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1
Nowak, Barbara Agnieszka. « Serving women and the state the league of women in communist Poland / ». Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1091553624.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 277 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 264-277). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
2
Kozdra, Jan Ryszard. « “What sort of communists are you?” The struggle between nationalism and ideology in Poland between 1944 and 1956 ». Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2017. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1955.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The period between 1944 and 1956, also known as the “Stalinist period”, is one of the most controversial and turbulent in Polish history. The Polish communist party launched the project of restructuring Polish society, whose historically wellestablished national identity seemed incompatible with the communist project. Firstly, the communists effected a demographic change that resulted in a near monoethnic state. Simultaneously, they introduced a centrally planned economy, transformed state symbolism, initiated a national education system, attempted to reshape popular attitudes to religion, and launched a massive propaganda campaign to reinforce and popularize their objectives.
This study seeks to investigate the communists’ attempts to accommodate Polish nationalism, the impact these attempts had on the success of the communist project in Poland and, by implication, the governments’ relationship with Poles and the USSR. By exploring these aspects of the debate, the author discovered that Polish communists, Poles themselves in most cases, struggled to find a balance between their national identity and the communist ideology. In fact, the thesis argues that leaders of the Polish communist government developed a dual identity in their approach to governing Poland: that is, they were primarily nationalists rather than Stalinist communists, but retained some key elements of the ideological and totalitarian framework. As a result, the Polish communist project deviated from the Soviet model and ultimately failed to produce a new and coherent narrative. Crucially, the spread of literacy and education throughout Polish society served to reinforce historic national identity. In 1956, due to popular unrest, the quasitotalitarian Polish state had to abandon Stalinist style rule and effectively the nationalist component from thereon dominated the narrative of the regime.
3
Parker, Douglas Scott. « Women in communist culture in Canada : 1932 to 1937 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22614.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the Great Depression of the 1930s, many artists, writers, and dramatists joined the Communist Party of Canada and its cultural wing, the Progressive Arts Club. They produced plays, and contributed articles, poems and stories to socialist magazines, such as Masses and New Frontier. As the depression deepened and radical politics became less sectarian, women played a more prominent role in the cultural realm of radical politics. Their increased participation changed the way women were represented in art and literature; women's roles became less stereotypical, and women artists and writers combined both socialist and feminist concerns in their work. The journal New Frontier, founded by Jean "Jim" Watts and edited by two women and two men, provides numerous examples of socialist-feminist writing. Dorothy Livesay, one of the editors and a member of the Communist Party from 1932 to 1937, deserves special attention for her contribution to Canadian literature of social protest.
4
Ehrlich, Adam. « Between Germany and Poland ethnic-cleansing and politicization of ethnicity in Upper Silesia under national socialism and communism, 1939--1950 / ». [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3195575.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-11, Section: A, page: 4146. Adviser: Maria Bucur. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 10, 2006).
5
Roberts, Al D. « Mao’s War on Women : The Perpetuation of Gender Hierarchies Through Yin-Yang Cosmology in the Chinese Communist Propaganda of the Mao Era, 1949-1976 ». DigitalCommons@USU, 2019. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7530.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China in 1949 with the intention of creating a social utopia with equality between the sexes and China’s diverse ethnic groups. However, by portraying gender, ethnicity, and politics in propaganda along the lines of yin and yang, the Party perpetuated a situation of oppression for women and minorities.
