Articles de revues : « Women and communism – Poland – History »

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Bucur, Maria. « Women and state socialism : failed promises and radical changes revisited ». Nationalities Papers 44, n^o 5 (septembre 2016) : 847–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1169263.

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Imagine all history written as if all people, even women, mattered. Until a couple of decades ago, that was at most an aspiration for those of us working on East European history. Since then, however, and especially with the fall of Communism, feminist scholars have made significant inroads toward achieving this goal. This review essay reflects on the contributions made by five such studies that focus on different aspects of women's lives under state socialism in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic (GDR), Poland, and Romania. In one way or another, each author asks similar questions about the relationship between the Communist ideological emphasis on gender equality as a core moral value, on the one hand, and the policies and actions of these regimes with regard to women, on the other hand. Moreover, all studies focus on how women themselves participated in articulating, reacting to, and in some cases successfully challenging these policies. In short, they present us with excellent examples of how pertinent gender analysis is for understanding the most essential aspects of the history of Communism in Eastern Europe: how this authoritarian regime transformed individual identity and social relations.

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Klimek-Dominiak, Elżbieta. « Resisting Invisible Women of Solidarity : Gender in American and Polish Oral History, Life Writing, Visual Arts and Film. Part I ». Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 5 (12 juin 2017) : 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.1(5).9.

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Unlike American historians challenging the marginalization of women since the 1970s and theorizing usefulness of gender for history, the majority of Polish historians have been rather reluctant to address gender differences. The collapse of communism and transatlantic interest in retraditionalization stimulated interdisciplinary engendering of Solidarity. This article examines how significant, though strategically invisible, Solidarity women activists of the 1980s have been represented in oral history, art, and film as well as dialogical genres such as auto/biography and a relational memoir. Questioning of mythical visions of Solidarity, focused on men and class, has initially been resisted, but encouraged a debate about gender stereotypes in Poland. The early “archive fever” followed by a recent surge in transgenerational life writing on women oppositionists exploring gender along with ethnicity, class, and age has helped to construct multi-layered portraits of anti-communist resistance. The analysis of the award-winning documentary, several Solidarity women evaluate critically their complicity with the posttotalitarian system, may also complicate ultranationalist narratives and fill gaps in postcolonial studies of Central Europe.

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Ruta, Magdalena. « Portrety podwójne, 1939–1956. Wspomnienia polskich Żydówek z sowieckiej Rosji ». Studia Judaica, n^o 2 (48) (2021) : 491–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24500100stj.21.020.15075.

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Double Portraits, 1939–1956: Memoirs of Polish Jewish Women From Soviet Russia During the first months following Germany’s attack on Poland, some members of the Jewish community managed to sneak away to the eastern frontiers of the country which had been invaded and annexed by the Red Army in the second half of September 1939. The tragic experiences of these refugees, heretofore somehow neglected by Holocaust scholars, have recently become the subject of profound academic reflection. One of the sources of knowledge about the fate of Jewish refugees from Poland are their memoirs. In this article the author reflects on three autobiographical texts written by Polish Jewish women, female refugees who survived the Holocaust thanks to their stay in Soviet Russia, namely Ola Watowa, Ruth Turkow Kaminska, and Sheyne-Miriam Broderzon. Each of them experienced not only the atrocities of war, but also, most of all, the cruelty of the Communist regime. All three of them suffered persecution by the oppressive Soviet authorities in different ways and at different times. While Ola Watowa experienced (in person, as well as through the fate of her family and friends) the bitter taste of persecution and deportation during WWII, Sheyne-Miriam Broderzon lived a relatively peaceful life in that period (1939–1945), and Ruth Turkow Kaminska even enjoyed the luxurious lifestyle reserved for the privileged members of the establishment, and it was not until the years immediately after the war that the latter two women would face the true image of Communism as its victims. The Wats managed to leave the USSR shortly after the war, whereas for the Broderzons and the Turkows the war would not end until the death of Stalin and their subsequent return to Poland in 1956. According to Mary G. Mason, the immanent feature of women’s autobiographical writings is the self-discovery of one’s own identity through the simultaneous identification of some ‘other.’ It is thanks to the rootedness of one’s own identity through the connection with a certain chosen ‘other’ that women authors can openly write about themselves. The aim of the article is to attempt to determine to what extent this statement remains true for the memoirs of the three Polish Jewish women who, besides sharing the aforementioned historical circumstances, are also linked by the fact that all of them stayed in romantic relationships with outstanding men (i.e. writers Aleksander Wat and Moyshe Broderzon, and jazzman Adi Rosner), which had an enormous impact not only on their lives in general, but also specifically on the creation and style of their autobiographical narratives, giving them the character of a sui generis double portrait.

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Ghodsee, Kristen, Hülya Adak, Elsa Stéphan, Chiara Bonfiglioli, Ivan Stankov, Rumiana Stoilova, Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild et al. « Book Reviews ». Aspasia 15, n^o 1 (1 août 2021) : 165–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2021.150111.

