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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Women in politics – Germany »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Women in politics – Germany"

Graf, Rüdiger. « Anticipating the Future in the Present : “New Women” and Other Beings of the Future in Weimar Germany ». Central European History 42, n^o 4 (16 novembre 2009) : 647–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909991026.

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Why another article about the “new woman” in Weimar Germany, which for at least twenty-five years has been a favorite topic of historical scholarship in various disciplines? Earlier studies in history, art history, and German and Gender Studies unmasked the “new woman” as a media construction unrelated to the life-world of women after World War I, and newer studies emphasize the liberating tendencies, especially for younger women in Weimar Germany. Broadening these perspectives, I will argue that the concept of the “new woman” and its specific temporal structure can be seen further as a paradigm case for Weimar political and intellectual debates in general. “New women” were conceptualized as anticipations of the future and thus need to be situated and understood in front of the broader horizon of expectation, in the words of Reinhart Koselleck, of Weimar Germany. Because the realm of politics is constituted by expectations of the future, of what will happen and of what may be done, an analysis of the “new woman” and concurring anticipations of the future can, in turn, elucidate the structure and dynamics of political discourse in Weimar Germany.

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Jones, Elizabeth B. « Keeping Up with the Dutch ». International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 3, n^o 2 (28 mars 2015) : 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.482.

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Elizabeth B. Jones is Associate Professor of German and European history at Colorado State University. Her recent publications explore state-led initiatives to ‘improve’ the German countryside with special emphasis on peat bog reclamation and colonization in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and how poor rural Germans embraced, adapted, or rejected these endeavors. Previous publications include Gender and Rural Modernity: Farm Women and the Politics of Labor in Germany, 1871–1933 (Ashgate, 2009) and articles on gender and generational conflicts and agrarian politics in Imperial and Weimar Germany. In 2010–2011, she was a Fellow at the Rachel Carson Center for Environment and Society in Munich and in 2015–2016, she will be on research leave in Berlin. E-mail: elizabeth.jones@colostate.edu

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BENDIX, JOHN. « Women and politics in Germany and Switzerland ». European Journal of Political Research 25, n^o 4 (juin 1994) : 413–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb00429.x.

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Drozdova, Arina. « Revisiting «Gender Equality» in European Politics ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 21, n^o 3 (30 juin 2021) : 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32021145154.

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Despite the formal equality of women and men in rights, political activity and the decision-making process on public issues remain male-dominated areas. Political priorities are determined by men, and political culture continues to be mainly masculine. Therefore, separate women's political parties, with their own programs aimed at solving gender problems, enable women to represent themselves in the political processes of the country. The article examines the experience of women's parties in three countries: Sweden (Feminist Initiative), Germany (Feminist Party of Germany), and Spain (Feminist Party of Spain). The author also provides and analyzes data on the involvement of women in the top leadership positions of states. It is argued that the study of the differences between women’s parties in individual countries makes it possible to assess the level of the problem of women’s participation in politics.

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Funke, Jana. « Sexual politics and feminist science : women sexologists in Germany, 1900–1933 ». Women's History Review 28, n^o 6 (20 août 2019) : 1014–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2019.1658410.

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Oosterhuis, Harry. « Sexual politics and feminist science : Women sexologists in Germany 1900–1933 ». Centaurus 60, n^o 1-2 (février 2018) : 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1600-0498.12183.

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Ruble, Alexandria N. « Creating Postfascist Families : Reforming Family Law and Gender Roles in Postwar East and West Germany ». Central European History 53, n^o 2 (juin 2020) : 414–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000175.

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ABSTRACTAfter 1945 both German states overturned longstanding laws and policies from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that designated women as second-class citizens in spousal rights, parental authority and marital property. From the early postwar years, female politicians and activists in the women's movement pursued in both Germanys reforms of the obsolete marriage and family law. The article compares how these women and mainly male legislators in both states envisioned the role of women in the family and in gender relations. It shows that these debates in the FRG and the GDR were influenced on the one hand by earlier, pre-1933 ideas, and on the other hand reacted to Nazi-era politics. Yet, because of their different political, economic and social conditions, discourses and policies developed in the context of the Cold War in both states in different directions, though they continued to be related to each other.

