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1
Holledge, J. M. « Women's theatre - women's rights ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370703.
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2
Tripp, Caitlin. « The American Impact on the Evolution of the Japanese Women’s Rights Movement ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/449.
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The purpose of this research is to explore the impact of America’s influence on Japanese women’s efforts to obtain equal rights. America’s role in various Japanese women’s rights groups and movements has been the subject of essays and theses in the past, yet the topic is generally centered specifically on the period during the American occupation following World War II in 1945. This paper aims to take a broader look at Japanese Women’s Rights efforts before and after the war to garner a better understanding of the ways in which the American influence aided in the development of the movement. Japanese women have fought for their rights without the aid of American influence, yet the relationship between the two has had benefits for both parties.
3
Maxson, Brian. « Review of Marriage in Premodern Europe : Italy and Beyond ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6206.
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4
Mast, Hallie Cierra. « Republican Motherhood and the Early Road to Women's Rights : 1765-1848 ». Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1336162089.
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5
Smith, Paul E. A. « Women's political and civil rights in the French Third Republic, 1918-1940 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317758.
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6
Schnieder, Elizabeth F. « The Devil is in the Details : Nebraska's Rescission of the Equal Rights Amendment, 1972-1973 ». Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1262547247.
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7
Hutchinson, Yvette. « Womanpower in the Civil Rights Movement ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625696.
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8
Hagglund, Sarah. « The Myth of Bologna ? Women's Cultural Production during the Seventeenth Century ». Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1620502410389001.
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9
Lup, John R. « A history of the nineteenth century women's issue in the Restoration Movement ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.
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10
Gleadle, Kathryn Jane. « The early feminists : radical unitarians and the emergence of the women's rights movement, c.1831-1851 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386235.
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11
Poirrier, Lauren. « A Comparative Study of the National First Ladies' Library and the Women's Rights National Historical Park ». Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1277819335.
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12
Taylor, Shockley Megan Newbury. « "We, too, are Americans" : African American women, citizenship, and civil rights activism in Detroit and Richmond, 1940-1954 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284135.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation explores the activities of middle- and working-class African American women during and immediately after World War II in Detroit and Richmond, Virginia, in order to examine how World War II enabled African American women to negotiate new state structures in order to articulate citizenship in a way that located them within the state as contributors to the war effort and legitimated their calls for equality. This study provides a new understanding of the groundwork that lay behind the civil rights activism of the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at African American women's wartime protest and exploring how those women created templates for activism and networks for the dissemination of new discourses about citizenship, it reveals the gendered roots of the civil rights movement. This study uses a cross-class analysis within a cross-regional analysis in order to understand how African American women of different socioeconomic levels transformed their relationship with the state in order to use state structures to gain equality in diverse regions of the country. Class and region framed African American women's possibilities for activism. In both Detroit and Richmond, women's class positions and local government structures affected how African American women constructed claims to citizenship and maintained activist strategies to promote equality. This study finds that the new discourse and programs of middle-class African American women, linked with the attempts of working-class women to gain and retain jobs and better living conditions, contributed to a new sense of militancy and urgency within the civil rights movement of the 1940s and 1950s. By attempting to claim their rights based solely on their status as citizens within the state, African American women greatly contributed to the groundwork and the ideology of the more aggressive civil rights campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s. African American women's initial forays into desegregating restaurants, jobs, transportation, and housing created the momentum for the entire African American community's struggle for equality.
13
Balletti-Thomas, Joanne. « Women's writing and the "anxiety of authorship" in nineteenth-century Italy : Bruno Sperani and others ». Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26718.
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As women's literature emerged in late nineteenth-century Italy, female authors encountered many obstacles. Foremost among them was the near-total absence of Italian female literary role models. Female writers often expressed ambivalence towards the writing of other women, which was considered inferior to male writing. However, their reverence for male writers revealed how conflictive their identities as writers were, and it was an impediment to the establishment of a serious women's literary tradition. In addition to such personal conflicts, these writers also faced the challenge of gaining acceptance by the male-dominated literary community and by their readers. These two groups expected that women's writing conform to a moral code which did not apply to men's writing. This thesis is an analysis of the specific problems that female novelist Bruno Sperani and others faced as they strove to establish themselves in Italian literature.
14
GRILLONE, Carmela. « The Slave Coasts. Transnational Sexual Exploitation from Nigeria to Italy. From human trafficking to human rights ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Palermo, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10447/270607.
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This research intends to open a global debate on the current strong link between migration and prostitution on the basis of the reality observed in Palermo in the timespan 2015-2017. The main three elements emerging from the analysis are criminality, poverty and exploitation.
As data suggests, Italy is the favorite destination of the Nigerian sexual exploitation market. In particular, Sicily plays a major role in the sexual exploitation ring involving Nigerian migrants, besides headquartering the Italian as well the Nigerian mafia. The agreement between Cosa Nostra (Sicilian Mafia) and the two organizations known as Black Axe and Eye (Nigerian mafia) represents the starting point for sexual exploitation of Nigerian girls (minors as well as adults).