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Anna Artwinska and Agnieszka Mrozik, eds., Gender, Generations, and Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and Beyond, New York: Routledge, 2020, 352 pp., £120.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-36742-323-0.Clio: Femmes, Genre, Histoire, 48, no. 2 (2018)Lisa Greenwald, Daughters of 1968: Redefining French Feminism and the Women’s Liberation MovementGal Kirn, The Partisan Counter-Archive: Retracing the Ruptures of Art and Memory in the Yugoslav People’s Liberation StruggleMilena Kirova, Performing Masculinity in the Hebrew BibleAndrea Krizsan and Conny Roggeband, eds., Gendering Democratic Backsliding in Central and Eastern Europe: A Comparative AgendaLudmila Miklashevskaya, Gender and Survival in Soviet Russia: A Life in the Shadow of Stalin’s TerrorBarbara Molony and Jennifer Nelson, eds., Women’s Activism and “Second Wave” Feminism: Transnational HistoriesN. K. Petrova, Zhenskie sud’by voiny (Women’s war fates)Feryal Saygılıgil and Nacide Berber, eds. Feminizm: Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce, Cilt 10 (Feminism: Thought in modern Turkey, vol. 10)Marsha Siefert, ed., Labor in State-Socialist Europe, 1945–1989: Contributions to a History of WorkZilka Šiljak Spahić, Sociologija roda: Feministička kritika (Sociology of gender: Feminist critique)Věra Sokolová and Ľubica Kobová, eds., Odvaha nesouhlasit: Feministické myšlení Hany Havelkové a jeho reflexe (The courage to disagree: Hana Havelková’s feminist thought and its reflections)Katarzyna Stańczak-Wiślicz, Piotr Perkowski, Małgorzata Fidelis, Barbara Klich-Kluczewska, Kobiety w Polsce, 1945–1989: Nowoczesność – równouprawnienie – komunizmp (Women in Poland, 1945–1989: Modernity, equality, communism)Vassiliki Theodorou and Despina Karakatsani, Strengthening Young Bodies, Building the Nation: A Social History of Children’s Health and Welfare in Greece (1890–1940) Maria Todorova, The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s–1920s Jessica Zychowicz, Superfluous Women: Art, Feminism and Revolution in Twenty-First-Century Ukraine

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Pauluk, Dorota. « A Woman in the Polish Model of Sex Education in the Stalinist and Post-Stalinist Period ». Historia scholastica 8, n^o 2 (décembre 2022) : 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2022-2-007.

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After the Second World War, Poland imposed a socialist system and Marxist ideology. Communist propaganda proclaimed the slogans of emancipation and equality of women through work. This situation changed the relationship between the sexes and how roles were performed. Moral changes, a demographic explosion, high divorce and abortion rates were a serious scratch on the image of an ideal society for the communists. Sexual education was to counteract the negative trends. The article aims to show the image of a woman that emerges from the publication of sex education during the period of Stalinism and post-Stalinism. The compact publications recommended by the Society for Conscious Motherhood (1946–1962), supported by the communist authorities, were selected for the analysis. The female themes are a mixture of scientific knowledge and Marxist ideology. Sex education aimed to prepare responsible wives and mothers who would reconcile traditional roles with professional work. The knowledge of rational fertility management (contraception) was to ensure the fulfilment of the roles. With an emphasis on emancipation and equality, women were also held responsible for the quality of sex life, the welfare of marriage, family and socialist society. The argument for such an approach was to result from the natural differences between the sexes. The results of the analysis showed inconsistency and inconsistency in the emerging image of a woman and expectations regarding the performance of social roles.

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Tarkowska, Elzbieta. « Intra-household gender inequality : hidden dimensions of poverty among Polish women ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 35, n^o 4 (1 décembre 1997) : 411–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(02)00028-4.

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This paper challenges recent findings from quantitative studies of poverty in post-communist countries which deny the existence of gender differences in poverty in post 1989 Poland. The author uncovers hidden forms of the feminization of poverty by studying it from the micro-perspective of the family and the household. This perspective highlights gender differences in the division of labor, leisure time, as well as the fact that it is women’s primary responsibility to secure the basic needs of the family. This study presents strong evidence for a variety of ways in which men and women experience and endure poverty differently in an impoverished area in Poland, a fact which is associated with the role of culture, history and tradition in shaping gendered patterns of reaction towards poverty and hardship. The paper is based on the content analysis of in-depth interviews collected during a field research conducted within the project “Old and new forms of poverty in Poland” (1997–1998) and “Poverty, Ethnicity, and Gender inTransitional Societies (1999–2000).

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Klimek-Dominiak, Elżbieta. « Daughters and sons of solidarity ask questions : Resistance, gender, race, and class in transgenerational women’s auto/biography, film and new media ». Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 6 (10 octobre 2017) : 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.6.13.