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Kreyenfeld, Michaela, et Anja Vatterrott. « Salmon migration and fertility in East Germany – An analysis of birth dynamics around German reunification ». Zeitschrift für Familienforschung 30, n^o 3-2018 (3 décembre 2018) : 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/zff.v30i3.02.

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This paper uses rich administrative data from the Deutsche Rentenversicherung (German Pension Fund) to describe changes in the timing and the spacing of births that occurred in the period following German reunification. We examine differences in the birth dynamics of East Germans, West Germans, and women who migrated between the two parts of Germany in these years. As the pension registers provide monthly records on whether a person is living in East or West Germany, they also allow us to examine the role of regional mobility in birth behaviour. In particular, we test the “salmon hypothesis”, which suggests that migrants are likely to postpone having a child until after or around the time they return to their region of origin. Our investigation shows that a large fraction of the cohorts born in 1965-74 migrated to West Germany after reunification, but that around 50% of these migrants returned to East Germany before reaching age 40. The first birth risks of those who returned were elevated, which suggests that the salmon hypothesis explains the behaviour of a significant fraction of the East German population in the period following German reunification.

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Davidson-Schmich, Louise K., Jennifer A. Yoder, Friederike Eigler, Joyce M. Mushaben, Alexandra Schwell et Katharina Karcher. « Book Reviews ». German Politics and Society 33, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2015) : 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330306.

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Konrad H. Jarausch, United Germany: Debating Processes and Prospects Reviewed by Louise K. Davidson-Schmich Nick Hodgin and Caroline Pearce, ed. The GDR Remembered:Representations of the East German State since 1989 Reviewed by Jennifer A. Yoder Andrew Demshuk, The Lost German East: Forced Migration and the Politics of Memory, 1945-1970 Reviewed by Friederike Eigler Peter H. Merkl, Small Town & Village in Bavaria: The Passing of a Way of Life Reviewed by Joyce M. Mushaben Barbara Thériault, The Cop and the Sociologist. Investigating Diversity in German Police Forces Reviewed by Alexandra Schwell Clare Bielby, Violent Women in Print: Representations in the West German Print Media of the 1960s and 1970s Reviewed by Katharina Karcher Michael David-Fox, Peter Holquist, and Alexander M. Martin, ed., Fascination and Enmity: Russia and Germany as Entangled Histories, 1914-1945 Reviewed by Jennifer A. Yoder

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Sneeringer, Julia. « The Shopper as Voter : Women, Advertising, and Politics in Post-Inflation Germany ». German Studies Review 27, n^o 3 (octobre 2004) : 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4140979.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Women in politics – Germany"

Miller, Jennifer Anne. « The Politics of Nazi Art : The Portrayal of Women in Nazi Painting ». PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5157.

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The study of Nazi art as an historical document provided an effective measure of Nazi political platform and social policy. Because the ideology of the Third Reich is represented within Nazi art itself, it is useful to have a good understanding of the politics and ideology, surrounding the German art world at the time. Women were used in this study as an exemplification of Nazi art. This study uses the subject of women in Nazi painting, to show how the ideology is represented within the art work itself. It was first necessary to understand the fervorent "cleansing" of the German art world initiated by the Nazis. The Nazis too effectively stamped out all forms of professional art criticism, and virtually changed the function of the art critic to art editor. The nazification of the German artist was "necessary" in order for the Nazis to enjoy total control over the creation of German art. With these three steps taken in the "cleansing" of the German art world, the Nazis made sure that the creation of a "true" Germanic art would go forth completely unhindered. In order to comprehend the subject of Nazi art regarding women, the inherent ideology must be studied. The "new" German woman under National Socialism, was to be the mother, the model of Aryan characteristics, healthy and lean. Nazi political doctrine stated that women were inherently connected with the blood and soil of the nation, as well as nature itself. Women were to be innocent and pure, the bearers of the future Volk and the sustenance of that Volk. Once this political ideology is understood, the depiction of the German woman as mother, as nature, as sexual object, can be placed within Nazi historical context. Political art provided the Nazi state, the historical legitimization the government needed. It provided the means by which the state could be visually validated, politically, and historically.