The social and cultural degradation, along with the limited presence of the Italian State in some neighborhood, contributed to the creation of what hereby I call the “Republic of Ballarò”, an outlaw area in the city of Palermo, ruled by the joint venture of the Nigerian-Sicilan mafias.

It is in this criminal context that the Nigeria-Italy transnational sexual exploitation market flourishes.
15
Morrill, Kelli N. « From Housewives to Protesters : The Story of Mormons for the Equal Rights Amendment ». DigitalCommons@USU, 2018. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7056.
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On November 17, 1980, twenty Mormon women and one man were arrested on criminal trespassing charges after chaining themselves to the Bellevue, Washington LDS Temple gate. The news media extensively covered the event due to the shocking photos of middle-aged housewives, covered in large chains, holding protest signs and being escorted to police cars. These women were part of the group Mormons for the Equal Rights Amendment (MERA) and were protesting the LDS Church’s opposition to the ERA. The LDS Church actively opposed the ERA and played an important role in influencing the vote in key states leading to its eventual failure. However, ERA literature generally ignores the LDS Church and their influence, instead attributing the ERA’s failure to lack of appeal to lower class and minority women, the ratification process, and confusing messaging about the amendment. Literature that does discuss the LDS Church and its opposition to the ERA fails to tell the story of the small, but bold and attention grabbing group of Mormon women who organized a campaign in direct opposition to the position of their church. This thesis begins with an evaluation of MERA’s use of sacred space in protest, and their portrayal in the media. It then explores how MERA re-appropriated LDS hymns, rituals and language to assert their power and express discontent with the church’s position on ERA, and concludes with an evaluation of the institutional and social consequences MERA members faced as a result of their activism.
16
Tamboer, Kimberly Jean. « Artistic Achievements of Convent Women in Renaissance Italy : with case studies in Venice and Prato ». Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/327335.
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Art HistoryM.A.
This thesis evaluates the artistic contributions of convent women in Renaissance Italy during the period c. 1450-1550 with individual case studies in Venice and Prato. As the cost of the traditional marriage dowry inflated markedly over the course of the fifteenth century, an increasing number of girls from affluent family backgrounds were sent to the convent in an effort to spare their families the financial burden of marrying them off. Convent vocations were not only financially convenient for families with daughters but offered a socially respectable alternative to marriage that many came to rely upon over the course of the latter fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The heightened presence of highborn girls in Italian convents seems to correspond with a concurrent development in female monastic artistic production. This point will be demonstrated in my study through analysis of two objects: the illustrated convent chronicle of Santa Maria delle Vergini (c. 1523), now in the Museo Correr in Venice and the illustrated frontispiece of Beatrice del Sera's convent play Amor di virtù (1555), preserved in the Biblioteca Riccardiana in Florence. Both of the considered works complement a text also written by convent women during the same period that demonstrate their knowledge of historic and current events, in addition to contemporaneous developments in the visual arts. The corresponding texts will be examined in a supporting manner to aid in interpreting the subject matter of the illustrations. Subsequent to identifying the pictorial content of these illustrations, I will elucidate how the convent artists successfully assert a female identity through their respective visual representations, and determine what specific type of identity they were motivated to promote.
Temple University--Theses
17
Gill, Amy. « In Their Finest Hour : Deciphering the Role of the Canadian Women's Movement in the Formulation of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28645.
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This thesis analyzes the role of the Canadian women's movement in the formulation of sections 15 and 28 in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Grounded in the context of the decade leading up to the 1980-1982 mega-constitutional debates, the ideas and actions of the women's movement demonstrate both their intellectual and political agency in securing a new interpretation of equality rights within the Charter. Intellectually, women drew on the legal experiences of Canadian, American, and international interpretations of equality as well as feminist ideology to conceive of a more substantive equality. Built out of two principles, equality of opportunity and equality of results, Canadian women devised a new language to reinforce the interpretation of substantive equality and sought out the means to transform their idea into reality.
The success of the women's movement in this era is typically attributed to its effective mobilization, profiting from an environment in which Canadian women were able to develop a complex network of organizations at the national, provincial, local, and grass roots level. Moreover, the structure of the women's movement provided a powerful platform for key figures within the movement to articulate women's concerns and have those opinions respectfully considered. Only in tandem do the ideals championed by the women's movement and the structure of the movement allow for its eventual success. The women's movement was riddled by strong cleavages, including ideological, regional, class, and ethnic cleavages, but held together in this era by a common commitment to substantive equality.
Providing an arena for action, the critical events that mark the 1980-1982 mega-constitutional debates showcase these elements and illustrate how Canadian women transformed their ideas into action. Examining the context leading up to the debates along with the events during the fourteen-month span of negotiations, it is argued that women played both an intellectual and political role in shaping equality rights in Canada. Their contributions not only secured an effective path to substantive equality but also irrevocably altered the nature of the debate surrounding human rights and changed the way Canadians understand, interpret, and practice equality.
