Thèses : « Women in politics – Sweden »

1

Johnston, Michelle. « Women in legislative politics, a comparative study of Canada, Norway and Sweden ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24968.pdf.

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Singh, Sanaya. « Challenges faced by women for vertical mobility in politics : a comparitive study between Sweden and India ». Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-11226.

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The aim of this thesis is to explore the challenges women face for vertical mobility in politics in India and Sweden, the similarities and differences. Gender empowerment and equal opportunities are essential features for an egalitarian society, development, national and international peace. Promoting gender empowerment through women’s effective participation in politics is a structural interventional approach in social work. However studies show women face numerous obstacles in achieving political representation. Gender inequality, inequitable division of labour, cultural attitudes, electoral systems are some reasons which subjugate women and limit their representation in public life. Sweden and India differ immensely in all of these factors and more. However, similarity in these nations is the low representation of women councillors in key decision making positions in governance; resulting in exclusion of women’s interests and issues in public policy. In-depth interviews conducted with six respondents from both nations analysed in a feministic framework reveal cultural, ideological, socio-economic and political structures as common challenges. Social work interventions in all these spheres can lead to sustainable empowerment for women. Keywords; Gender empowerment, structural social work, women’s political representation, vertical mobility in politics, India, Sweden

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Legg, Meredith. « WOMEN, WORK AND WELFARE : A CASE STUDY OF GERMANY, THE UK, AND SWEDEN ». Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2010. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002974.

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Waltman, Max. « The Politics of Legal Challenges to Pornography : Canada, Sweden, and the United States ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-109040.

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The dissertation analyzes obstacles and potential in democracies, specifically Canada, Sweden, and United States, to effectively address empirically documented harms of pornography. Legislative and judicial challenges under different democratic and legal frameworks are compared. Adopting a problem-driven theoretical approach, the reality of pornography’s harms is analyzed. Evidence shows its production exploits existing inequalities among persons typically drawn from other forms of prostitution who suffer multiple disadvantages, such as extreme poverty, childhood sexual abuse, and race and gender discrimination, making survival alternatives remote. Consumption is also divided by sex. A majority of young adult men consumes pornography frequently; women rarely do, usually not unless initiated by others. After consumption, studies show many normal men become substantially more sexually aggressive and increasingly trivialize and support violence against women. Vulnerable populations—including battered, raped, or prostituted women—are most harmed as a result. The impact of attempts to address pornography’s harms on democratic rights and freedoms, specifically gender equality and speech, is explored through the case studies. Democracies are found to provide more favorable conditions for legal challenges to pornography’s harms when recognizing substantive (not formal) equality in law, and when promoting representation of perspectives and interests of groups particularly injured by pornography. State-implemented approaches such as criminal obscenity laws are found less effective. More victim-centered and survivor-initiated civil rights approaches would be more responsive and remedial—a finding with implications for other politico-legal problems, such as global warming, that disproportionately affect disadvantaged populations traditionally largely excluded from decision-making.

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McColl, Heidi. « Men in Power : The Significance of the Representation of Women in terms of Gender Equality in the National Legislatures of Sweden and Canada ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2726.

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The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters.

In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.

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Broqvist, Hilda. « Differentiating the Nordic Baseline : Differences in state responses to violence against women in Denmark, Finland, and Sweden ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412520.

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In international humanitarian discourse, gender-based violence against women have long been recognised as a human rights violation and described as the most extreme expression of unequal power relations between men and women (UN 1993). Using a qualitative content analysis to examine the GREVIO reports of Denmark, Finland, and Sweden, the aim of this thesis is to outline the differences between and within these states regarding their response to violence against women. Drawing on insights from feminist political theory, and especially Nordic feminist theorists, these differences are made visible using the three concepts: hegemonic discourse, contradictory effects, and boundaries (Kantola and Dahl 2005). The theoretical background is complemented by theoretical contributions from feminist understandings of violence against women. In analysing the main differences between the states, many of these differences can be derived from the fact that the three states frame the violence differently, with Sweden adopting a gender-based frame while Denmark and Finland adopt gender-neutral frames of the violence. In analysing differences within states, there are two distinct forms of differences: differences due to a gap between principle and practice, and differences between various parts of the country. The findings of this thesis may provide a base for future in-depth studies of the Nordic, women-friendly, welfare states.

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Littmann, Linnea, et Lindblad Jenny Höglund. « Different Strokes for Different Folks : An intersectional analysis of the political discourse concerning migrant women exposed to domestic violence in Sweden ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-77574.

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The object of this thesis was to deepen the understanding of the contemporary political discourse regarding migrant women exposed to domestic violence. This was conducted by analysing propositions, motions and interpellation debates raising the issue during the years 2000-2012. The method used was inspired by Foucault’s discourse analysis and the traditional hermeneutic approach. The result showed how several different mechanisms work to both include and exclude these women from the Swedish welfare system. By being women they are included in the political debate regarding men’s violence against women, but their migrant status excludes them from it at the same time. When migrant women are exposed to domestic violence it is often seen as an individual problem even though men’s violence against women generally is seen as a structural problem. Several conflicts of interests were also found. One of them being whether migrant women are to be warned if their partners have abused women before. The man’s right to integrity stands against the woman’s right to protection. Another conflict is the fear of the migration right being abused, which is pitted against the migrant women’s rights. To summarize the analysis this thesis has shown how the portraying of migrant women as different in the political discourse plays an important role in creating conflicts of interest and to some extent exclude them from the welfare system. Women’s right seem to apply only to certain women under certain circumstances. An intersectional perspective was necessary for understanding the complexity of the situation, taking into account how different power relations interact and construct the contemporary discourse.

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Sadikot, Minaz. « Integration in Sweden : A qualitative study of immigrant women and their journey to integrate into the Swedish society ». Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Statsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15342.