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Daughters and Sons of Solidarity Ask Questions: Resistance, Gender, Race, and Class in Transgenerational Women’s Auto/biography, Film and New MediaUnlike American historians challenging marginalization of women since the 1970s and theorizing usefulness of gender for history, the majority of Polish historians have been rather reluctant to address gender differences. The collapse of communism and transatlantic interest in retraditionalization stimulated interdisciplinary engendering of Solidarity. This article examines how significant, despite being strategically invisible, Solidarity women activists of the 1980s have been represented in oral history, auto/biography, film and new media as well as in dialogical genres such as auto/biography and relational memoir. The questioning of mythical visions of Solidarity focused on men and class has initially been resisted, but encouraged a debate about gender stereotypes in Poland. The early “archive fever” followed by a recent surge in transgenerational life writing on women oppositionists exploring gender along with ethnicity, class and age has helped to construct multi-layered portraits of anti-communist resistance. In the award-winning documentary and extended interviews, several Solidarity women activists evaluate critically their occasional complicity with posttotalitarian system, which may complicate ultranationalist narratives and fill a number of gaps in postcolonial and post-totalitarian studies of Central and Eastern Europe.Дочери и сыны солидарности задают вопросы: сопротивление, пол, раса и класс в межгенерационной авто/биографии женщин, кино и новых медиаВ отличие от американских историков, бросающих с 1970-х годов вызов маргинализации женщин и теоретизирующих полезность пола для истории, большинство польских историков довольно неохотно занимались гендерными различиями. Крах коммунизма и трансатлантический интерес к возрождению традиций стимулировал междисциплинарное создание »Солидарности«. В этой статье рассматривается как женщины-активисты »Солидарности« 1980-х годов, которые делали все возможное, чтобы стать стратегически невидимыми, были показаны в устной истории, в автобиографии и кино, новых медиа а также в таких диалогических жанрах, как автобиография и мемуары. Опрос, касающийся мифического изображения »Солидарности«, сосредоточен на мужчинах и классах, был отвергнут, но побудил дискуссию о гендерных стереотипах в Польше. Ранняя »архивная лихорадка«, за которой последовал недавний всплеск трансцендентной жизни, в рамках которой писалось о женщинах-оппозиционерах, изучающих гендерные аспекты, а также этническую принадлежность, класс и возраст, помогла построить многослойные портреты антикоммунистического сопротивления. Анализ успешного документального фильма, который был подвергнут критике со стороны женщин »Солидарности« за их соучастие в посттоталитарной системе, может также усложнить ультранационалистические рассказы и заполнить ряд разрывов в постколониальных исследованиях Центральной Европы.

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Kichelewski, Audrey. « Early writings on the Holocaust : French-Polish transnational circulations ». European Spatial Research and Policy 28, n^o 1 (30 juin 2021) : 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.05.

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This article analyses the differences and similarities between documentation centres active in the aftermath of the Holocaust both in France and in Poland. While in Poland the task was from 1945 assigned to the Central Jewish Historical Commission, in France, the Center of Contemporary Jewish Documentation quickly overtook the lead on other minor centres established by Communist Jews or Bundists. The paper focuses on the links between those institutions, through contacts between members, exchanges of documentation, and parallel publications and exhibits. It shows that despite quite different political conditions, men and women working in these institutions shared a similar vision of transmission of history and memory of the Holocaust. They managed to implement their vision pa 19.03.2019 rtly thanks to their transnational links that helped transcend political and material difficulties.

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Bucur, Maria. « It’s Complicated ». Aspasia 16, n^o 1 (1 juin 2022) : 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2022.160112.

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Kristen Ghodsee, Why Women Have Better Sex under Socialism: And Other Arguments for Economic Independence, New York: Hachette, 2018, 356 pp, $17.99 (paperback), ISBN 9781645036364Kateřina Lišková, Sexual Liberation, Socialist Style: Communist Czechoslovakia and the Science of Desire, 1945–1989, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018, 293 pp, $31.99 (paperback), ISBN 9781108341332Agnieszka Kościańska, Gender, Pleasure, and Violence: The Construction of Expert Knowledge of Sexuality in Poland, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2021, 268 pp, $42.00 (paperback), ISBN 9780253053091Agnieszka Kościańska, To See a Moose: The History of Polish Sex Education, New York: Berghahn, 2021, 354 pp, $145.00 (hardback), ISBN 9781800730601Anita Kurimay, Queer Budapest, 1871–1961, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020, 336 pp, $32.50 (paperback), ISBN 9780226705798

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Miziniak, Helena. « Polish Community in Great Britain ». Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (20 décembre 2022) : 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.5s.

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The article presents the activity of Poles in Great Britain in the 20th century, beginning with the end of World War II, when a large group of Polish refugees and veterans settled in the UK. In 1947, the Federation of Poles was established to represent Polish community in Great Britain. The Association of Polish Women (1946) and the Relief Society for Poles (1946) were also formed at the same time. The article shows the involvement of the Polish community in Great Britain in the context of Polish history. This involvement included the organisation of anti-communist protests, carrying out various actions to inform people about the situation in Poland, organising material aid, supporting Poland at the time of the system transformation, and supporting Poland’s accession to the European Union. Over the decades, the Polish community in Great Britain has managed to set up numerous veterans’ and social organisations, Polish schools, it also built churches in order to preserve Polish culture abroad.

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Miodowski, Adam. « „Robotnica”, „Włościanka” i „Kobieta Sowiecka” – główne tytuły masowej sowieckiej prasy kobiecej szczebla centralnego (przed II wojną i po II wojnie światowej) ». Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, n^o 1(10) (2021) : 97–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2021.01.10.05.