18
Bayer, Penny. « Women's alchemical literature 1560-1616 in Italy, France, the Swiss Cantons and England, and its diffusion to 1660 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/71980/.
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This thesis seeks to show that there were alchemical writings associated with women from Italy, France, the Swiss Cantons and England which originated in the period 1560 to 1616, and that these writings were read, translated, circulated, and referred to, at least up to 1660. The main evidence is provided by case studies: a printed book of secrets by Isabella Cortese (Venice, 1561); a sequence of late sixteenth and early seventeenth century manuscripts associated with Madame de la Martinville and Quercitan’s daughter (Jeanne du Port); and material, including an alchemical receipt book, associated with Lady Margaret Clifford (1560-1616). Supporting evidence suggests these women represent a wider participation of women in philosophical and practical alchemy, and adds to the evidence for evaluating women's participation in early modern philosophy and science. Women apparently read and wrote about alchemy, and assisted its diffusion through their work as editors, compilers, translators and patrons. The thesis compares writings from different genres and languages, and addresses issues such as the problem of defining alchemy, complexities of textual interpretation, and the difficulty of ascertaining women’s authorship or symbolic representation. Through a comparative process, the thesis discusses possible reasons for representations of women's alchemical practice based in key cultural themes: Paracelsian ideas, ambiguous readings of texts, women’s education, spiritual practice and household work, and their liaison with male experts and European networks. The underlying association of the alchemical metaphor of knowledge, that the material world could be returned to a perfected heavenly state, is interpreted with varying sophistication. The thesis considers how these women accommodated gender to alchemical philosophy. It suggests that there was scope for ambiguous interpretation, both of alchemical texts and of shared injunctions for early modern women and medieval alchemist monks to be silent, chaste, and obedient. Women may have used alchemy as an area in which to resist passivity and demonstrate their agency.
19
Brannon-Wranosky, Jessica S. « Southern Promise and Necessity : Texas, Regional Identity, and the National Woman Suffrage Movement, 1868-1920 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc31553/.
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This study offers a concentrated view of how a national movement developed networks from the grassroots up and how regional identity can influence national campaign strategies by examining the roles Texas and Texans played in the woman suffrage movement in the United States. The interest that multiple generations of national woman suffrage leaders showed in Texas, from Reconstruction through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, provides new insights into the reciprocal nature of national movements. Increasingly, from 1868 to 1920, a bilateral flow of resources existed between national women's rights leaders and woman suffrage activists in Texas. Additionally, this study nationalizes the woman suffrage movement earlier than previously thought. Cross-regional woman suffrage activity has been marginalized by the belief that campaigning in the South did not exist or had not connected with the national associations until the 1890s. This closer examination provides a different view. Early woman's rights leaders aimed at a nationwide movement from the beginning. This national goal included the South, and woman suffrage interest soon spread to the region. One of the major factors in this relationship was that the primarily northeastern-based national leadership desperately needed southern support to aid in their larger goals. Texas' ability to conform and make the congruity politically successful eventually helped the state become one of NAWSA's few southern stars. National leaders believed the state was of strategic importance because Texas activists continuously told them so by emphasizing their promotion of women's rights. Tremendously adding credibility to these claims was the sheer number of times Texas legislators introduced woman suffrage resolutions over the course of more than fifty years. This happened during at least thirteen sessions of the Texas legislature, including two of the three post-Civil War constitutional conventions. This larger pattern of interdependency often culminated in both sides-the Texas and national organizations-believing that the other was necessary for successful campaigning at the state, regional, and national levels.
20
Lowenthal, Kristi. « Conservative thought and the equal rights amendment in Kansas ». Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/907.
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21
Ray, Amanda J. « The impact of statehood and Republican politics on women's legal rights in West Virginia, 1863-1872 ». Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2001. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=2260.
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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2001.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 138, 4 p. Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 132-137).
22
Stuntz, Jean A. « His, Hers, and Theirs : Domestic Relations and Marital Property Law in Texas to 1850 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2495/.
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Texas law regarding the legal status of women and their property rights developed from the mingling of Spanish and English laws. Spanish laws regarding the protection of women's rights developed during the centuries-long Reconquest, when the Spanish Christians slowly took back the Iberian Peninsula from the Moorish conquerors. Women were of special importance to the expansion of Spanish civilization. Later, when Spain conquered and colonized the New World, these rights for women came, too.
In the New World, women's rights under Spanish law remained the same as in Spain. Again, the Spanish were spreading their civilization across frontiers and women needed protection. When the Spanish moved into Texas, they brought their laws with them yet again. Archival evidence demonstrates that Spanish laws in early Texas remained essentially unchanged with regard to the status of women.
Events in the history of England caused its legal system to develop in a different manner from Spain's. In England, the protection of property was the law's most important goal. With the growth of English common law, husbands gained the right to control their wives's lives in that married women lost all legal identity.