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The purpose of this study is to identify the problems that immigrant women face when attempting to integrate in the Swedish society. The investigation seeks to scrutinize the aspects that facilitate in this process of integration for non-Swedish women and whether the administrative authorities responsible for handling matters of integration does so in an efficient way? This is a qualitative study where a bottom-up approach has been implemented. The study revolves around 5 interviews that have been conducted with immigrant women, who have narrated their situation from which a number of aspects have been chosen to highlight the integration problems that have risen in Sweden. These factors that have been identified in the study are: ‘cultural differences’, ‘gender roles’, ‘discrimination’, the importance of the language’, residential segregation’ and ‘the roles of the administrative authorities’. The empirical evidence drawn from the before mentioned interviews has been combined with theoretical material in order to strengthen the credibility of the study. The thesis ends with a concluding discussion where emphasis has been put on evaluating the findings of the thesis and aiming to provide an answer to the research questions. The conclusion and thus the results of the study displays that the Swedish government has indeed taken measures to improve the situation. Yet, issues such as societal and institutional discrimination, residential segregation and cultural barriers between groups remain evident, creating immense difficulties for the immigrants to become part of the Swedish society.
Syftet med denna studie är att identifiera de problem som invandrade kvinnor möter i integreringen i det svenska samhället. Undersökningen ifrågasätter aspekter som underlättar icke-svenska kvinnors integration i det svenska samhället och om de administrativa myndigheterna hanterar integrationsfrågorna på ett effektivt sätt? Detta är en kvalitativ studie, där ett bottom-up-strategi har tillämpats. Studien kretsar kring 5 intervjuer som har genomförts med invandrarkvinnor, som har återberättat sin situation från vilket ett antal aspekter har valts för att lyfta upp de integrations problem som har uppstått i Sverige. De faktorer som har identifierats i studien är: "kulturella skillnader", "könsroller", "diskriminering", betydelsen av språket, “boende segregation” och de "administrativa myndigheternas roller". Den empiriska delen har kombinerats med den teoretiska för att stärka trovärdigheten i studien. Uppsatsen avslutas med en sammanfattande diskussion där vikt har lagts på att utvärdera resultaten av uppsatsen och syftar åt att tillhandahålla ett svar på frågeställningarna. Slutsatsen av denna studie påvisar att den svenska regeringen förvisso har vidtagit åtgärder för att förbättra situationen, men att frågor som samhällelig och institutionell diskriminering, bostads segregation och kulturella barriärer mellan grupper fortsätter att existera, vilket skapar svårigheter för invandrare att bli en del av det svenska samhället.

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Nicklasson, Stina. « Högerns kvinnor : problem och resurs för Allmänna valmansförbundet perioden 1900-1936/37 / ». Stockholm : Almqvist & ; Wiksell, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36657007c.

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Rova, Emmy. « Sverigedemokraterna och kvinnan : En kvalitativ textanalys av Sverigedemokraternas kvinnosyn under 1989-2018 ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100159.

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The following study is a qualitative text analysis and an idea- and ideologyanalysis with the aim of examining the Sweden Democrats view on women over time and if the party’s organizational and ideological development is reflected in the party’s ideas regarding women’s role in society. The material of research consists of the Sweden Democrats party programs which has been analysed through conservatism and populism, which is the theoretical framework of this study. The results of the analysis have been divided into three different time periods and the first period between 1989-1999 indicated a strong connection between the Sweden Democrats view on women and a conservative view on women. During the second and third time period, between the years 1999-2018, the operational indicators for a conservative view on women could not be discovered, however several operational indicators which indicated a populistic view on women could be established. Previous academic research has categorized the Sweden Democrats view on women as conservative, but the results of this study´s analysis argues that the party´s view on women rather should be described as populism.

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KUNKA, AGATA. « “How can we understand the role of education?” A qualitative content analysis of resources, agency, and achievements of the situation of migrant women in Sweden and their political and social empowerment ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23145.

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Migration has been an extensive topic in Sweden as it has been debated and discussed through various perspectives such as through the political and social participation. Within this scope of research education is one of many important factors that enhance political and social participation within migrant women (Atger, 2009). This research aims to analyze the role of educating migrant women in empowering them to acknowledge their political and social development through the tool of empowerment theory of Naila Kabeer; resources, agency, and achievements (1999). Resources have been examined as economic, human and social ones by the tool of content analysis. Agency refers to the ability of individuals to recognize and act upon choices available to them; decision-making process (Ibid). Achievements include women participation in different organizations, political parties and in the labor market. This paper analyses education that empowers migrant women through resources, agency and achievements to become a socially and politically active agent in Sweden.

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Bolin, Nici. « #MeToo-rörelsens förändring : -Vänsterpartiet och Moderaternas kriminalpolitik innan och efter Me Too ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104104.

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One of the major debates in Swedish politics today is violence in close relationships and against women and children. The debate has grown stronger since 2017 when Me Too revolutionized the world. This study is analyzed from a structural perspective, where Me Too is a social movement and whether it has influenced or somehow changed the criminal policy of Vänsterpartiet and Moderaterna. The focus will lay on sexual crimes. The study intends to analyze the parties' criminal policy with a focus on sexual crime issues between the years 2013 to 2020 to see if Me Too after 2017 has created change. For this study, selected motions have been taken from the parliament website and presented in an analysis. That material also accounts for the central parts of this study. As a theory for this thesis, the structure and actor model will apply. Here, Me Too stands as structure and the parties as actors. With the help of the model, the outcome of the policy should be studied over time. The structure and actors model is applied in the results in the analysis of the parties' motions. The study will seek answers to two questions. These two are, What are the similarities and differences between the criminal policy of Vänsterpartiet and Moderaterna when it comes to sexual crimes. As a concluding discussion question, the study tries to develop whether the social movement Me Too has made any impact on the parties' criminal policy regarding sexual crimes. The conclusion of this study is that the parties differ as Vänsterpartiet is based on a feminist ideology and wants to see old norms and social structures in the form of patriarchy broken. Moderates including the debate as an integration problem. They both agree that Me Too has created change for women both in Sweden and worldwide and helped direct the spotlight on this societal problem.