6
Materka, Edyta. « Kombinacja, or the arts of combination in agrarian Poland ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/952/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Peasants, workers, worker-peasants, nomenklatura and the state in northern Poland’s ‘Recovered Territories’ have employed a strategy they call ‘kombinacja’ to survive economic transitions into and out of socialism from 1945 to the present. Kombinacja is the process of manipulating space and legal, political, or cultural rules in order to appropriate a resource—food, commodities, labour, information, power—and then combine them into an ersatz product to meet an economic, cultural, or political end. No person, class, institution, or economy ‘owns’ kombinacja. The ‘who’ and ‘what’ are relational. The ‘when’ and ‘where’ are contextual. Yet, it is not ubiquitous; every kombinacja is a form of speech that charts a terrain of economic and political trajectories intended to shift the balance of power at a given point in time. This multi-sited historical ethnography tracks how these ‘arts of combination’ have pirouetted across agrarian and industrial, formal and informal, socialist and capitalist boundaries in the agro-industrial commune of Dobra. The arts of combination were forged through the exploitation of workers in Poland’s industrialising cities during the 19th century, across its popularisation as a survival strategy during Nazi-occupation, and towards its reformulation into an economic stabiliser for both villagers and the state during the ‘socialist’ era from 1945 to 1989. Villagers used kombinacja to access or hide resources from the state in the midst of broken supply chains, bureaucratic gridlock, food shortages, and complex regulations. When commune officials turned a blind eye to kombinacja to stay in power, they too drew from the arts of combination to ‘fix’ formal state problems in the commune. Kombinacja was used to subvert and accommodate the state. Reworking the state through kombinacja to ensure that no one went hungry informalised the command economy and contributed to the incremental breakdown of the local state apparatus into a feudal-like order. I then turn to nomenklatura privatisation, potato pilfering, alcohol consumption, mushroom foraging, and other practices to trace how kombinacja is being reformulated (or not) to rework post-socialism. The arts of combination call attention to practices that cut across a series of binaries - capitalist/socialist, formal/informal, state/non-state - to show how those marginalised by power seek to control the conditions of their subjection and how those in position of power seek to control the conditions of others’ subjection. Building upon J.K. Gibson-Graham’s ‘diverse economies’, the case of kombinacja shows us that informality does not always create alternatives that subjugate hegemony; rather, they can alternatively be used to crystallise a hegemonic imaginary. I suggest a much broader understanding of how informality has been a site of ingenuity and nequality, innovation and suffering, across time and space.
7
Sproat, Liberty Peterson. « How Soviet Russia Liberated Women : The Soviet Model in Clara Zetkin's Periodical 'Die Kommunistische Fraueninternationale' ». Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2008. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd2366.pdf.
Texte intégral
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So, Farina. « An Oral History of Cham Muslim Women in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge (KR) Regime ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1276009791.
Texte intégral
9
Thorn, Brian T. « The hand that rocks the cradle rocks the world, women in Vancouver's Communist movement, 1935-1945 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61609.pdf.
Texte intégral
10
Jezowska, Katarzyna. « Imagined Poland : representations of the nation state at the exhibitions of industry, craft and design, 1948-1974 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dc0bb054-9597-4ad5-a50f-1de899994ea6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the use of design in the construction of Poland's national identity at the international exhibitions in the Cold War period. It is the first comprehensive study of Polish design discourse in any language that rests at the crossroads of design studies and cultural history. Based on original archival material, both written and visual, and oral interviews this thesis tracks the process of construction of Imagined Poland alongside the development of the design discipline during the three post-war decades. It charts the trajectory of these two narratives and examines their critical reception. In doing so this research casts new light on the relationship between design and political history in the Cold War Europe. However, it is not a thesis about designed objects or spaces per se, but rather about their discursive qualities and the way that they were put in work to narrate the nation. Versatile and embedded in the cultural, economic and social contexts, design understand here in its broadest sense proved to be well suited to this role: it allowed political authorities, trade representatives and creative intelligentsia to address timely issues on their agendas. This thesis closely examines eight exhibitions organised in the Soviet Union, Italy, Belgium and Poland. The narratives of these events, as the thesis argues, reflected the state's changing self-understanding towards international public opinion. It indicates that although Polish exhibitions were occasionally adjusted to the particular location, their themes were largely shaped in response to the political developments at home and in the Eastern Europe. By using exhibitions as a framework, this thesis offers a new perspective to study Polish international modernism and suggests a limited impact of ideology on the development of professional networks. Subsequently it provides a nuanced reading of Poland's relationship with the Soviet Union, the Eastern Bloc and the rest of Europe beyond reductive paradigm of totalitarianism.
11
Bruce, Amanda P. « Constructed and Manifest Truths in Music for Andrzej Wajda's Man of... Film Trilogy ». Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu15280135787607.