When the English legal system crossed the Atlantic and took root in the United States, little changed, especially in the southern states, when migrants from there entered Texas. When these Anglo-American colonists came into contact with Spanish/Mexican laws, they tended to prefer the legal system they knew best. Accordingly, with the creation of the Republic of Texas, and later the state of Texas, most laws derived from English common law. From Spanish laws, legislators adopted only those that dealt with the protection of women, developed on the Spanish frontier, because they were so much more suitable to life in Texas. Later lawmakers and judges used these same laws to protect the family's property from creditors, as well as to advance the legal status of women in Texas.
23
McCarthy-Rechowicz, Matthew. « Franz Grillparzer's dramatic heroines and women's emancipation in nineteenth-century Austria ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0bdefd2f-b09f-4653-9abb-236681262622.
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Recent decades have seen an increase in feminist critiques of the works of Franz Grillparzer (1791–1872), and a growing awareness that these deal with contemporary issues around the social roles of women. This study builds on exsiting feminist-themed examinations of Grillparzer's works to show more fully how they fit into the context of calls for women's rights in nineteenth-century Austria. New interpretations of Grillparzer's heroines are made possible by considering the full spectrum of the author's intellectual interests and examining his dramas through the lenses suggested by his reading. Des Meeres und der Liebe Wellen is seen in the context of the Enlightenment, and Sappho and Libussa are analysed with reference to social contract theory. Contemporary feminist approaches are combined with Schiller's thought on stadial history, and with Grillparzer's analysis of Shakespeare's Macbeth, to give new insight into Das goldene Vließ and Die Jüdin von Toledo respectively. Consideration of the lives and works of Grillparzer's female friends provides the context for my analysis, and helps define the original nature of this thesis. While several earlier studies have argued for the influence of Grillparzer's romantic interests on the construction of his heroines, sufficient attention has not been given to these heroines in the context of the intellectual women Grillparzer knew. While I do not argue that Grillparzer's heroines were influenced by the authors and other prominent women he knew, examination of the lives and works of Caroline Pichler, Betty Paoli, Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach, Sophie Schröder and others shows that Grillparzer was on friendly terms with intellectual women throughout his career, and that all of these women were to some degree critical of the contemporary social situation of women.
24
Monthey, Tanya Trangia. « "The Most Difficult Vote" : Post-Roe Abortion Politics in Oregon, 1973-2001 ». PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4822.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The abortion debate in the United States has come to split the contemporary electorate among party lines. Since the late 1970s, the Republican Party has taken a stand against abortion and has worked through various routes of legislation to pass restrictions on access to the procedure. Oregon however, provides a different interpretation of this partisan debate. Though Oregon has seen both Republican and Democratic leadership in all houses of state government and pro-life conservative groups have lobbied to restrict the procedure, no abortion restriction has been passed in the state since the United States Supreme Court invalidated many state abortion bans in 1973.
This thesis analyzes the legislative history of Oregon beginning in the mid nineteenth century, when the Oregon Territory first passed an abortion ban. Oregon voters and lawmakers alike were continuously asked to debate the legality and morality of abortion. Though the state did participate in the national debate over access to abortion, made clear by dozens of attempts at restricting the procedure, Oregon's response to conservative political trends is distinctive.
Oregon liberalized its abortion law before Roe was decided; and years before, prominent physicians provided abortions and advocated for reproductive health. After abortion was decriminalized, Oregon legislators protected abortion access further by rejecting all attempts to pass abortion restrictions and crafting legislation to make further restrictions more difficult to pass. Even as Republicans gained majorities in the Oregon legislature in the late 1980s and 1990s and the pro-life movement gained momentum on the statewide level nationally, Republican lawmakers remained unwilling to prioritize abortion legislation. So too, in the decades following the Roe decision, Oregon voters have rejected all pro-life attempts to restrict abortion access by ballot initiative. Instead of pointing to one explanation for Oregon's protection of abortion access, this thesis examines the societal and legislative developments that worked in tandem to create a legislative landscape that is protective of abortion.
25
Butterfield, Jo Ella. « Gendering 'universal' human rights : international women's activism, gender politics and the early cold war, 1928-1952 ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2187.
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This dissertation analyzes how transnational feminist advocacy and ideas about gender shaped modern human rights doctrines that remain central to this day. After World War II, United Nations delegates drafted and adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). During this process, international feminist activists disagreed about how to incorporate women's long-standing rights claims into the emerging human rights framework. Fiery interwar debates about laws and standards that regulated female labor persisted, prompting influential U.S. feminists to oppose the inclusion of gender-specific rights. To challenge U.S. opposition, key delegates to the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) forged an unofficial coalition. Despite the fact that these CSW delegates held competing ideas about gender and represented distinct national governments, they collectively crafted a significant but little-known women's human rights agenda and lobbied UDHR drafters to adopt it. Their proposals not only included political and civil rights, but also promoted particular economic and social rights for women as a group. They maintained, for instance, that child care and maternity leave should be obligations of the state. Indeed, the CSW insisted that recognition of their women's human rights agenda was essential to building a socially-just postwar order.