Utveckla de valda partiets ideologier och motivera den valda metoden.

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Bittner-Gibbs, Alyssa. « Vi är verklighetens röst. (We are the voice of reality.) : A critical discourse analysis of SD-Kvinnor on Facebook from 2014-2018 ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-170579.

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Internationally recognized for and culturally self-identifying as a gender equality advocate, Sweden has seen a recent uptick in popular support among women voters for its far-right nationalist political party, the Sweden Democrats (SD). While nationalist movements are primarily distinguished by their nativist political rhetoric, academic study has consistently shown that nationalism also consistently promotes a traditional gender duality while denouncing feminism and gender equality practices. Likewise, SD also consistently opposes feminist and gender equality practices in stark contrast with mainstream Swedish political parties. This qualitative discourse analysis collected, categorized, and analyzed recent Facebook posts circulated by the Sweden Democrat Women's Association (Sverigedemokraterna kvinnoförbund) leadership to identify why women (ostensibly) served by Swedish state feminism vote for and even join SD in a leadership capacity. By utilizing constructivist theoretical frameworks of social and cultural identity with a post-structural analytical methodology focusing on problem conception, representation and dissemination, the resulting analysis shows that the dominating discursive theme is practically summarized as: "(in)security." In short, SD women perceive Sweden's (equality) feminism as unrelatable, irrelevant and/or intrusive in an "everyday" existence framed by a rapidly changing Swedish society due to record immigration, increased economic insecurity, and a weakening welfare state. In closing, three prime research areas are identified for future study: image-based content analysis of SD's political messaging, increased incorporation of security frameworks in investigative writing, as well as broadened research into how Swedish equality feminism can best include two consistently detached societal clusters: native-Swedish conservative and non-Western immigrant women.

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Marklund, Anna, et Mikaela Larsson. « Unga kvinnors syn på sex : En komparativ studie mellan Sverige och Nederländerna ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för socialt arbete, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-170577.

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Synen på sex kan se väldigt olika ut beroende på dess kontext, och för att kunna förstå sex och sexualitet i sin helhet krävs det att det ses ur sitt sociala, historiska, kulturella och politiska sammanhang. Studien utgår från en komparativ ansats, då den avser att identifiera eventuella samband och skillnader mellan Sverige och Nederländerna kring synen på sex, samt vad som kan vara orsaken till dessa. Som jämförande länder valdes Sverige och Nederländerna då de kan ses som varandras motpoler när det kommer till konservativa och liberala värderingar. Studien undersöker sex utifrån unga kvinnors perspektiv, och material har samlats in med hjälp av semistrukturerade intervjuer i respektive land. Således är syftet med studien att undersöka unga kvinnors syn på sex i Sverige samt Nederländerna. Resultaten visade att trots olika värderingar och politiska åsikter i länderna så har unga kvinnor liknande tankar och upplevelser när det kommer till synen på sex. Den främsta förklaringen till de liknande åsikterna kopplas till feminismens utveckling samt internet som informationskälla. Den största skillnaden i åsikter hos kvinnorna var kring sexuellt arbete såsom prostitution, där kvinnorna i Sverige var negativa medan kvinnorna i Nederländerna var positiva, men med en viss skepticism. En möjlig förklaring till att kvinnorna i Nederländerna var mer positiva till prostitution var på grund av normaliseringen som skett genom inflytande från politiken.

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Stojanac, Sanja, Helena Nguyen et Daniella Baubec. « Women on the Corporate Board in Sweden ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Business Administration, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-13077.

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Women are often predominated in so-called "women´s jobs" including nursing, teaching and administration while jobs such as manager, board of director and financier are dominated by men. Hence, the corporate board has been male-dominated. However, in recent decades the number of women entering the boardroom has increased. Women are aware of their opportunites in terms of managerial jobs. Nevertheless, Sweden has one of the highest levels of gender equality in the world. Women with business experience and education are steadily moving upp the corporate ladder. The importance of female directors´ contributions on the corporate board has been recognized. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how women contribute on the corporate board in Sweden. The focus of the study lies on the perspectives of female and male directors. The study was conducted with the use of a qualitative method. It provided us with an understanding of the subject based on respondents´ experience. In order tol fulfill the purpose, eight semi-structured interviews were conducted with male and female directors on the corporate board in Sweden. The empirical data was analyzed by the process of qualitative data analysis (QDA). We have increased the knowledge of female directors´ contributions on the corporate board in Sweden. Female directors do not posses a profound understanding of female customers. There is a strong link between female representatives and enhanced board communication. Furthermore, there is no relation between female directors and companies´ involvement in charitable activities. There is no difference in the way female and male directors monitor the board.

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Lindvall, Johannes. « The politics of purpose : Swedish macroeconomic policy after the golden age / ». Göteborg : Department of political science, Göteborg university, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39244072m.

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Milani, Tommaso M. « Debating Swedish : Language Politics and Ideology in Contemporary Sweden ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Centre for Research on Bilingualism, Stockholm university, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6831.

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Anderson, Karen M. « The welfare state in the global economy : the politics of social insurance retrenchment in Sweden, 1990-1998 / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10755.

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au, kyliespear@optusnet com, et Kylie Murphy. « Bitch : The Politics of Angry Women ». Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040820.135459.

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Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of womens battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.

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Stormont, Diane. « Hong Kong : politics, women and power / ». Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24534432.

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Murphy, Kylie. « Bitch : the politics of angry women ». Thesis, Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch : the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/217/.

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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.

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Murphy, Kylie. « Bitch : the politics of angry women / ». Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch : the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/217/.

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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.

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Möllerop, Christian Antoni. « Feminism and foreign policy – the case of Sweden ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-178150.