Texte intégral
12
Lindström, Jonathan. « Childbearing among Polish migrant women in Sweden : A country-of-origin and country-of-destination approach ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-175357.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines childbearing among Polish migrant women and their descendants in Sweden. While many studies have focused on immigrants' childbearing in relation to women in the destination country, this study uses a country-of-origin and a country-of-destination approach in order to more thoroughly examine the socialization, selection and adaptation hypotheses. Using a piecewise-exponential model, the transitions to first and second births are analyzed using Swedish register data and the Polish Generations and Gender survey (GGS). The results show that the Polish stayers and the first-generation have relatively similar fertility behavior in the transition to first birth but not in the transition to second birth. However, parts of the similarity in the transition to first birth can be attributed to marital status selection. By examining the 1.5-generation and the second-generation in relation to Swedish natives, it is possible to see fertility convergence across generations, both when it comes to timing and quantum. This study also shows that family migrants have higher risk of having a first child compared to migrants moving for other reasons. However, in the transition to second birth, there is no difference.
13
CARDASSILARIS, NICOLE RUTH. « Bringing Cultures Together : Elma Pratt, Her International School of Art, and Her Collection of International Folk Art at the Miami University Art Museum ». University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1204738152.
Texte intégral
14
SZWAJCOWSKA, Joanna. « Between catholicism and socialism : an interpretation of Polish women's life stories ». Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5987.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 19 April 1999Examining Board: Prof. Jitka Malečkova, Charles University, Prague ; Prof. Michael G. Müller, University of Halle (supervisor) ; Prof. Elżbieta H. Oleksy, University of Łódź ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, European University Institute (co-supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
15
Bush, Graham. « Differences Between National Memory of Communism in Poland and the Czech Republic ». Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337712.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work aims to demonstrate differences in national memory of Communism in the Czech Republic and Poland. It looks into the principles surrounding the practice of collective memory and then uses this to create a working methodology for the study of it in these two nations. In evaluating memory in these countries it relies upon the "Three Pillars" of past events, cultural output and popular opinion and stresses the interconnected nature of these academic areas. A further emphasis is placed upon the role of belief in shaping personal and group self-identity. The overall conclusions stress that both of the national memory of these countries has been shaped by their history, culture and popular opinion, and that this has created a divide between the Polish and Czech views of events during the Communist period. The divide is seen as characterised by particular "Czech" and "Polish" viewpoints which are the product of discourse on previous aspects of what it means to belong to these respective groups. National memory in essence builds upon itself, and will continue to do so. Future perceptions of what it means to be Czech or Polish will be shaped by this latest chapter in national memory.
16
« Organ Culture in Post-War Poland : 1945 - 2012 ». Doctoral diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.14691.
Texte intégralRésumé :
abstract: Throughout the history of Western art music, political and religious institutions have exerted powerful influence through their patronage and censorship. This is especially relevant to the organ, an elaborate and expensive instrument which has always depended on institutional support. The fascinating story of Polish organ culture, which has existed since the Middle Ages, reflects the dramatic changes in Polish politics throughout the centuries. An understanding of this country's history helps to construct a comprehensive view of how politics influenced the developments in organ building and organ playing. This paper describes the dynamics of the Church, government and art institutions in Poland during the years 1945-2012. A brief summary of the history of Polish organ culture sets the stage for the changes occurring after WWII. The constant struggle between the Church and the communist regime affected music making and organ culture in Poland from 1945-1989. The political détente that occurred after 1989 led to a flowering of new instruments, restorations and performance opportunities for organists. By exploring the relationship between Polish organ culture and prevailing agendas in the 20th century, the author demonstrates how a centuries-old tradition adapted to survive political and economic hardships.Dissertation/Thesis
D.M.A. Music 2012
17
Patterson, Michelle Jane. « "Red 'Teaspoons of Charity' : Zhenotdel, Russian Women, and the Communist Party, 1919-1930." ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/32159.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the Bolshevik assumption of power in 1917, the arguably much more difficult task of creating a revolutionary society began. In 1919, to ensure Russian women supported the Communist party, the Zhenotdel, or women’s department, was established. Its aim was propagating the Communist party’s message through local branches attached to party committees at every level of the hierarchy. This dissertation is an analysis of the Communist party’s Zhenotdel in Petrograd/ Leningrad during the 1920s.