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Horan, Geraldine Theresa. « 'Ebenso echt weiblich wie echt nationalsozialistisch' : an analysis of female discourse in National Socialism, 1924-1934 ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322878.

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Legg, Meredith. « WOMEN, WORK AND WELFARE : A CASE STUDY OF GERMANY, THE UK, AND SWEDEN ». Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2010. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002974.

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Weinberger, Gabriele W. « Aesthetics and politics of fascism : West German women filmmakers in the nineteen seventies / ». The Ohio State University, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487590702991884.

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Glatte, Sarah. « Sex and the party : gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117e7b70-e1ba-402e-acb2-59cf1b916d2b.

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This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.

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Williams, Tami Michelle. « Beyond impressions the life and films of Germaine Dulac from aesthetics to politics / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467886421&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Richmond, Kim Treharne. « Re-capturing the self : narratives of self and captivity by women political prisoners in Germany 1915-1991 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5493.

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This project represents one of the few major pieces of research into women’s narratives of political incarceration and is an examination of first person accounts written against a backdrop of significant historical events in twentieth-century Germany. I explore the ways in which the writers use their published accounts as an attempt to come to terms with their incarceration (either during or after their imprisonment). Such an undertaking involves examining how the writer ‘performs’ femininity within the de-feminising context of prison, as well as how she negotiates her self-representation as a ‘good’ woman. The role of language as a means of empowerment within the disempowering environment of incarceration is central to this investigation. Rosa Luxemburg’s prison letters are the starting point for the project. Luxemburg was a key female political figure in twentieth-century Germany and her letters encapsulate prevalent notions about womanhood, prison, and political engagement that are perceptible in the subsequent texts of the thesis. Luise Rinser’s and Lore Wolf’s diaries from National Socialist prisons show, in their different ways, how the writer uses language to ‘survive’ prison and to constitute herself as a subject and woman in response to the loss of self experienced in incarceration. Margret Bechler’s and Elisabeth Graul’s retrospective accounts of GDR incarceration give insight into the elastic concept of both the political prisoner and the ‘good’ woman. They demonstrate their authors’ endeavours to achieve a sense of autonomy and reclaim the experience of prison using narrative. All of the narratives are examples of the role of language in resisting an imposed identity as ‘prisoner’, ‘criminal’ and object of the prison system.

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Comfort, Christine M. « The Effects of Federalism on Women's Political Representation : A Case Study of German Federalism ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1539.

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This thesis analyzes the effects of federalism on promoting gender representation in parliaments using the case of Germany. There is no country in the world where women and men are equally represented in politics. Discrepancies in representation may stem from historical, cultural, institutional, or structural facets. One little discussed possibility is that of governmental institutions, particularly, the federalist structure of government. Theoretically, federalism should encourage minorities, including women, to be elected to parliaments at a higher rate than in unitary states because it allows additional layer of access to and entry into elected office. By investigating the proportions of women in parliament at different levels of government, we can identify the effects of the federalist structure on advancing women’s representation. The German federalist system is analyzed at three different levels: the sub-national (Lander), national (the Bundestag), and supra-national (European Parliament) level to assess whether the federal structure affects the level of representation by providing a funnel effect. The thesis also analyzed the importance of voluntary gender quotas adopted by many of the political parties on mitigating the effect of federalism. The final results of federalism as it related to gender equality in parliaments were inconclusive as the effects could not be clearly separated from those of gender quotas for the case of Germany.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Müller, Annika Sophie. « “Equality, Development and Peace for All Women Everywhere” ? : An Analysis of Sexual Violence Against Women and Concurring International Conventions Concerned with Protecting the Rights of Women ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-168329.