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There is a lack of a feminist perspective within general theories of international relations, but also in those documents that represents the basis for foreign policy, and a feminist assessment of the same. Assessment-tools for foreign policy that constitute a feminist perspective are therefore very limited, and an explanatory factor for the lack of such tools may be that there are a various number of feminist perspectives that rest on different ontological grounds. The purpose of this thesis was to explore how it is possible to theoretically justify a framework for feminist assessment of foreign policy. Proceeding from this theoretical justification, construct a specific methodology including a framework for feminist assessment of foreign policy, and lastly to test the viability and usefulness of the proposed methodology by using the action plan, “Swedish Foreign Service action plan for feminist foreign policy 2015 - 2018 including focus areas for 2016” as an empirical case study. This study concludes that it is possible to theoretically justify the construction of such an assessment-tool in spite of variations within feminist theorizing. A methodology and a framework was developed and tested on Sweden’s action-plan for its feminist foreign policy. The methodology developed in this study made it possible to identify what type of feminism the action-plan represents, but also which areas that is left alone and should be dealt with. It is also concluded that the plan consist of a type of rights-based feminism that focuses on the inclusion of woman in all areas of society, the particular vulnerability women represent concerning violence, sexual violence, domestic violence and that politics also must be concerned about issues regarding women’s private life and autonomy.

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Boakye-Yiadom, Dahl Herta. « Career Challenges Faced by Professional Black Women in Sweden ». ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/5678.

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Academically and professionally qualified Black women who immigrated to Sweden from the United States and the continent of Africa encounter barriers that may hinder their career opportunities. The unstable labor market position of foreigners required efforts by the Swedish government to address the problem. Little is known about the unique and specific challenges that qualified Black immigrant women experience when integrating into the Swedish labor market with foreign qualifications and professional experience. Guided by Durkheim's social integration theory, the purpose of this phenomenological study was to evaluate the lived experiences of Black immigrant women as they integrated into the Swedish labor market with foreign education and professional experience. Using a Facebook group and an organization promoting Black women in Europe, data were collected through 9 semistructured, open-ended interviews with Black immigrant women who lived in Sweden for at least 7 years. Data were then coded and analyzed using Moustakas' framework. Using thematic analysis produced the following themes: reevaluation of labor market policy and Swedish language, networking, and discrimination. Results from this research provide a framework for the Swedish government, public, and private organizations to direct future research, enhance labor market integration opportunities for academically and professionally qualified Black women and other immigrants, and inform the public about current debates and propositions for modifications to labor integration policies.

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Nordlund, Suvi, et Satu Kivilahti. « Women´s Opinions on Pay Differentials between Women and Men in Finland and Sweden ». Thesis, Stockholm University, School of Business, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6560.

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Lidskog, Rolf. « Radioactive and hazardous waste management in Sweden : movements, politics and science / ». Uppsala : Uppsala University, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35723455s.

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Birjandifar, Nazak. « Royal women and politics in Safavid Iran ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98540.

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This thesis is a study of two major figures among the royal Safavid women in the sixteenth century, with a special focus on their political activities and style of leadership. I examine the socio-political careers of Pari Khan Khanum (955-985/1548-1578) and Mahd-i 'Ulya (d.987/1579) in connection with family and dynastic politics as well as the power struggle and factionalism among the qizilbash tribes. A detailed analysis of these powerful female political figures of the Safavid court leads one to conclude that first, royal women faced particularly complex social and personal restrictions, but nonetheless some managed - through their privileged status as upper-class women with access to education, wealth, and social and family networks - to advance their careers in politics. Second, these women were subject to the political rules and games of their time but faced additional impediments, for they competed with other women such as co-wives, sisters-in-law and others for social recognition and influence, at times leading to the ruthless elimination of female and male rivals. Third, Safavid women came to play an active role in shaping central political decisions and the succession of sovereigns. This reflects not merely gendered semi-nomadic Turcoman roles but also urban Iranian-Islamic transitional traditions which are comparable to Ottoman and 'Abbasid counterparts.

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Kayser, Barbara J. « Politics or piety, the women of Pakistan ». Thesis, Drew University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3615832.

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My dissertation is on how the combination of religious law and constitutional law in Pakistan affects the daily lives of the women living there. The time frame to be discussed is from Pakistan's inception as a country in 1947 through the most prominent regimes that changed the Constitutional law, i.e. to the mid 1980's. During this epoch, Pakistan adopted Shari'a Law (law based on the Islamic faith) into its constitution. By chronicling the historic development of Pakistan's Constitution, I will show a correspondence between the specific laws and amendments with the attrition of women's rights in Pakistan and the deterioration of the quality of their lives. Although, Shari'a Law is based on the teachings of Islam, I contend these laws run contrary to the traditions and directives of the sacred texts, the Qur'an, Hadith (recorded oral traditions), and Sunnah (habits and practices of the Prophet Muhammad). By tracing specific Shari'a laws back to their roots and investigate the circumstances that impact Pakistani women to ascertain if they indeed burden, restrict, and quite possibly, endanger the lives of Pakistani women, and furthermore, violate the principles taught by the Prophet Muhammad, who exhorted to his followers, "Be kind to your women." The Constitution of Pakistan claims it provides equal rights for its citizens by proclaiming all people are equal (Preamble of the Constitution #8). I argue that the oppression of women in Pakistan can be linked directly to the introduction of Shari'a Law into the Pakistani Constitution and Shari'a Law is being used to justify the poor treatment of women, but it is in fact a distortion of the teachings of Islam. Therefore, women's lack of civil rights in Pakistan is attributable to male chauvinism that is based in culture, rather than religion. What can be done to reconcile the gender discrimination in Shari'a Law with parity for all citizens stated by the Constitution?

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Ziyambi, Gabriel. « Commissioned women soldiers and politics in Zimbabwe ». University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8146.