While Anglo-American women dominated interwar NGOs, the CSW showcased myriad international voices and won critical allies among liberal and conservative UN delegations by linking the advance of women's human rights to notions of modernity and democracy. As a result, the CSW made substantial political and civil rights gains, such as the guarantee of equal rights in marriage and divorce. Yet feminist delegates had to juggle their internationally-minded agenda with the interests they were to serve as national representatives. This task was further complicated by nascent Cold War politics and a growing anti-feminist backlash at the UN. In this context, UDHR drafters ultimately rejected the CSW's call for women's economic and social rights--a "social revolution" for women--in favor of the perceived stability of the "traditional" family. By the early 1950s, anti-communist pressures led the CSW to sever the pursuit of women's rights from the developing human rights framework at the UN. Feminists' absence from the UN human rights debates over the next several decades removed a forceful challenge to U.S.-led efforts to privilege political and civil rights over economic and social rights, and fostered a tacit hierarchy of rights that persists to this day.
This dissertation places the CSW's competing vision of universal human rights at the center of the postwar human rights project, and expands our understanding of the history of international women's activism and human rights. By analyzing official UN records, delegates' papers and memoirs, and the records of governmental and non-governmental organizations, it reveals that postwar human rights advocacy was critically shaped by women's activism of the interwar period. Furthermore, this dissertation demonstrates that the CSW's demands for women's rights shaped the context from which the universal human rights framework emerged. Indeed, feminist activism and debates about the rights of women influenced UDHR drafters' views about human rights in ways that expanded, but also significantly curtailed postwar human rights standards. As a result, feminist activists continue to fight today for full recognition of women's rights as human rights.
26
Ward, Jessica D. « Conjugal Rights in Flux in Medieval Poetry ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500176/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study explores how four medieval poems—the Junius manuscript’s Genesis B and Christ and Satan and Geoffrey Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde and The Parliament of Fowls—engage with medieval conjugal rights through their depictions of agentive female protagonists. Although many laws at this time sought to suppress the rights of women, especially those of wives’, both pre- and post-conquest poets illustrate women who act as subjects, exercising legal rights. Medieval canon and common law supported a certain amount of female agency in marriage but was not consistent in its understanding of what that was. By considering the shifts in law from Anglo-Saxon and fourteenth century England in relation to wives’ rights and female consent, my project asserts that the authors of Genesis B and Christ and Satan and the late-medieval poet Chaucer position their heroines to defend legislation that supports female agency in matters of marriage. The Anglo-Saxon authors do so by conceiving of Eve’s role in the Fall and harrowing of hell as similar to the legal role of a forespeca. Through Eve’s mimesis of Satan’s rhetoric, she is able to reveal an alternate way of conceiving of the law as merciful instead of legalistic. Chaucer also engages with a woman’s position in society under the law through his representation of Criseyde’s role in her courtship with Troilus in his epic romance, Troilus and Criseyde. Chaucer disrupts his audiences’ expectations by placing Criseyde as the more agentive party in her courtship with Troilus and shows that women might hope to the most authority in marriage by withholding their consent. In his last dream vision, The Parliament of Fowls, Chaucer engages again with the importance of female consent in marriage but takes his interrogation of conjugal rights a step further by imagining an alternate legal system through Nature, a female authority who gives equal consideration to all classes and genders.
27
Narain, Vrinda. « Anxiety and amnesia : Muslim women's equality in postcolonial India ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102240.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this thesis, I focus on the relationship between gender and nation in post-colonial India, through the lens of Muslim women, who are located on the margins of both religious community and nation. The contradictory embrace of a composite national identity with an ascriptive religious identity, has had critical consequences for Muslim women, to whom the state has simultaneously granted and denied equal citizenship. The impact is felt primarily in the continuing disadvantage of women through the denial of gender equality within the family. The state's regulation of gender roles and family relationships in the 'private sphere', inevitably has determined women's status as citizens in the public sphere.In this context, the notion of citizenship becomes a focus of any exploration of the legal status of Muslim women. I explore the idea of citizenship as a space of subaltern secularism that opens up the possibility for Indian women of all faiths, to reclaim a selfhood, free from essentialist definitions of gender interests and prescripted identities. I evaluate the realm of constitutional law as a counter-hegemonic discourse that can challenge existing power structures. Finally, I argue for the need to acknowledge the hybridity of culture and the modernity of tradition, to emphasise the integration of the colonial past with the postcolonial present. Such an understanding is critical to the feminist emancipatory project as it reveals the manner in which oppositional categories of public/private, true Muslim woman/feminist, Muslim/Other, Western/Indian, and modern/traditional, have been used to deny women equal rights.