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Violence against women continues to be an issue that severely impacts women worldwide. Since the global spread of the #MeToo movement in 2017, debates regarding this issue significantly increased. Yet the precise ways in which women are impacted by violence, heavily influenced by their unique and diverse aspects of identity, are often disregarded. By focusing on two of these aspects of identity, namely gender and nationality, and comparing the circumstances of sexual violence against women in Germany, Nigeria, and South Korea, this thesis aims to showcase the diverse experiences of ‘being a woman’ and what this implies regarding the issue of sexual violence against women. With an additional analysis of four important international conventions aimed at ameliorating women’s lives (UDHR, CEDAW, DEVAW, and BPfA) regarding their acknowledgement of this diversity and guided by three theories, namely Multi-Ethnic Feminism, Feminist Postcolonialism, and Intersectionality, this thesis highlights the necessity of including everyone and their unique experiences with all kinds of discrimination to adequately tackle an issue such as sexual violence against women.

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Cholee, Jin Sung. « Gender Analysis of Politics, Economics and Culture of Korean Reunification : Toward a Feminist Theological Foundation for Reunified Society ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/64.

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In this study, I have focused on the process for an eventual reunification of North and South Korea. In this process, Korean political, economic, cultural and religious issues are necessarily present. My study focuses on cultural and religious factors. I adopt the German reunification as a case study. The German reunification process provides Koreans with lessons about the negative changes in the status of German women since the German reunification caused extreme instances of the loss of status and economic opportunity for women. German reunification shows that the unequal situation and systems in society were not only due to political positions. Strong religious factors deeply influenced the German mentality. A similar religion-factor is at work in North Korean society which is influenced by Confucianism and in South Korean society which is influenced by Confucianism and conservative Christianity. I argue that religion is one of the major factors in the political culture of Korea, and religion can either assist a fair and equal process for both women and men or it can in a biased way maintain a male-oriented form of reunification. Consequently, the cultural and religious factors in this process of reunification must include an equalization of women and men. This can only take place if Korean women are major participants in the entire reunification process. There is a serious need for a reunification theology which incorporate gender into Korean theology, thus providing a 'feminist reunification theology.' A 'feminist reunification theology' presents basic theological principles that will help build an egalitarian community. There are three important ways to include women's concern for true reunification: 1) The creation of an egalitarian community in work, family and society; 2) The restoration of humanity by healing love and forgiveness through the power of Cross; and 3) The need for religion to be reformed in which a women can be a co-leader in family, church and nation.

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Livres sur le sujet "Women in politics – Germany"

Eva, Kolinsky, dir. Women in contemporary Germany : Life, work, and politics. Providence, RI : Berg, 1993.

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Women in West Germany : Life, work, and politics. Oxford, UK : Berg, 1989.

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Women in Nazi Germany. New York : Longman, 2001.

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Winning women's votes : Propaganda and politics in Weimar Germany. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina, 2002.

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Hackett, Amy. The politics of feminism in Wilhelmine Germany, 1890-1918. Ann Arbor, Mich : UMI, 1997.

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Reuter, Lutz-Rainer. Political culture in West Germany. Siegen : Center for Studies on Changing Norms and Mobility, 1988.

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Reuter, Lutz-Rainer. Political culture in West Germany. 3^e éd. Siegen : Universita t-Gesamthochschule Siegen, Center for Studies on Changing Norms and Mobility, 1990.

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Angela Merkel : First woman chancellor of Germany. New York : Cavendish Square, 2015.

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Bringing women to the party : The CDU and the politics of gender in Germany. New York : Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Rose, Götte, dir. Frauengeschichten aus dem Parlament. Neustadt/Wstr : Verlag Pfälzische Post, 1991.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Women in politics – Germany"

Kolinsky, Eva. « Women in the New Germany ». Dans Developments in German Politics 2, 267–85. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24885-8_15.

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Kolinsky, Eva. « Women in the New Germany : The East-West Divide ». Dans Developments in German Politics, 264–80. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22193-6_15.

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Glaser, Michaela. « Disengagement and Deradicalization Work with Girls and Young Women—Experiences from Germany ». Dans Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe, 337–49. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43533-6_22.

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Sanzone, Donna S. « Women in positions of political leadership in Britain, France and West Germany* ». Dans Women and the Public Sphere, 160–75. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371502-19.

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Mushaben, Joyce Marie. « Coming to Terms with the Nation : The Political and Literary Voices of Women ». Dans The Federal Republic of Germany at Fifty, 43–57. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27488-8_4.