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Masters of Art
The Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) and the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), are strongly interlinked in politics since independence, that is, the Army largely functions as the military wing of the party (ZANU-PF) and the state. The ZNA is also deeply involved in civilian politics. This study examines the experiences of commissioned women soldiers, as well as their understandings of power and politics in the ZNA. While many male soldiers are in positions of power and authority in the military, party, state, and civilian politics, commissioned women soldiers are marginalised in all of these areas. The role and position of women soldiers in this regard nevertheless remain under-researched. In this thesis I interrogate the complex processes and relations of power which discipline women soldiers and exclude them from processes of power and politics in the ZNA. I argue that there are various practice and discourses which affect women soldiers’ roles in the military. To do so, I draw on Foucault’s (1977) work on power/ knowledge, particularly the concepts of practices, relations, power and panopticism to examine how woman soldiers’ aspirations regarding power and politics are monitored and restricted in the military. I also draw on Enloe’s (2000) work on power politics and Sasson-Levy’s (2003) work on military gendered practices as interpretive and critical paradigmatic approaches to analyse how women experience hegemonic military masculinities in- and outside the army. The study employed ethnographic methods such as life histories, in-depth interviews and informal conversations with ten commissioned women soldiers in the ZNA. These methods were triangulated to corroborate responses from research participants and the data was thematically analysed

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Dancz, Virginia H. « Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia / ». Singapore ; Oxford ; New York : Oxford university press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381932v.

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Jeffrey, Leslie Ann Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. « Women, politics and prostitution ; prostitution legislation in Canada, 1867-1913 ». Ottawa, 1992.

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Burmeister, Fredrik. « Perceptions of physical activity among ethnic minority women in Sweden ». Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Akademin för hälsa och arbetsliv, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-12114.

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Mugororoka, Fortune Chanelle. « The Labour-market Experiences of Skilled African Women in Sweden : The Case of Kenyan Women ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-171552.

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The study sought to understand the labour-market experiences of Kenyan women living in Swedenfrom a precarity standpoint. Specifically, from the point of view of uncertainty and vulnerability ofAfrican migrants workers in the labor market. The research explored how individual, structural, andcultural factors influenced the choice of profession and the labour market participation of Kenyanmigrant women in Sweden. Intersectionality, Precarity and the Dual Labor Market theory were thetheories picked to make sense of the particular vulnerabilities experienced, and strategies adoptedby Kenya migrant women in the Swedish labour market. A qualitative approach was adopted by thestudy and a case-study specifically used. Semi -structured interviews were used as the tool for datacollection and the data coded and analyses thematically. The research found out that African wokenfaced challenges in the Swedish labour market despite their academic qualifications, workexperience or Swedish language skills. Gender and ethnicity were found to be contributing factorsto these women being embedded mostly in the secondary segments of the labour market. Dualismor the labor market segmentation theory- divided into two sections; the primary and the secondaryjobs proved useful as it enabled the research make sense of the participants embeddedness in thesecondary labour markets. The concept of precarity was helpful in analysing various precariouswork undertaken by the participants from the beginning of their migration to Sweden and aftermany years of being in the country. The combination of the dual labor market theory with theintersectionality approach was significant to the study as it highlighted the dichotomy and thecomplexity of interactions between race, gender and ethnicity in the labor market. The findings ofthe research generally confirmed previous studies that show that highly skilled migrant women aremostly situated in the secondary segments of the labour market or face discrimination whenpositioned in primary jobs due to their different ethnicity and different culture. The studyrecommends that further research be done with a a larger sample and the same study done in otherEuropean countries for comparison purposes.

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Styrkársdóttir, Auður. « From feminism to class politics the rise and decline of women's politics in Reykjavík, 1908-1922 / ». [Umeå] : Umeå University : Dept. of Political Science, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=jFE_AAAAMAAJ.

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Fridell, Mara J. 1969. « Exclusion and immigrant incorporation : The politics of citizenship ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/6200.

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xiv, 354 p. : ill. A print copy of this title is available from the UO Libraries, under the call number: KNIGHT JV8222 .F75 2007
In both Sweden and the United States immigration has increased, and public concern over immigration, integration, and social citizenship has become heightened. Across affluent Western countries, immigration and integration concerns have been molded into a consensus on the need to instill discipline, but conflict has emerged through public discussions of where discipline is to be applied. Analyzing media content and public documents, I find that in Sweden and in Europe more broadly, as in the United States, some disciplinary political narratives suggest that immigrants themselves are deviant and should be targeted for exclusion from the social rights of citizenship; other narratives hold that immigrants can best be incorporated by using the state to facilitate the expansion of the secondary labor market. It is popularly claimed that the expansion of secondary labor markets promotes economic inclusion, which is held to be the foundation for integration. While this has proven an effective wedge among voters, I probe the validity of this neoliberal claim by reviewing the integration of previous labor immigrants in Sweden through industrial-sector jobs, and by examining immigrant economic inclusion and social citizenship in the U.S. I use comparative data on inequality and immigration within the United States and across Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries to assess trends in relationships driving social citizenship politics. In interviews with policy makers and integration officials and reviewing the labor union confederation literature in Sweden, I find satisfaction with the operation of the Swedish social democratic division of labor in immigrant policy-setting and integration; as well I find on the national level a lack of concern with the wider, politically-transformative implications of prominent social citizenship politics. This allows me to demonstrate how state actors and even labor institutions can be steered into facilitating neoliberal wedge politics and reforms that undermine social citizenship in favor of concentrated accumulation.
Adviser: Linda Fuller

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Salberg, Sara. « Kungliga blodsugare och markattor : En genusstudie av politiska brott på 1700-talet ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-105967.