28
Smith, Helen. « The Fire and the Ash ». Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2002. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1644.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis comprises two parts. Part One is a novel (The Fire and the Ash), set in the latter half of the nineteenth century. lt chronicles, for the most part, the marriage of a young Irish couple. Part Two is an essay entitled Victorian Women and the Law. This area of research was selected because the life span of the woman in my novel coincides almost precisely with the reign of Queen Victoria. The life of women in Victorian Britain is commonly known to have been difficult. The social dictates of the time required that they be groomed from early childhood for a life of servitude to father and, hopefully, later a husband. There was little room, apart for a small minority of exceptional women, for self-expression, other than through the domestic arts within the home.
29
Chediak, Lynsey. « Holes in the Historical Record : The Politics of Torture in Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, 1869-1977 ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/875.
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While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories.
Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos.
Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights.
Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.
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Bezbatchenko, Mary. « Virginia and the Equal Rights Amendment ». VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/748.
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In 1972, the campaign to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) began in the states. Many states quickly ratified the amendment but the ERA stalled fifteen states short of the necessary three-fourths to become part of the United States Constitution. Virginia was one of the states who did not ratify the amendment and this study examines the reasons why. Much like other southern states, conservative Virginia legislators wanted to maintain traditional gender roles. STOP ERA and other anti-ERA organizations mobilized before the proponents developed a unified campaign. Legislators were able to use the rules of the General Assembly to block serious consideration and ratification of the ERA. Proponents of the amendment started with an educational campaign but faced the problem of not being in a position to challenge the powerful conservative leaders in the General Assembly. They then shifted to a campaign based on electoral politics. However, the transition occurred too late to effect the outcome of ERA ratification in Virginia.
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Walker, Pamela N. « "Pray for Me and My Kids" : Correspondence between Rural Black Women and White Northern Women During the Civil Rights Movement ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1999.
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This paper examines the experiences of rural black women in Mississippi during the Civil Rights Movement by examining correspondence of the grassroots anti-poverty organization the Box Project. The Box Project, founded in 1962 by white Vermont resident and radical activist Virginia Naeve, provided direct relief to black families living in Mississippi but also opened positive and clandestine lines of communication between southern black women and outsiders, most often white women. The efforts of the Box Project have been largely left out of the dialogue surrounding Civil Rights, which has often been dominated by leading figures, major events and national organizations. This paper seeks to understand the discreet but effective ways in which some black women, though constrained by motherhood, abject poverty, and rural isolation participated in the Civil Rights Movement, and how black and white women worked together to chip away at the foundations of inequality that Jim Crow produced.
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Rousseau, Stéphanie. « Women and the public sphere in Peru : citizenship under Fujimori's neopopulist rule ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84544.
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This thesis analyses the process of social construction of women's citizenship rights in Peru under the regime of Alberto Fujimori (1990--2000). It builds on an existing body of literature on democratization and women's movements in Latin America, to develop an understanding of the forms of women's mobilization under new democratic regimes and the impact of the pattern of state-society relations on the advancements and losses in women's citizenship rights. More specifically, it shows that the 1990s witnessed a significant range of advances in women's civil and political rights, while social and economic rights suffered serious reversals. It is argued that the strategies and opportunities of different sectors of the women's movement in Peru, as well as the objectives pursued by the state under Fujimori's rule, combined to generate this evolution of women's citizenship. The forms of mobilization of these different sectors followed the course of their own constraints and choices, while they were also importantly shaped by the broader political framework: a neopopulist model of political rule together with the implementation of a neoliberal program of structural adjustment and liberalization. The influence of a set of international factors also contributed to structuring the political incentives and resources of the different actors involved in the social construction of women's citizenship in Peru. The thesis concludes that the democratic or authoritarian nature of the political regime as such cannot explain the pattern of construction of women's citizenship rights, as witnessed by an increased space of women in the public sphere and advances in civil and political rights under the restricted version of political democracy which characterized most of Fujimori's rule. Contrary to the literature on other Latin American women's movements, which detected a marginalization of women's movements in the political sphere following the transitions to d
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Key, Leslee. « From Desegregation to Desexigration in Richmond, Virginia, 1954-1973 ». VCU Scholars Compass, 2011. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2603.
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This investigation explores the relationships and experiences in the urban community that connected black and white women to understand the complexities of Jim Crow, its breakdown, and the subsequent expansion of female activism in Richmond, Virginia. By examining the South’s famous department stores, Thalhimers and Miller & Rhoads, this research attempts to focus on female-created and female-oriented spaces within downtown Richmond, from 1954 until 1973, and draws a line from the Thalhimer boycott staged by African-American women in 1961 to the sit-in performed by white women in the Thalhimers male-only soup bar in 1970. Historical context is developed to show changing patterns surrounding racism and gender roles during the 1950s and 1960s within urban space, particularly department stores. The changes made within white and black women’s organizations, such as the YWCA, alongside these downtown stores, supplied important social and employment opportunities for women in the community and throughout the state, and influenced women of different cultures and races. The formation of multi-racial female coalitions within areas of employment set the stage for the formation of the women’s Movement in Richmond as women displayed subtle forms of feminist activism within the conservative environment of the Commonwealth.