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Moebius, Stephan. « Sociology in the German Democratic Republic ». Dans Sociology in Germany, 123–39. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_5.

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AbstractIn the GDR (German Democratic Republic), sociology did not emerge until the 1960s. In 1963, the party program of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED, Socialist Unity Party of Germany, SUPG) explicitly called for the establishment of sociological research. GDR sociology developed under completely different conditions than in West Germany. It was overshadowed by Marxist-Leninist philosophy and political economy as well as instrumentalized by economic policy. Its focus was on the basic categories of work and production. The connection to economic policy and historical materialism promoted the tendency to economic reductionism in sociology. Sociology in the GDR was not based on the general tradition of sociology, which was understood as “bourgeois.” Besides Marx, the founding figures of sociology were avoided; not only were they seen as “bourgeois sociologists,” but many of them had also focused on meaningful action and the understanding of social processes rather than on the analysis of the laws of social development. Methodologically, the main focus was on quantitative methods. Sociology had the function of confirming the social laws whose theoretical interpretation was then reserved for historical materialism. It was not until the late 1980s that the situation changed somewhat and the relative autonomy of the social came increasingly into focus. This also led to first approaches to study the social position of women and gender relations. Overall, sociology in the GDR remained committed to a canonizing interpretation of Marxism-Leninism. In addition, it placed itself largely at the service of political power. Because of this its performance was limited enormously. Only when the social processes and dynamics could no longer be adequately described within the conventional ideological framework did certain changes occur.

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Dubslaff, Valérie. « Women on the Fast Track : Gender Issues in the National Democratic Party of Germany and the French National Front (1980s–2012) ». Dans Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe, 159–73. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43533-6_11.

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Florvil, Tiffany N. « Transnational feminist solidarity, Black German women and the politics of belonging ». Dans Gendering Knowledge in Africa and the African Diaspora, 87–110. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Global Africa ; 5 : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315177717-6.

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Gay, Andrew Kenneth, Alexis Krasilovsky, Ervin Malakaj, Juliane Scholz et Carl Wilson. « Germany ». Dans Women Screenwriters, 363–97. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137312372_29.

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Wilson, Graham K. « Germany ». Dans Business and Politics, 88–101. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21080-0_4.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Women in politics – Germany"

Hana, Suela. « ANALYSIS OF INTEGRATION POLICIES FOR VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING, THE NECESSITY OF THEIR MULTIDISCIPLINARY EVALUATION ». Dans 5th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2021 – Economics and Management : How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2021.413.

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Extensive developments and changes in the economic, political, social, cultural and scientific fields have undoubtedly brought problems and disturbing phenomena in many parts of the world, such as the trafficking and exploitation of human beings. Every year many women, girls and children are illegally transported across the borders of their countries of origin, sold or bought, bringing to mind all the primitive ways of human slavery, seen in stark contrast to the galloping development that society has taken today, as well as aspirations for a worldwide civilization and citizenship. Regarding Albania, the beginning of trafficking in human beings dates in 1995 (Annual Analysis of 2003 of the State Social Service, Tirana), where the country found itself in a situation of instability of political, economic, social and cultural changes, as well as in a transitional geographical position to was used by traffickers, mostly Albanians, as an “open door” for the recruitment, transportation and sale of women, girls and children from Moldova, Russia, Romania, Turkey, Albania, China, etc. Albania is identified as a source and transit country for trafficked women and children. In addition, many NGOs and international organizations report significant increase cases in the trafficking of human beings. In 1999, official sources reported that young women and girls had been lured or abducted from refugee camps in Albania during the Kosovo crisis and then sold for prostitution in Italy and the United Kingdom. Reports from Italy, Germany, Belgium and the UK suggest that Albanian women and girls, which are trafficked for prostitution mostly are from rural areas (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Review Conference, September 1999). It is almost common to talk about the phenomenon of trafficking in human beings, about the motivating and attractive factors, the consequences associated with this phenomenon of Albanian society. Given the extent of the trafficking phenomenon during the last 30 years transition period in Albania, the Government has made different legislative and institutional efforts, through a strategic approach to combat and mitigate this phenomenon. However, the elements of identification, protection, reintegration and long-term rehabilitation for victims of trafficking remain issues of concern and still not properly addressed, in the context of the institutional fight against trafficking in persons, which should have as its primary goal the protection of the human rights for victims of trafficking and not their further violation or re-victimization (Annual Report of the European Commission, 2007).