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In Poland, there is a noticeable deficit of knowledge about the mass Soviet women’s press. After all, it for decades shaped the views and attitudes of millions of Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian women and other residents of the Soviet Union. Such periodicals as “Robotnica”, “Włościanka”, “Kobieta Sowiecka”, being at the central level a part of a powerful propaganda machine, facilitated the Communist Party’s ‘piecemeal’ of women’s souls in the spirit of Marxist feminism. And its promoters, such as Nadezhda Krupska, Anna Ulyanova-Yelizarova, Inessa Armand, Aleksandra Kołłontaj and many others like them, so much that less known associates of Vladimir Lenin and his successors combined political and journalistic activity. The consequence of this situation was not only the instrumentalization of the women’s press politicized by the communist party, but also the limitation of its agency.

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Miodowski, Adam. « The monthly magazine «Praca Kobiet» about the activities of organizations related to the Women’s International Democratic Federation (March – December 1946) ». Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, n^o 2 (30 avril 2019) : 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-71-83.

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The research on women’s history presented in this publication supplements the gap existing in polish historiography. The gap includes not only knowledge about the activities of women's organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation (including the polish Social-Civic League of Women). The same applies to the assessment of the role of women in political, social and cultural changes taking place in Poland (and in the world) in the first years after the end of World War II. The main purpose of this publication is to show the historical conditions of the activities of the Social-Civic League of Women, as well as similar organizations in other European, African and North American countries. The basic source used in the research process is the monthly «Praca Kobiet» (and additionally the periodical «Nasza Praca»). The work uses a methodology typical for studies based on press sources. Their list includes the following methods: analytical-empirical, deductive-nomological, deductive-hypothetical and classical method of content analysis. The effect of the undertaken research is to establish that the information articles on the activities of organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation published on the pages of the «Praca Kobiet» monthly were in fact agitation and propaganda. The polish feminist press manipulated facts and thus influenced the formation of pro-communist and anti-Western views of women. The topic is not exhausted and needs to be continued. Further research will require a wider use of press sources not only from Poland, but also from other countries.

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Kowalczyk, Anna. « Women under State Socialism ». Historical Materialism 24, n^o 4 (2 décembre 2016) : 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341495.

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Malgorzata Fidelis in her book Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland sets out to examine gender policies during Stalinism and their transformation under the subsequent ‘Polish road to socialism’. She shows that the relative political liberalisation in the late 1950s was also accompanied by the abandonment of policies favouring women and the return to conservative prewar gender hierarchies. The essay finds that the book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the vicissitudes of gender struggle during Communism in Poland. It also makes a contribution to the understanding of how the principles declared by the Communist Party were modified in response not only to economic necessities but also to local cultures and popular struggles. In this way it sheds light on the process of the legitimation of the Communist regime in Poland and beyond by accommodating demands from below.

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Nowak, Magdalena. « Poland under Communism. A Cold War History ». International History Review 33, n^o 3 (septembre 2011) : 566–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2011.594339.

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Prazmowska, Anita. « Małgorzata Fidelis, Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland ». European History Quarterly 42, n^o 1 (janvier 2012) : 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691411428783r.

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Lebow, Katherine. « Małgorzata Fidelis,Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland ». Social History 36, n^o 3 (août 2011) : 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2011.601069.

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Person, Katarzyna. « Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland MAŁGORZATA FIDELIS ». Women's History Review 22, n^o 1 (février 2013) : 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2011.643001.

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Fleming, Michael. « Malgorzata Fidelis, Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland ». Journal of Contemporary History 47, n^o 2 (29 mars 2012) : 467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009411432223i.

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Crone, Patricia. « Zoroastrian Communism ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, n^o 3 (juillet 1994) : 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019198.

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According to Xanthus of Lydia, who wrote in the fifth century B.C., the Magi considered it right to have intercourse with their mothers, daughters, and sisters and also to hold women in common. The first half of this claim is perfectly correct: Xanthus is here referring to the Zoroastrian institution of close-kin marriage (khwēdōdāh), the existence of which is not (or no longer) in doubt. But his belief that the Magi held women in common undoubtedly rests on a misunderstanding, possibly of easy divorce laws and more probably of the institution of wife lending. In the fifth century A.D., however, we once more hear of Persians who deemed it right to have women in common; and this time the claim is less easy to brush aside. The Persians in question were heretics, not orthodox Zoroastrians or their priests; their heresy was to the effect that both land and women should be held in common, not just women (though the first attempt to implement it did apparently concern itself with women alone); and the heretics are described, not just by Greeks, let alone a single observer, but also by Syriac authors and the Persians themselves as preserved in Zoroastrian sources and the Islamic tradition.

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Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina. « The Unbearable Lightness of Democracy : Poland and Romania after Communism ». Current History 103, n^o 676 (1 novembre 2004) : 383–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.676.383.

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Although the publics in Poland and Romania believe there are more similarities than differences in the quality of their lives after communism, external observers argue that Poland's democracy is qualitatively better than Romania's. The challenge is to explain why there is this difference when both countries are consolidated democracies inhabited by unsatisfied…democrats.