Most Western Zhenotdel histories were written in the pre-archival era, and this is the first study to extensively utilize material in the former Leningrad party archive, TsGAIPD SPb. Both the quality and quantity of Zhenotdel fonds is superior at St.Peterburg’s TsGAIPD SPb than Moscow’s RGASPI. While most scholars have used Moscow-centric journals like "Kommunistka", "Krest’ianka" and "Rabotnitsa", this study has thoroughly utilized the Leningrad Zhenotdel journal "Rabotnitsa i krest’ianka" and a rich and extensive collection of Zhenotdel questionnaires. Women’s speeches from Zhenotdel conferences, as well as factory and field reports, have also been folded into the dissertation’s five chapters on: organizational issues, the unemployed, housewives and prostitutes, peasants, and workers. Fundamentally, this dissertation argues that how Zhenotdel functioned at the local level revealed that the organization as a whole was riven with multiple and conflicting tensions. Zhenotdel was unworkable.
Zhenotdel’s broad goals were impeded because activists lacked financial and jurisdictional autonomy, faced party ambivalence and hostility, and operated largely with
volunteers. Paradoxically, these volunteer delegates were “interns,” yet they were expected to model exemplary behaviour. With limited resources, delegates were also
expected to fulfil an ever-expanding list of tasks. In addition, Zhenotdel’s extensive use of unpaid housewife delegates in the 1920s anticipated the wife-activist movement of voluntary social service work in the middle to late 1930s. There were competing visions for NEP society, and Zhenotdel officials were largely unable to negotiate the importance of their organization to other party and state organizations. Overall, this suggests that
although the political revolution was successful in the 1920s, there were profound limits to the social and cultural revolution in this era.
18
Kůželová, Michaela. « Kachna, nebo králík ? "Věda o vědě" v Polsku a Československu 1962-1989 ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-351691.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation deals with the Czechoslovak and Polish community of "scientists of science" (mainly historians, philosophers, and methodologists of science) from 1962 to 1989. It focuses not only on the inner evolution of this community (scientists, their works, scientific institutions etc.), but it also examines how was this community formed by the tradition of scientific thought on the one hand, and by the contemporary political and ideological context (Soviet influences, Marxism-Leninism, monopoly of the communist party) on the other. It focuses also on the ability of the scientific community to accept or reflect influences from the Western Europe or United States - which means from the so-called "capitalist countries". Two spheres are analysed to clarify dispositions of Polish and Czechoslovak "scientists of science" to foreign transfers: first, scientists' possibilities to travel to Western countries (research stays, participations at congresses etc.), and second, accessibility to foreign (mainly Western) scientific literature. Functioning of Western concepts in the community of Polish and Czechoslovak "scientists of science" is illustrated by an example of the reception of Thomas Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions from 1962. This dissertation shows that the role of scientific...
19
Matysková, Hana. « Komunistky ve 20. letech ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312087.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"Communist Women in the 1920s" is about the women, who established the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and worked to build it up. It describes women of Czech nationality in the territory of the Czech lands during the period 1921-1929. The focus is mostly on the women's headquarters, which directed the work. Following political, social-economical and cultural levels, interest is also paid to the psychological aspect. The theses is divided into thematical chapters, each depicting events chronologically. The introductory chapter presents the reasons, why some women turned to the left and others to the right in the Social Democratic Party. Subsequent chapters describe the organization of women in the Communist Party, their concrete workload, life style of working-class women and functionaries, relations with the Soviet Russia, intraparty political development, comparison with other parties and biographies of female communist functionaries. In this work were used archival materials (mostly records of party meetings and personal materials located in the National Archive in Prague), contemporary women's newspapers and memoires of women.
20
Jacob, Mark Christopher. « Marguerite Poland's landscapes as sites for identity construction ». Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/206.
Texte intégral
21
Maimela, Mabel Raisibe. « Black consciousness and white liberals in South Africa : paradoxical anti-apartheid politics ». Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17296.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian
beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic
complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations.History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)