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Боков, Юрий Александрович. « THE POLITICAL STATUS OF WOMEN IN THE GERMAN EMPIRE ». Dans Исследование и практика в социально-экономической и гуманитарной сфере : сборник избранных статей Всероссийской (национальной) научно-практической конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Январь 2022). Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/ipgs324.2022.95.98.003.

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Выравнивание правового статуса человека независимо от половой принадлежности становится возможным только тогда, когда имеется внутреннее согласие на это большинства граждан и достигнут необходимый уровень правосознания, при котором понимается необходимость приоритета прав и свобод над любыми социальными нормами. The equalization of a person's legal status, regardless of gender, becomes possible only when there is an internal consent of the majority of citizens and the necessary level of legal awareness has been reached, in which the priority of rights and freedoms over any social norms is understood.

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Sandow, Barbara. « Women in Physics in Germany ». Dans WOMEN IN PHYSICS : 2nd IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2128294.

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Kluge, Hanna, Beverly Karplus Hartline, Renee K. Horton et Catherine M. Kaicher. « Women in Physics in Germany, 2008 ». Dans WOMEN IN PHYSICS : Third IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3137730.

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« Role of Indian Muslim Women in Politics ». Dans Budapest 2017 International Conferences. EAP, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eap.ed0917024.

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Para, Iulia. « WOMEN, POLITICS AND IMMORALITY IN ANCIENT ROME ». Dans 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Social Sciences ISCSS 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscss.2019.5/s18.039.

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Rakhmaniah, Aniek. « Women and Politics in Local Autonomy Era ». Dans Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.12.

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Kausch, Corinna, Barbara Sandow, Monika Bessenrodt-Weberpals et Silke Bargstaedt-Franke. « The Status of Women in Physics in Germany ». Dans WOMEN IN PHYSICS : The IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.1505313.

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Pfitzner, René, Beverly Karplus Hartline, Renee K. Horton et Catherine M. Kaicher. « The Young Society of Physicists in Germany (abstract) ». Dans WOMEN IN PHYSICS : Third IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3137866.

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Bidwell, Nicola J. « Women and the Spatial Politics of Community Networks ». Dans OZCHI'19 : 31ST AUSTRALIAN CONFERENCE ON HUMAN-COMPUTER-INTERACTION. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3369457.3369474.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Women in politics – Germany"

Henderson, Nancy. British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6682.

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Miller, Jennifer. The Politics of Nazi Art : The Portrayal of Women in Nazi Painting. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.7033.

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Bado, Arsène Brice, et Brandon Kendhammer. Women, CBAGs, and the Politics of Security Supply & ; Demand in Côte d’Ivoire. RESOLVE Network, juin 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2022.1.

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This study explores the drivers of participation and the roles women play within their communities in participating both formally and informally in community-based security groups. It seeks to understand how women are involved in community-based security groups by investigating and illustrating, among other things, their motivations and roles, the context, and the dynamics that underpin their participation in both the supply side and demand side of security provision. Based on extensive field research and an original dataset of interviews with a wide range of informal security actors, this research report offers two key findings to inform the work of policymakers and practitioners interested in security provision and peacebuilding. First, while women continue to engage directly and indirectly with community-based armed and informal security groups with a wide range of motivations, their overall place in the landscape of these groups is in flux, and those who participate bear social costs for doing so. Second, women’s influence in shaping the trajectory of community-based armed and security proving groups extends not just to their roles as suppliers of security (or insecurity, in the case of some groups), but as demanders of security. These complex dynamics point to the fact that women’s roles as participants, organizers, and mobilizers/legitimizers in CBAGs in ostensibly post-conflict settings like Côte d’Ivoire are no less complex than in overt conflict settings.

