendered time use and should be considered in future studies.
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Chudnovskaya, Margarita, and Ridhi Kashyap. "Is the End of Educational Hypergamy the End of Status Hypergamy? Evidence from Sweden." European Sociological Review 36, no. 3 (2019): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz065.
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Abstract The reversal of the gender gap in higher education has been a major social transformation: women now outnumber men in higher education in nearly all OECD countries. Patterns of assortative mating have also changed as highly educated women increasingly form relationships with men who have less education (hypogamous unions). In this article, we draw on rich register data from Sweden to ask whether the emergence of hypogamous unions signals the emergence of a new female status dominance in unions. We also consider how the status distribution in these unions compares to homogamous (both highly educated) or hypergamous (he highly educated) unions. We use Swedish register data and study couples who have their first child together. We refer to a multi-dimensional view of status and use indicators of social class background, income, and occupational prestige. We find that in hypogamous unions, women tend to have a higher social class background and occupational prestige, but lower income than their partners. The income gap between partners is not simply a consequence of the gender wage gap, but driven by selection into different union types. Men and women who form hypogamous unions are negatively selected in terms of their income.
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Duroux, Rose. "Help of neutral countries in the return to life of the Women deportees from Ravensbrück camp. The Spanish Women case." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 2 (2019): 024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.024.
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Nothing more usual than to find Spanish refugees of 1939 in the French Resistance as they continued their fight against fascism. Therefore, hundreds of Spaniards where caught in the nets of the Vichy Government and the Gestapo. They are imprisoned in the French jails (Toulouse, Montluc, Fresnes, Compiègne, etc.) alongside the French Resistant women. Both will be piled up in wagons to the camps of the Third Reich. Many ended at the women’s camp in Ravensbrück. Usually, the Spaniards were labelled “F”, “French”, because they were arrested in France. This “F” was part of the “red triangle” of the “political prisoners”. Some were even classified NN (Nacht und Nebel), i.e. called to disappear without a trace. As they were recognized by nobody (neither the French nor the Spaniards), this means: no mail, no parcels. They held on for life thanks to the links they forged randomly across blocks, satellite camps, languages, affinities... However, many died. For some of them, the release arrived in April 1944, thanks to “neutral” countries initiatives: in fact, a few Spanish women were able to slip into the Red Cross convoys transiting through Switzerland, which were initially reserved for French women. Others returned by Sweden. Others, finally, faced the apocalyptic evacuation of the camps of 1945 and the “marches of death”. We propose to study “the return to life” helps through some cases – obviously return to France since there could be no possible repatriation for these Spanish anti-fascist survivors, as the victory of the Allies did not affect General Franco’s power. After returning to France, this help continued for two or three years, in particular thanks to convalescent stays in Switzerland, Sweden and somewhere else, and thanks to one-off material contributions from the Swiss Grant (“Don suisse”) or from various organizations.
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Folke, Olle, Johanna Rickne, Seiki Tanaka, and Yasuka Tateishi. "Sexual Harassment of Women Leaders." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (2020): 180–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01781.
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Sexual harassment is more prevalent for women supervisors than for women employees. This pattern holds in the three countries we studied – the United States, Japan, and Sweden – where women supervisors are between 30 to 100 percent more likely to have been sexually harassed in the last twelve months. Among supervisors, the risk is larger in lower- and mid-level positions of leadership and when subordinates are mostly male. We also find that harassment of women supervisors happens despite their greater likelihood of taking action against the abuser, and that supervisors face more professional and social retaliation after their harassment experience. We conclude that sexual harassment is a workplace hazard that raises the costs for women to pursue leadership ambitions and, in turn, reinforces gender gaps in income, status, and voice.
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Rodriguez Martinez, Pilar. "Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Scandinavia and Southern Europe." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 3 (2019): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341500.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article will focus on the significant differences shown by the data found by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) survey of women who may or may not have suffered physical Intimate Partner Violence against Women (IPVAW). The authors present the model and result of the discriminant function analysis that they carried out separately for the countries from southern Europe (Spain, Italy, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, and Malta) and Scandinavia (Denmark, Finland, and Sweden). Their hypotheses were that women with less income, lower educational level, who are divorced, who have children, are from rural areas, who are housewives, with bad health, older aged, immigrants, and those who had suffered some physical violence from other people – apart from the partner or ex-partner –, will suffer more violence than the rest of women. One of the most relevant conclusions from their analysis was this: the more often a woman experienced physical violence from someone other than a partner/ex-partner beginning at the age of 15 years old, the more probable it will be that she will suffer IPVAW. The authors discuss this and other significant findings here.
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Estrada, Felipe, Anders Nilsson, and Olof Bäckman. "The gender gap in crime is decreasing, but who’s growing equal to whom?" Sociologisk Forskning 54, no. 4 (2017): 359–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.54.18236.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The declining gender gap in crime, observed in many Western countries, including Sweden, is often interpreted as showing an alarming shift in the offending of young women. Explanations to the observed pattern are often based on an assumption that women are increasingly coming to mimic the criminal behaviour of men, while we in this essay argue that to the extent behavioural change is at play, it is rather the other way around: men mimic women’s behaviour.
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Duvander, Ann-Zophie, Maria Brandén, Susanne Fahlén, and Sofi Ohlsson-Wijk. "Women have a stronger say in couples’ decisions to have a child." Sociologisk Forskning 54, no. 4 (2017): 307–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.54.18227.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sweden stands out as a forerunner in the development of gender equality and family dynamics. To deepen the knowledge on power distribution and gender dynamics of couple relations, we investigate how women and men’s childbearing intentions influence actual childbearing behavior. The Young Adult Panel Study (YAPS) has information on both partners’ childbearing intentions in 2009, which we follow for five years with register data on childbearing. The results indicate that women’s childbearing intentions are more important than men’s intentions in determining actual childbirths.
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BARRY, JIM, JOHN CHANDLER, and ELISABETH BERG. "WOMEN?S MOVEMENTS AND NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT: HIGHER EDUCATION IN SWEDEN AND ENGLAND." Public Administration 85, no. 1 (2007): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.2007.00636.x.
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Kurowska, Anna. "Gendered Effects of Home-Based Work on Parents’ Capability to Balance Work with Non-work: Two Countries with Different Models of Division of Labour Compared." Social Indicators Research 151, no. 2 (2018): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-018-2034-9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis paper explores gendered impact of home-based work (HBW) on the capability to balance work with non-work in double-earner families with dependent children in two countries with distinct models of division of labour: Poland and Sweden. At first, I critically engage with the WLB conceptualization in HBW studies and try to address identified gaps. Driving from the theoretical concept of ‘burden of responsibilities’ and setting it in the capability approach, I propose to operationalize the capability to balance work with non-work as a latent construct, observed through two indicators of the burden of unpaid work responsibilities related to one’s engagement in paid work. To simultaneously measure this capability as a latent construct and the impact of HBW on this capability, I estimate a simple structural equation model for each country. The results show that men in both countries have higher capabilities to balance work with non-work than women, but the difference between genders is smaller in Sweden. I also find that HBW is related to lower capability to balance work with non-work for mothers in both countries and for fathers in Sweden only. The results of this study show that in a relatively gender equal society (Sweden) the negative impact of home based work on the capability to balance work with non-work affects both genders. On the contrary—in a more traditional society (Poland), men are able to ‘escape’ the trap of double burden of paid and unpaid work when working from home while women do not.