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The purpose of this study is to examine political crimes in and women’s political activity in 18th century Sweden. The cases of political crimes which has been used range from 1700- 1789 and they form an outline of the patterns of political crime in this century. These cases contain different types of political crimes, but most common ar defamation of the royal family, defamatory writings, rumor-spreading and treason. To study women’s political activity, seven cases ranging from 1749 to 1758 have been more closely studied. All of these cases belong to the category defamation of the royal family. The study has shown that the frequency of cases of political crime fluctuates and incidents are most common between 1740 to 1759. Furhtermore different kind of crimes are more common in different periods of time. Treason is most common between 1710 and 1714 and cases of rumor-spreading only exist between 1740 and 1759. Few cases of these crimes being commited by women have been found, in only 19 out of 426 cases is the perpetrator a woman. These cases show that the demfamatory words whih are used depend on who they are used towards. The king is criticized for his politics, whereas the queen’s character is insulted. The study has also shown that there is no evidence that it was considered odd for women to commit these crimes, which can be connected to the different view on gender in early modern times.Keywords: Gender, Politics, Political crimes, treason, defamatory words, royal family, 18th century, Sweden.

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Burton, Erika del Pilar. « Women Rule, But Do They Make A Difference ? Women in Politics, Social Policy and Social Conditions in Latin America ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1860.

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Since the transitions to democracy in Latin America, women in the region have undergone major changes in their roles in society. From traditionally only present in the home to participating in collective action efforts, and finally participating at increasing numbers in governments, women have made incredible strides in the Latin American region. Latin American countries have successfully advocated for the inclusion of women in government, but few studies in academia focus on determining whether their inclusion has made a difference in government processes or in society. Borrowing from the literature positing that women are behaviorally different from men as well as their identification with motherhood and as wives in their collective action efforts in Latin America, I argue that women have different concerns from men both outside and inside of the public sphere and therefore make a difference in government with regards to policy priorities and government budget allocations. Studying 18 Latin American countries, I find that there is a gender gap in public opinion, which demonstrates that women are more concerned with social welfare matters than men. I also find that female concerns are carried into their behavior once in government as observed by female legislators’ heightened support for social welfare policies. Furthermore, I find that women in legislatures affect government behavior differently from their male counterparts as observed with female legislators’ positive effects on the allocation of the budget towards social welfare areas.

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Niemi, Marjaana. « Health, experts and the politics of knowledge : Britain and Sweden 1900-40 ». Thesis, University of Leicester, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/31033.

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Early twentieth-century public health campaigns provide a useful means of examining the role that scientific knowledge has played in urban governance. By invoking the authority of science, public health experts and executives could claim that the way in which they analyzed and organized the life of the city was above class antagonisms, gender conflicts, ethnic tensions and the politics of age relations, serving the best interest of the whole community. This study, which compares infant welfare and anti-tuberculosis campaigns in the second cities of Britain and Sweden, Birmingham and Gothenburg, shows how health authorities used 'apolitical' scientific knowledge to regulate their city and to advance political aims. The study examines the role which infant welfare campaigns played in regulating urban family life and family relations. While the Birmingham campaign promoted full-time motherhood, in Gothenburg, where many households were dependent on women's wages and where industries were concerned to employ female labour, the authorities argued that the well-being of infants could be secured by helping poor mothers reconcile paid work with motherhood. Both these campaigns, though reflecting local economic arrangements and social structures, were anchored in 'universal' scientific knowledge. By comparing the anti-tuberculosis campaigns in Birmingham and Gothenburg, this study shows that these campaigns served to justify the central tenets of the municipal housing policies. The way in which tuberculosis was defined legitimated intervention in the homes and intervention or non-intervention in the housing market. The health campaigns enhanced the interests of medical doctors. In Gothenburg, where the majority of doctors worked in the public sector, public health problems were often defined as medical matters which were to be resolved by professionals. The Birmingham authorities, reluctant to damage the interests of independent practitioners, confined their activities to preventive medicine. Finally, the study examines how middle-class women and working -class women and men challenged the authorities' views.

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Smedberg, Naomi. « The Politics of Literacy in Sweden 1949–2013 : A Governmentality Studies Perspective ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-225132.

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The aim of this master’s thesis is to trace examples of political rationality and governmental technologies in a selection of final reports of Swedish Public State Inquiries (SOU) where literacy and related concepts are fea-tured. I make use of the governmentality studies perspective developed by Nikolas Rose and colleagues. This can be described as a theoretical and methodological approach based on Michel Foucault’s concepts of govern-mentality, subjectivity, truth and knowledge, whose focus is on the ways in which social phenomena are repre-sented politically as problematic and how governmental technologies, in the shape of evaluative techniques, institutional practices, tools and programmes of reform and intervention, are developed for the remedy of such ‘social problems’. I pose questions, stemming from my primary aim, which relate to the observation of political rationality in my material, the kinds of governmental technologies which are suggested as useful or necessary, the aspirations of government discernible, as well as how literacy might be seen. I demonstrate that literacy can certainly be viewed as a governmental technology, employed in the realisation of political aspirations, on the basis of ideals of participation, influence, lifelong learning, and access, and through a political rationality, common in advanced liberal societies, which promotes notions of self-empowerment, autonomy and freedom. The ideal citizen is, I conclude, conceptualised principally as a Swedish-born, able-bodied, adult reader. This is achieved through a process of othering, or ‘dividing practices’, which places children, young people, immigrants, and to some ex-tent, people with reading difficulties and disabilities outside of the picture of literate normality. This is a two year master’s thesis in Archive, Library and Museum Studies.
Syftet med den här masteruppsatsen är att urskilja exempel på political rationality och governmental technologies i ett urval huvudbetänkande av Statliga offentliga utredningar, där litteracitet och närliggande begrepp framhävs. För att uppnå detta syfte, tillämpar jag ett governmentality studies-perspektiv såsom det har utvecklats av Nikolas Rose med kollegor. Perspektivet kan beskrivas som ett kombinerat teoretiskt och metodologiskt angreppssätt med utgångspunkt i Michel Foucaults begrepp på governmentality, subjektivitet, sanning och kunskap, och som lägger fokus på hur sociala fenomen representeras och problematiseras politiskt, och hur governmental technologies, i form av bedömningstekniker, institutionella praktiker, reformeringsverktyg och -program för avhjälpande av sociala problem, utvecklas. Följande är exempel på frågor jag ställer i relation till uppsatsens syfte: är det möjligt att skönja en political rationality i mitt empiriska material? Vilka governmental technologies rekommenderas som användbara eller nödvändiga? Hur ser politiska förhoppningar ut? Jag påvisar att litteracitet tydligt kan ses som en governmental technology, använd för att förverkliga politiska förhoppningar, på basis av ideal såsom deltagande, inflytande, det livslånga lärandet och tillgång, genom en political rationality som präglar senliberala samhällen, och som främjar föreställningar om empowerment, autonomi och frihet. Jag drar en slutsats som visar att den idealiska medborgaren konceptualiseras främst som den flergenerationssvenske, vuxna läsaren utan funktionshinder. Detta åstadkoms genom en process av othering, eller ’skiljande praktiker’, som placerar barn, ungdomar, invandrare och, till viss del, människor med lässvårigheter och läshinder utanför bilden av den litterata normaliteten. Detta arbete utgör en två-årig masteruppsats inom ABM.