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Dunn, Kimberlee Harper. « Germanic Women : Mundium and Property, 400-1000 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5378/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Many historians would like to discover a time of relative freedom, security and independence for women of the past. The Germanic era, from 400-1000 AD, was a time of stability, and security due to limitations the law placed upon the mundwald and the legal ability of women to possess property. The system of compensations that the Germans initiated in an effort to stop the blood feuds between Germanic families, served as a deterrent to men that might physically or sexually abuse women. The majority of the sources used in this work were the Germanic Codes generally dated from 498-1024 AD. Ancient Roman and Germanic sources provide background information about the individual tribes. Secondary sources provide a contrast to the ideas of this thesis, and information.
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Ertle, Lynne 1963. « Antique Ladies : Women and Newspapers on the Oregon Frontier, 1846-1859 ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12275.
Texte intégralRésumé :
viii, 234 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT PN4897.O74 E78 1995Studies have shown that women's ideas, especially those that challenge the status quo, have historically received little attention from the press. This thesis discusses how women were described in three of Oregon's frontier newspapers from 1846 to 1859, and also explores their contributions to the newspapers as writers, poets, editors, and businesswomen. Information from established American media clipped for the frontier papers described popular, mainstream ideas of womanhood, as well as provided news on the emerging women's rights struggle. Information generated locally on women encompassed a variety of themes, including marriage, education, and temperance. This study shows that even though content about women and women's roles as contributors were constrained by contemporary ideas of propriety and women's place in society, women were valued as readers and contributors to the three Oregon newspapers.
Committee in charge: Dr. Lauren Kessler, Chair; Dr. Timothy Gleason, Dr. Leslie Steeves
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Miguda, Edith Atieno. « International catalyst and women's parliamentary recruitment : a comparative study of Kenya and Australia 1963-2002 / ». Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm6362.pdf.
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Kenny, Christina Mary. « 'They would rather have the women who are humbled' : Gendered citizenship and embodied rights in post-colonial Kenya ». Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148124.
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For all the effort and attention Kenyan women receive from the international rights community and at times, from their own government, human rights frameworks are not significantly improving the lives of Kenyan women. Attempting to address this, a great deal of work has been done on monitoring and evaluating human rights based interventions, including tightening funding structures, making recipient organisations more accountable to donors, and assessing the progress of governments and non-government organisations in promoting human rights based reform. I take a different approach. Rather than assess individual projects or goals of aid, my approach questions the assumptions which underpin these interventions from their conception. Following Sally Engle Merry’s work on the vernacularisation of transnational gender rights projects, and taking Kenya as a case study, I argue that the local histories, understandings and hierarchies of gendered power must be understood in much more nuanced and critical manner that we are doing presently. Further, I contend that internationalist human rights discourses create certain kinds of subjects and requires these subjects to behave in particular ways. The current failure to recognize and make space for individual and cultural complexity means that human rights based interventions are only superficially affecting relationships and power dynamics in women’s lives, making substantive, long term change very difficult. My thesis is an interdisciplinary project, and combines an engagement with scholarly literature on gender, post-colonial feminism, human rights theory and practice, as well as Kenyan history and historiography, with research gathered during 13 months of field work. My field work is based on focus groups and interviews with women in Nairobi and rural areas around Lake Victoria and engages with the lived experience of African women. These discussions illustrate the ways in which the discourses of international human rights in fact reproduce the very patterns, structures, and hierarchies which are at the core of women’s disenfranchisement and marginalization. This project historicises women’s current experiences of human rights through Kenya’s late colonial and post-colonial history, and follows these colonial legacies into the modern period through four thematic cases: women as victims and objects of cultural violence; myths of the sorority of African women; women as victims of political and state violence; and women as actors in national political processes. These four cases carry two overarching concerns, firstly, that we need to challenge ourselves to locate women’s agency within their own politics and goals, rather than through what Saba Mahmood describes as the diagnostic and prescriptive lens of feminist analysis. And secondly, we need to be vigilant that our continued attention to the bodies of women does not re-inscribe the embodied-ness of women, and the disembodied-ness of men. In centring the lived experiences and views of Kenyan women, and historicising the production of gender, I critically evaluate the efficacy of modern human rights discourses and projects in local contexts, contributing to the post-colonial feminist project which explores the complex and intersecting dimensions of gender, race, and culture.
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Brankovich, Jasmina. « Burning down the house ? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998 ». University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
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Ring, Jonathan Jacob. « The diffusion of norms in the international system ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1386.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Why do states express support for norms that go against their underlying beliefs? Scholars of policy diffusion have identified four social mechanisms -- coercion, competition, emulation, and learning -- that can lead to the spread of a common practice, a norm, in the international system. I build a formal model of the four mechanisms and apply them to actual cases of norm diffusion. The formal models are anchored by three variables that capture fundamental aspects of international society: hierarchy, neighborhood, and identity. The four different diffusion mechanisms operate on these variables, creating distinct over-time trajectories. Three important dynamic patterns are compared across different model specifications: the shape of the adoption S-curve, the power distribution among expressers and non-expressers, and the degree of regional clustering. I find that the four mechanisms produce unique signatures under many conditions, but that changes to some parameters such as initial number of expressers can obscure the identification of the diffusion mechanism.