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Godawa, Grzegorz, et Erzsébet Rákó. « Social Pedagogy Training in Poland and Hungary ». Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II 12, n^o 2 (15 septembre 2022) : 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.12209.

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In the present study we compare the formation and development of Polish and Hungarian social pedagogy. The main aspects of the comparison are the principal stages in the history of social pedagogy, the development of training, and the current situation in Hungary and Poland.The history of social pedagogy can be divided into three stages, following key events in the history of Central and Eastern Europe, as these historical events had an impact on the appearance and development of social pedagogy. The first stage is the early period, in the era before 1945, the second is the period after 1945, when the number of orphaned children increased significantly after the second World War and communism determined the socio-economic development of both Poland and Hungary. The third period started after 1989 when, after the collapse of communism, the development of both countries was placed on new socio-economic foundations, and new social problems appeared in the subsystems of society, which were partly addressed by social pedagogical solutions. In what follows, we give a brief overview of the 20th century history of Polish and Hungarian social pedagogy, the initial period of its formation.

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Sek, Malgorzata. « Tax In History : Polish Tax System In Transition To Democracy And Market Economy ». Intertax 49, Issue 5 (1 mai 2021) : 470–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2021045.

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This article briefly discusses tax developments connected with the transformation of Poland from a communist (socialist) state with a centrally planned economy to a democratic state with a market economy. The key feature of Poland’s pretransition tax system was a strong differentiation between taxpayers according to their belonging to the dominant socialized (state or cooperative) sector of the economy or the severely reduced nonsocialized (private) sector to the detriment of the latter. The tax system was based primarily on the flow of tax money between state-owned enterprises and the state budget. Tax rules were, to a large extent, included in governmental instead of parliamentary legislative instruments. Although the fall of communism in Poland is associated with the first partially free parliamentary elections in 1989, democratic elements had been gradually reintroduced into the Polish tax system from the beginning of the 1980s: the nullum tributum sine lege principle in 1980, judicial control over tax administration in 1981, and the principle of equality in taxation of entrepreneurs regardless of their ownership status (socialized vs. non-socialized economy) in 1988. However, new taxes suitable for the changed political, social, and economic reality were introduced in a few steps between 1989 and 1993. The system evolved in the following years with the most significant post-transition changes being connected with the preparations for accession to the EU Post-communist tax system, post-socialist tax system, Poland, Polish tax system, Polish tax transformation, tax transition, tax reform, fall of communism, transition from communism.

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SHORE, MARCI. « (The End of) Communism as a Generational History : Some Thoughts on Czechoslovakia and Poland ». Contemporary European History 18, n^o 3 (août 2009) : 303–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005062.

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AbstractThis article explores communism – including its pre-history and aftermath – as a generational history. The structure is diachronic and largely biographical. Attention is paid to the roles of milieu, the Second World War, generational cleavages and a Hegelian sense of time. Nineteen sixty-eight is a turning point, the moment when Marxism as belief was decoupled from communism as practice. The arrival of Soviet tanks in Prague meant a certain kind of end of European Marxism. It also meant the coming of age of a new generation: those born in the post-war years who were to play a large role in the opposition. The anti-communist opposition was organically connected to Marxism itself: the generation(s) of dissidents active in the 1970s and 1980s should be understood as a further chapter in the generational history of communism. Nineteen eight-nine was another moment of sharp generational rupture. The new post-communist generation, Havel's great hope, possessed the virtue of openness. Openness, however, proved a double-edged sword: as eastern Europe opened to the West, it also opened a Pandora's box. Perhaps today the most poignant generational question brought about by 1989 is not who has the right to claim authorship of the revolution, but rather who was old enough to be held responsible for the choices they made under the communist regime. There remains a division between those who have to account for their actions, and those who do not, between those who proved themselves opportunists, or cowards or heroes – and those who have clean hands by virtue of not having been tested.

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Mazierska, Ewa. « Polish martial law of 1981 in Polish post-communist films : Between romanticism and postmodernism ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, n^o 2 (17 mai 2009) : 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.04.006.

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This essay discusses representations of Polish martial law of 1981 in Polish feature films made after communism collapsed. It considers them against the political history of Poland over the last thirty years, especially the history of Solidarity and the shift from communism to post-communism. It argues that the way martial law is portrayed changed over the years. While initially, as represented by Kutz’s Death as a Slice of Bread, the aim was to commemorate the victims of martial law and condemn the authorities, in later films we observe more complex portrayals that reflect the growing erosion of the myth of Solidarity and the Church.

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Keryk, Myroslava. « ‘Caregivers with a Heart Needed’ : The Domestic Care Regime in Poland after 1989 and Ukrainian Migrants ». Social Policy and Society 9, n^o 3 (1 juin 2010) : 431–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474641000014x.

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The article discusses the welfare regime that emerged in Poland after the collapse of communism and the introduction of the market economy. It analyses policy in the sphere of child and elderly care, and household strategies related to care. It is argued that the care regime in Poland is a combination of the conservative and the social-democratic model. On the one hand, the state provides equal labour market access to women and men. On the other hand, publicly funded child and elder care is insufficient, resulting in a care deficit. The situation has created demand for domestic care workers, and while Polish women do such work, it is increasingly performed by migrant women, particularly from Ukraine. To summarise, the article argues how gender and care regimes in Poland boost the domestic work sector, where Ukrainian migrants play an important role, and how this development has contributed to changes in the Polish migration regime.