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Eveline, Joan. « The politics of advantage : Managing 'work' and 'care' in Australia and Sweden ». Thesis, Eveline, Joan (1994) The politics of advantage : Managing 'work' and 'care' in Australia and Sweden. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1994. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51097/.

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In this thesis I argue for a strategic reversal of the trope of 'women's disadvantage', commonplace in policy and often used to inform feminist theory, in favour of an emphasis on 'men's advantage'. The former serves to normalize men's advantage by dropping from sight, and rhetoric, the relation between the two. The thesis goes on to explore how this works in practice through a comparative study of equal opportunity and parental leave policies in Australia and Sweden, which sit strategically at the cusp of public working life and private domestic life. At its simplest level, then, the thesis is concerned with how demands for sexual equality are conceptualized and rhetorically produced. The concept and practice of reversal is carried through in the contrast made between the constitutive and regulative relations controlling the situations of women in management, with senior male managers experiences as fathers. The boundaries, ideological and political as well as between domestic and political, are in many senses differently drawn in Australia and Sweden, allowing for some distinct and subtle comparisons of gender divisions. The contrast shows how male advantage and masculinity, are under siege to a greater degree in Sweden than in Australia but are nonetheless substantively unchallenged by the apparent reversal of normative roles. Finally, I move back, from the ethnographic data and its analysis, to further discussion of theoretical and methodological issues. The positioning of reversals is examined in certain feminist discourses and debates, and I argue for the use of strategic reversals even where it is apparent that actual reversals are impossible.

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Brown, Eric. « Politics within Religious Studies in Sweden : What are we teaching our students ? » Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för kultur-, religions- och utbildningsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-16234.

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The aim of this study is to investigate, from a Swedish perspective, at what degree, religious studies teachers are incorporating political factors into their classroom instruction and also attempts to measure their personal tendencies. At the same time, it evaluates the students’ opinions about this subject, and attempts to use their perspectives to verify their teachers’ instructional practices. Furthermore, the present study seeks to identify the sociological aspects which have influenced the religious studies curriculum in Sweden which can be applied to other countries around the world. As a result, it was established that a significant correlation between the teachers’ knowledge and interest in the subject matter had a meaningful impact on the inclusion if sociological aspects of the religious studies course during classroom instruction. This was confirmed through the analysis of group interviews and individually completed questionnaires by both teachers and students in a semi-controlled setting.

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Collins, Clare L. « Women and Labour politics in Britain, 1893-1932 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320146.

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Zulfiqar, Chaudhry Sadia. « African women writers and the politics of gender ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5202/.

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This thesis examines the work of a group of African women writers who have emerged over the last forty years. While figures such as Chinua Achebe, Ben Okri and Wole Soyinka are likely to be the chief focus of discussions of African writing, female authors have been at the forefront of fictional interrogations of identity formation and history. In the work of authors such as Mariama Bâ (Senegal), Buchi Emecheta (Nigeria), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie (Nigeria), Tsitsi Dangarembga (Zimbabwe), and Leila Aboulela (Sudan), there is a clear attempt to subvert the tradition of male writing where the female characters are often relegated to the margins of the culture, and confined to the domestic, private sphere. This body of work has already generated a significant number of critical responses, including readings that draw on gender politics and colonialism; but it is still very much a minor literature, and most mainstream western feminism has not sufficiently processed it. The purpose of this thesis is threefold. First, it draws together some of the most important and influential African women writers of the post-war period and looks at their work, separately and together, in terms of a series of themes and issues, including marriage, family, polygamy, religion, childhood, and education. Second, it demonstrates how African literature produced by women writers is explicitly and polemically engaged with urgent political issues that have both local and global resonance: the veil, Islamophobia and a distinctively African brand of feminist critique. Third, it revisits Fredric Jameson’s claim that all third-world texts are ‘national allegories’ and considers these novels by African women in relation to Jameson’s claim, arguing that their work has complicated Jameson’s assumptions.

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Aradau, Claudia. « Politics out of security : rethinking trafficking in women ». Thesis, n.p, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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AXINIA, Anca Diana. « Women and politics in the Romanian Legionary Movement ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73796.