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Clarke, Roland. Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia : The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1038.

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de Leede, Seran. Tackling Women’s Support of Far-Right Extremism : Experiences from Germany. RESOLVE Network, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.13.remve.

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Persistent gendered assumptions about women and violence predominately depict women as non-violent and peaceful. Due to this gender blindness and simplistic frames used to understand the attraction of women toward far-right extremist groups, women tend to get overlooked as active participants, and their roles ignored or downplayed. This not only hinders the overall understanding of far-right extremist groups but also impedes the development of effective counterprograms that specifically address the experiences and paths of these women. Drawing from the experiences and insights of German initiatives and from additional literature on the topic, this policy note explores the wide-ranging motivations of women joining far-right extremist groups and the different roles they can play in them. By including wider research to why women leave far-right extremist groups, the policy note offers lessons learned and recommendations that may be helpful in optimizing prevention and exit programs aimed at women in far-right extremist groups beyond the German context.

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Hank, Karsten. The differential influence of women´s residential district on the risk of entering first marriage and motherhood in Western Germany. Rostock : Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, juillet 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/mpidr-wp-2002-027.

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Thomas, Jakana. Duty and Defiance : Women in Community-based Armed Groups in West Africa. RESOLVE Network, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.1.

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This desk report explores how West African community-based armed groups (CBAGs) facilitate women’s engagement with politics, create avenues for female expressions of anger, commitment to community values and national identity, and enable women to push for change in their communities by opening spaces for female participation. Assessing the formal and informal contributions women make to armed community mobilization and hybrid security reveals opportunities for gender-specific engagement and cautions that unidimensional considerations of where and how women intersect with conflict and security have the potential to undermine violence reduction and post-conflict peacebuilding efforts.

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Mazurkiewicz, Marek. ECMI Minorities Blog. German minority as hostage and victim of populist politics in Poland. European Centre for Minority Issues, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/fhta5489.

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On 4 February 2022, the Polish Journal of Laws published a new ordinance of the Minister of Education and Science, implementing cuts in the funding of education of German as a minority language. Consequently, the hourly length of such lessons will be significantly reduced. This regulation applies exclusively to the German minority, and the official motive for introducing discriminatory measures is to improve the situation of Polish diaspora in Germany. This is the first time after 1989 when the Polish state authorities introduce a law limiting the rights of Poland’s citizens belonging to a national minority (in this situation children), as a retaliation for the alleged situation of a kin-community elsewhere. Importantly, the adopted regulations are not only discriminatory towards one of the minorities; their implementation may in fact contribute to the dysfunctionality of the entire minority education system in Poland. This is also an obvious violation of the constitutional principle of equality before the law, the right of minorities to ‘maintain and develop their own language’, international standards of minority rights protection, as well as a threat to the very functioning of human rights protection mechanisms in the country.

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Börsch-Supan, Axel, et Irene Ferrari. Old-age Labor Force Participation in Germany : What Explains the Trend Reversal among Older Men ? And What the Steady Increase among Women ? Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, novembre 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24044.

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Tadros, Mariz, Sofya Shabab et Amy Quinn-Graham. Violence and Discrimination Against Women of Religious Minority Backgrounds in Iraq. Institute of Development Studies, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.025.

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This volume is part of the Intersections series which explores how the intertwining of gender, religious marginality, socioeconomic exclusion and other factors shape the realities of women and men in contexts where religious inequalities are acute, and freedom of religion or belief is compromised. This volume looks at these intersections in the context of Iraq. Its aim is to amplify the voices of women (and men) whose experiences of religious otherisation have accentuated the impact of the intersections of gender, class, geography and ethnicity. At time of publication, in December 2022, the country is going through a particularly turbulent phase, prompting some to wonder why now? Isn’t it bad timing to focus on the experiences of minorities, let alone inter- and intra-gender dynamics? Iraq is caught in the middle of geo-strategic struggles of tectonic proportions but this is all the more reason to understand the dynamics of micro-politics through a gender-sensitive lens. Doing so sheds light on the interface between global, regional and local power struggles in tangible and concrete ways.

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