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Szporer, Michael. « The Security Forces and Polish Communism : Reclaiming History from Myth ». Journal of Cold War Studies 9, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2007) : 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.1.88.

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This article provides a critical review of Oczami Bezpieki (Through the Eyes of the Security Service), an overview of post-1945 Poland based on secret police files by Slawomir Cenckiewicz. The essay sheds light on the ongoing controversies surrounding the secret police files that still can cause turmoil in Polish politics. The article discusses the aggressive strategies of the Communist-era security apparatus in three areas considered in the volume: penetration of émigré communities in the United States; attempts to neutralize opposition to the Communist regime from 1968 through the 1980s; and the manipulation of the Roman Catholic Church. The documents demonstrate how obsessively the security forces kept track of opposition activities.

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Szporer, Michael. « Managing Religion in Communist-Era Poland : Catholic Priests versus the Secret Police ». Journal of Cold War Studies 12, n^o 3 (juillet 2010) : 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00004.

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Solidarity, the free Polish trade union that emerged in 1980, acted in close alliance with the Roman Catholic Church. The union's struggle for human dignity and freedom became a question of national redemption and often used religious symbols and rituals. Although one can argue whether Pope John Paul II was personally the fulcrum of revolt, Solidarity and the demise of Polish Communism are hard to imagine without him. Not surprisingly, the Polish security forces made vigorous efforts to penetrate the Polish Catholic Church, eventually enlisting as informants some 15 percent of the clergy. Recent revelations of extensive collaboration by priests, notably in Father Tadeusz Isakowicz-Zaleski's acclaimed book, provide a valuable correction to the historical record but do not greatly detract from the overall image of the Church as having resisted Communism. The Church, among other things, served as a refuge for many in the darkest moments of the Communist era and helped to force change by throwing its support behind Solidarity.

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Polonsky, Antony. « “The Conquest of History?” Toward a Usable Past in Poland ». Polish Review 66, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2021) : 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.66.4.0069.

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Abstract In his explanation for why the provocative title “Is There a History of Poland beyond the Holocaust?” was chosen for this forum, John Bukowczyk wrote that the goal was to stimulate contributions which would take this as a springboard and “engage the broader topic of Polish-Jewish relations, for which the Holocaust has become a metonym.” Before one can examine why the study of Polish-Jewish relations has become so central in Polish historical discourse in recent years one must pose two other questions. The first is whether the long-standing Polish belief that the study of the past has clear and obvious lessons for the present remains valid today. The second is how successful have been the attempts since the 1970s and, more particularly, since the negotiated end of communism in 1989 to fill in the “blank spots” in the account of the recent past which was established in the half-century of communist rule in Poland.

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Mazurek, Malgorzata, et Matthew Hilton. « Consumerism, Solidarity and Communism : Consumer Protection and the Consumer Movement in Poland ». Journal of Contemporary History 42, n^o 2 (avril 2007) : 315–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009407075553.

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Matynia, Elzbieta. « Poland Provoked : How Women Artists En-Gender Democracy ». Current History 105, n^o 689 (1 mars 2006) : 132–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.689.132.

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It is women artists who, by entering into an open debate with central elements of the Polish cultural tradition, pose the main questions concerning the nature of democratic citizenship, toleration, and pluralism.

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Feinberg, Melissa. « Malgorzata Fidelis Women, Communism and Industrialization in Postwar Poland Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, XIV-280 p. » Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 67, n^o 3 (septembre 2012) : 810–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900007411.

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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. « The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz ». Polish Political Science Review 6, n^o 1 (1 décembre 2018) : 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.

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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician and theoretician of socialism, showed a special activity in the contestation of communism. His views as an authentic Social Democrat had a significant impact on the political thought of the Polish socialist movement outside Poland. Ciołkosz, as an anti-Communist, represented such values as: respect for human rights and social justice, humanistic sensitivity, Christianity and above all socialism. At the same time, he promoted the need to fight communism and expose the criminal ideology. He pointed to the need to introduce a system of social justice (i.e. democratic socialism).

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Bernhard, Michael. « Maryjane Osa. Solidarity and Contention. Social Movements, Protest, and Contestation, vol. 18. Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press, 2003. » Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, n^o 3 (juillet 2005) : 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505230293.

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Osa's study is part of a larger literature that looks at the decomposition of communism and postcommunist politics through the prism of the literature on social movements. The book stands out, along with Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik's Rebellious Civil Society and John Glenn's Framing Democracy, as among the best in this school of research. Osa concentrates on the creation of networks of resistance in communist Poland from early 1950s to the period of Solidarity's formation and suppression in 1980–1982.