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Defence date: 13 January 2022
Examining Board: Professor Laura L. Downs, (European University Institute); Professor Pieter M. Judson, European University Institute); Professor Irina Livezeanu, (University of Pittsburgh); Professor Kevin Passmore, (University of Cardiff)
This thesis examines women’s participation in the Legionary Movement or Iron Guard, a far-right, anti-Semitic movement active in interwar Romania. Over four chapters, I analyze how the participation of women changed over time, the different forms this participation took, and how these different forms shaped and redefined political relations within the movement. The first chapter focuses on women’s participation in the student activism that characterized Romanian universities throughout the interwar period. University politics played a major role in the origins, development, and self-image of the Legionary Movement. The chapter follows the evolution of the movement’s use of university politics through the lens of increasing female participation. The second chapter is entirely devoted to the exploration of family relations in the Legionary Movement’s ideology and experience. In the third chapter, I analyze the open support or sympathy for the Legionary Movement held among the intellectual elites of Bucharest, the aristocracy, and, finally, among some feminist circles. Gender and class dynamics are inseparable in the analysis of the political beliefs and activity of the women protagonists of this chapter, whose support of or sympathy for the Legion complicates the notion of membership and opens different perspectives on the intersection of gender and class within the movement. Finally, the fourth chapter explores the adoption and adaptation by some legionary women and, especially, by the more formal feminine section, of violence as a form of political action. What emerges from this study is the experimental nature of women’s participation, the constant redefinition of its forms and limits. Moving in an ideological framework designed for them by men, women found their space(s) of agency at the interplay of discourse and practice, through the opportunities for political action offered by the complexity of lived experience.

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Sotnikova, Marina. « Self-concept of women in advertising across cultures (Russia and Sweden) ». Thesis, Gotland University, Institution 2, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-497.

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Self-concept is a very complex structure that includes feelings and beliefs, which people have about them in relations to other people and objects. Many marketers and researchers found that expression of self has a great influence on customer’s buying behavior and defines her attitudes towards products and services that correspond to her self-concept. This study, which is based on quantitative research with deductive approach, examines a self-concept of women in advertising across cultures. One hundred and sixty respondents from Russia and Sweden in the age from eighteen to thirty have been asked to identify the ideal eye color, hair color, hair length and make-up for a woman in order to look beautiful. Besides that, congruence between advertising images of female beauty and consumer's perception of ideal self in terms of wanting to look like a specific model was tested. After analysis of empirical results, some differences, as well as similarities between two countries have been found. Since the issues of advertising standardization still are in the focus of many studies, findings of this study is another argument in favor of adaptation international advertising campaigns to the specific requirements of local markets in different countries.

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Lilja, Sandra, et Eva Lüddeckens. « Women in Middle Management : in Germany, Sweden and the United Kingdom ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Business Administration, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-437.

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Background and Problem: Stereotyping of genders and leaders has been around for ages and it is very hard to change people’s perceptions and beliefs. Even though the way society perceives men and women has changed the last century, most people still prefer men as leaders. The historical background often makes it hard for today’s women to be taken seriously in a management position. Nonetheless, the negative attitude some people hold against women in leadership is slowly fading away due to the increasing acceptance of women in management positions.

Purpose: The purpose of the thesis is to investigate how women in Germany, Sweden and the United Kingdom perceive their situation as female leaders in middle management.

Frame of Reference: Women’s historical background in Germany, Sweden and the United Kingdom is discussed to give the reader a more throughout understanding of the women’s situation today. The frame of reference also talks about stereotypes within gender and leadership as well as obstacles held towards women in leadership.

Empirical findings: Three women from each country investigated are being interviewed regarding how they perceive their situation as middle managers.

Analysis and final discussion: The empirical findings showed that women are still facing a lot of obstacles when it comes to being middle managers. The obstacles they face are stereotypes, Glass Ceilings and organisational structure. Some of the obstacles are universal, while others are specific for each country.

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Juntti-Henriksson, Ann-Kristin. « Women narratives from Tornedalen - northernmost Sweden : gender and culture in perspective / ». Doctoral thesis, Luleå : Luleå University of Technology. Department of Human Work Sciences. Division of Gender, Technology & ; Organisation, 2008. http://epubl.ltu.se/1402-1544/2008/04/index.html.

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Bjurman, Emilia. « The feminist behind the veil : Experiences of Muslim women in Sweden ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60490.

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This research builds upon Islamic feminism as an alternative mean to the typical Western way of perceiving feminism, when looking into the situation of Muslim women in Sweden through a qualitative field study. Moreover, this is linked to the discussion of gender equality and diversity which is on the agenda in the West due to contemporary migration flows. Semi-structured interviews are conducted for the purpose of highlighting Muslim women's own religious and cultural experiences concerning identity, freedom and gender roles, which are later connected to the academic debate regarding women in Islam and Islamic feminism. Additionally, interpretations of often discussed verses from the Qur'an on this topic are made during the interviews, also connected to the core of this research which is to explore the possibility of an identity formation with feminism and Islam coexisting among the interviewed women in Sweden, constituting the research gap. Hayward's theory of de-facing power is further applied to the findings and examples illustrate a tension between the different value systems when comparing the women's earlier experiences to current ones in Sweden, but that feminist understandings are visible and practiced to some extent. Summarized remarks include that further research is necessary and particularly with more interviewees which would enable more of a generalization, yet underlining that the situation among and for Muslim women differs. Nevertheless, it is through facilitating to meet each other and involve women in the society it is possible to achieve progress of a mutual understanding.

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Hietala, Sadian Melanie. « The Experiences of Filipino Immigrant Women - Adjusting to Life in Sweden ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100743.

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Female immigration is getting more and more common because of globalization and the rising demand for female workers. Women's experiences of integration often have its foundations in officials', authorities', and society's perspective, which is why it is vital to get a deeper understanding of the women's personal experiences. Thus, the objective of this study is to examine how different dimensions play out in Filipino immigrant women's integration and to investigate Filipino immigrant women's experiences of living and working in Sweden. Furthermore, definitions of equality of opportunity are explored. The data has been collected through 15 semi-structured qualitative interviews. Using Berry’s acculturation theory and Crenshaw’s intersectionality theory as analytical tools, findings showed that Filipino immigrant women face double discrimination in the Swedish labour market. Furthermore, findings showed that additional factors such as marital status, children or pregnancy, education, and gender ideology impact how the women experience life in Sweden. Filipino immigrant women perceive language as a crucial route to integration while the language barrier among loss of social support and discrimination is a significant stressor in the acculturation process.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Women in politics – Sweden »

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