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OCHMAN, EWA. « Commemorating the Soviet Deportations of 1945 and Community-Building in Post-communist Upper Silesia ». Contemporary European History 18, n^o 2 (mai 2009) : 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309004949.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the remembrance of the deportations of Silesians to the Soviet Union in 1945, undertaken in Upper Silesia, Poland, after the collapse of communism. It explores the relationship between local elite-sponsored official remembrance of the deportations and the formation of regional identity in the context of the Upper Silesia's borderland locality and the post-war population movement. The article also investigates the role of public commemorations of the Silesian past in the construction of a Silesian national identity undertaken by the Silesian separatist movement that gained in popularity against the backdrop of the post-1989 de-industrialisation of the region, Poland's most important centre for coal mining industry.

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Katz, Sherry J. « Review : Gendering Radicalism : Women and Communism in Twentieth-Century California by Beth Slutsky ». Pacific Historical Review 86, n^o 2 (1 mai 2017) : 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.2.338.

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Mazurek, M. « Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland. By Malgorzata Fidelis (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2010, 296 pp. 55.00) ». Journal of Social History 46, n^o 3 (21 août 2012) : 800–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shs064.

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Perkowski, Piotr. « Wedded to Welfare ? Working Mothers and the Welfare State in Communist Poland ». Slavic Review 76, n^o 2 (2017) : 455–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.86.

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Using Poland as example, the article explores the operation of east European communist welfare states, with particular attention paid to benefits offered to working mothers. By exploring a number of diverse sources, I analyze the evolution and the meaning of institutional care and maternity leave in the life of professionally-active women. Studying a variety of factors that shaped the welfare policies of the time, including post-war industrialization, consumption, the demographic panic, and the struggling economy of the twilight years of communism, I attach particular importance to the early 1970s, when Poland saw a particular shift in gender-equality discourse. Welfare benefits played a key role in communists states, serving as a guarantee of equal opportunities or, in the case of mothers, as a tool for potentially facilitating employment. In time, however, they became chiefly tools designed to control the population and female fertility.

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HOŁUB, ADAM. « Political Radicalism as a Threat to the Reborn Republic of Poland ». Internal Security 12, n^o 1 (22 juillet 2020) : 225–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3199.

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Political radicalism as a threat to the reborn Republic of Poland. The interwar period in Poland was characterised by the occurrence of real threats to the internal security of the state, the source of which was radicalism and political extremism. It was both left-wing and right-wing radicalism. We should mention here communism supported by Bolshevik Russia, Ukrainian nationalism supported by unfavourable countries such as Germany or Czechoslovakia, and Polish right-wing radicals who sought to change the political system of the country but not to annihilate it. All these political trends may have contributed to the destabilization of the Second Republic, but reborn Poland managed to create an appropriate internal security system, which included the Political Police, and on the other hand, the Polish society, as the history of the Second Republic shows, was not seduced by the political extremes.

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Nowak, Basia A. « Women in Poland : Society, Education, Politics, and Culture ». Journal of Women's History 13, n^o 1 (2001) : 196–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2001.0032.

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Ochman, Ewa. « Soviet war memorials and the re-construction of national and local identities in post-communist Poland ». Nationalities Papers 38, n^o 4 (juillet 2010) : 509–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.482130.

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This article proposes to look afresh at the legacies of communism in urban spaces in post-1989 Poland. Specifically, it investigates the fate of Red Army monuments and explores how these public spaces have been used in the multifaceted and multileveled process of post-communist identity formation. The article suggests that Red Army monuments constitute sites for the articulation of new narratives about the country's past and future which are no longer grounded in the fundamental division between “us” (the nation) and “them” (the supporters of communism) and which are far from being fixed in the binary opposition of the banished and the embraced past. The reorganization of public memory space does not only involve contesting the Soviet past or affirming independence traditions but is rather the outcome of multilayered processes rooted in particularities of time and space. Moreover, the article argues that the dichotomy “liberator versus occupier,” often employed as a viable analytical tool by scholars investigating the post-communist memorial landscape, impedes our understanding of the role played by Soviet war memorials in the process of re-imagining national and local communities in post-1989 Eastern Europe.

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Stanislawski, Wojciech. « Westerplatte or Jedwabne ? : Debates on history and "collective guilt" in Poland ». Filozofija i drustvo, n^o 21 (2003) : 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0321261s.

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The author analyzes recent Polish debates on researching silenced aspects of national history and the problem of the "collective guilt". One of the major questions arising in these debates is: does the study of "white spots" from the past (have to) lead to a trauma of continuous collective self-blame? In Poland, a specialized institution, the Institute of National Memory, was founded in 1998, engaging in research, documentation and public education on events related to German and Soviet occupation during WWII and the activity of political police under communism. Polish debates on the past got particularly inflamed after the discovery made by the historian J.T.Gross on the participation of Poles in the massacre of Jewish inhabitants of the town of Jedwabne in 1941. His book published in 2000 provoked a heated debate in which methodological, political and moral arguments were used on both sides. This case also occasioned a polemic between two prominent historians, identifying two basic visions of national history: the "monumental" one, recognizing only the heroic deeds that the nation takes pride in, and the "skeptical" one, which looks for silenced and shameful facts. Though both participants in the polemic opt for the third vision, the "objective" history which dispassionately seeks the truth, one of them stresses the role of the monumental history in maintaining the cohesion of the national community, while the other emphasizes that the collective acknowledgement of the nation's crimes can be a basis for national pride. .

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Harvey, Elizabeth. « ‘We Forgot All Jews and Poles’ : German Women and the ‘Ethnic Struggle’ in Nazi-occupied Poland ». Contemporary European History 10, n^o 3 (26 octobre 2001) : 447–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730100306x.

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During the Second World War, the Nazi regime sent thousands of German women to occupied Poland to work with the ethnic German population, comprising native ethnic Germans and resettlers from the Baltic states, eastern Poland and Romania. They were to be trained to act as model colonisers for the newly conquered territories. Meanwhile the non-German population was subjugated and terrorised. This article examines what German women witnessed in Poland and how far they can be seen as complicit in acts of violence and injustice committed against Poles and Jews. To what extent did a gendered division of labour prevent women actively being involved in or witnessing acts committed against the Polish and Jewish populations? Did a construct of ‘womanly work’ help women to ‘look away’ from the evidence of oppression and persecution?

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Bucur, Maria. « "Medusa's Smirk" (1975) by Mihaela Miroiu ». Aspasia 13, n^o 1 (1 mars 2019) : 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2019.130110.

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Over the past half decade, philosopher and political scientist Mihaela Miroiu published a series of short autobiographical stories that were eventually collected in a book, Cumintea mea de femeie [With my woman’s mind] (Bucharest: Cartea românească, 2017), which was reviewed in Aspasia (vol. 12) in 2018. While the whole volume deserves an international audience, I have selected the story “Medusa’s Smirk,” for translation because it sheds light on a topic little known, yet extremely important, in the lives of many women: sexual violence. Discussing sexual violence was a taboo topic under communism, and many women suppressed their traumatic memories of violence both seen and experienced. Yet accounts such as the one shared below have circulated orally and deserve further attention from scholars. For another relevant account, see http://www.publicseminar.org/2017/12/sex-in-the-time-of-communism/.

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Kossewska, Elżbieta. « Between Communism, Zionism, and Statehood : Władysław Broniewski in Palestine ». Polish Review 66, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2021) : 78–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.66.4.0078.

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Abstract This article focuses on Władysław Broniewski’s political activities in Palestine during his stay there from February 1943 to November 1945. His personal history is presented against a backdrop of the political and intellectual life of Polish refugees in the Middle East. Broniewski, a revolutionary and avant-garde poet who belonged to the left-wing world, is depicted against the backdrop of events and tensions occurring at that time in Zionist communities, as well as in the centers of Polish power—both the communist government in Warsaw and the Polish government-in-exile in London—and the dispute between them concerning the future of Poland. The article presents Broniewski’s friendships and acquaintances during his stay in Palestine. Extensive epistolary material as well as other archival and press sources were used. The article also explores the subject matter of Broniewski’s literary output. The poems he wrote in Palestine are some of his most interesting works, exemplifying the most expressive poetry in the canon of literature written by refugees.

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Peto, A. « MALGORZATA FIDELIS. Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland. New York : Cambridge University Press. 2010. Pp. xiv, 280. $90.00 ». American Historical Review 117, n^o 3 (1 juin 2012) : 959–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.117.3.959-a.

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Peto, Andrea. « Malgorzata Fidelis . Women, Communism, and Industrialization in Postwar Poland . New York : Cambridge University Press. 2010. Pp. xiv, 280. $90.00. » American Historical Review 117, n^o 3 (juin 2012) : 959–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.117.3.959a.

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Mustata, Dana. « ‘Failed Interviews’ ». Many Lives of Europe’s Audiovisual Heritage 7, n^o 13 (16 mai 2018) : 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2018.jethc146.

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This article zooms into the practice and historiographical implications of doing television history with women. Drawing primarily upon interviews with women having worked at Romanian television during communism, the article develops a conceptual understanding of ‘feminine voices’ as primary sources into television history. It situates these gendered historical sources within historiographical practices of accessing neglected, marginalized or silenced areas in television history, in other words, the ‘blind spots’ in the medium’s history.

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Filiciak, Mirosław, et Piotr Toczyski. « The History of Sharing Video Content in Poland : Analog copies of the 1980s as a Factor of Digital Peer Re-production in the 2000s ». Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education 9 (22 décembre 2018) : 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8148.

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We depict practices of Polish audiences in communist Poland and the transition of these practices after the fall of communism. In Eastern Europe, digital distribution of video content has been built on semi-peripheral culture of VHS tapes copying and sharing. Although the unique Polish 20th century historical trajectory contains the experience of being excluded from Western popular culture, the first decade of 21st century brought unlimited digital access to audiovisual content. Peer re-production, a non-creative mode of participation increased. Our article provides new historical data illustrating this specificity both in terms of historical experience and globalizing technological progress.

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Siemieńska, Renata. « Gendered perceptions : women in the labour market in Poland ». Women's History Review 5, n^o 4 (1 décembre 1996) : 553–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029600200130.

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Rymph, Catherine E. « :Wives, Mothers, and the Red Menace : Conservative Women and the Crusade against Communism ». American Historical Review 114, n^o 1 (février 2009) : 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.1.182.

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