In the first empirical chapter, I apply the framework to the diffusion of quotas for women's representation. I find that quotas are adopted by weak states, and that the likely source of inspiration for quota adoption are other weak states in the same neighborhood. The empirical pattern in terms of hierarchy, neighborhood, and identity point to competition as the mechanism that drove quota diffusion. Because competition is associated with norm internalization, this finding suggests that the world is really becoming more gender equal. In the second empirical chapter, I change substantive focus to the diffusion of human rights norms. Adoption of human rights treaties seems to be associated with worse human rights behavior, but why do states that ratify human rights treaties so often fail to uphold their obligations?. I find that the Convention Against Torture (CAT) treaty is adopted first by strong states in Europe, then to weaker states in a regionally-contingent pattern. This empirical pattern is most consistent with the emulation mechanism. This implies that the anti-torture norm is not associated with internalization, and solves the previously puzzling ratification-compliance paradox.
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Neunsinger, Silke. « Die Arbeit der Frauen – die Krise der Männer : Die Erwerbstätigkeit verheirateter Frauen in Deutschland und Schweden 1919–1939 ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of History, 2001. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-1301.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1939 a law was passed in Sweden which forbade employers to dismiss female employees because of marriage or pregnancy. In Germany a law had been introduced already in 1932, which gave employers the right to dismiss a woman when she married. It also gave women right to end their employment for the same reason. The political decisions behind these legal changes were in both cases the result of an extended debate on the right of employment of married women. This debate occurred in most industrialised European countries in the interwar period.
The increasing participation of women on the labour market was by some groups interpreted as a cause of mass unemployment. Economic crisis contributed to a crisis of masculinity, which then led to attacks on the rights of married women to paid employment. In Sweden there was a state commission set up in 1936 with the task of investigating women’s employment. This commission, kvinnoarbetskommittén, managed to demonstrate that dismissing women would not lead to a lowering of the unemployment figures for men, a task they accomplished through detailed studies of several labour market areas. The report of the commission guided the decision of parliament, a decision taken when the economic depression had already turned to a boom period. The composition of the commission as well as its work was a consequence of the strong influence of the Swedish women’s movement.
In Germany the rights of women to paid employment was limited already in 1923 as the result of the financial crisis of the state. During the depression the attacks on married women’s right to employment became a political tool, which could be used both in foreign and domestic policy. Dismissing married women employed as civil servants was aimed to quash the demands of unemployed men. A prime target in the foreign policy was to convince the victors of World War I that reparations exceeded the ability of the German nation, a nation which had been badly stricken by economic crisis and unemployment. With this argument a solution of the unemployment issue was given second priority.
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Clark-Wiltz, Meredith. « Revising Constitutions : Race and Sex Discrimination in Jury Service, 1868-1979 ». The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305652946.
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Reisfield, Alexander. « The De Havilland Law - How One Woman stood up to the Hollywood System ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2088.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Olivia de Havilland’s legal victory over Warner Brothers in 1943 set a new precedent for labor relations in Hollywood. Not an isolated piece of litigation, the resulting law now is referred to by her name. It was the culmination of long struggle for actors in the studio system for representation and fair treatment under the law. Much of the work during Hollywood’s studio era was undertaken by women. They used their positions on screen both to appeal to their individual audiences. More than any other, the female star defined the pictures they performed in and the brand of the studios that employed them.
Hollywood’s studio system bound stars like de Havilland contractually for a period of up to seven years, which was the legal limit at the time. This did not stop studios from abusing those legal limits through loopholes like the suspension clause. In 1943, the suspension clause was what Warner Brothers used to keep Olivia de Havilland beyond the seven calendar years she had worked for the studio. Actors rejoiced when the powerful suspension clause was declared unlawful by de Havilland’s suite. With the De Havilland Law, actors were entitled to independence that had previously be reserved for the lucky few.
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Molina-Lopez, Karol C. « Los Derechos Económicos de Las Mujeres en Chile Bajo el Gobierno de Pinochet ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/607.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este tesis explorara las facetas de los derechos económicos de la mujeres antes, durante y despues del régimen de Pinochet. El primer capítulo se enfocara en resumir las políticas económicas y sociales de Allende, el antecesor de Pinochet. El segundo capítulo analiza el rol de la mujer en la casa y el trabajo en este momento, donde se determinó la diferencia salarial entre los dos sexos. El tercer capitulo demostrara una comparación entre las mujeres que son de clase altas versus las de las clases socio-económicas más bajas. El último capítulo tocara el tópico de la moderna perspectiva sobre los derechos de la mujer post-Pinochet.
This thesis will explore the facets of the economic rights of women before, during, and after the Pinochet regime. The first chapter will focus on summarizing the economic and social policies of Allende, the predecessor of Pinochet. The second chapter analyzes the role of women in the home and work, where there will be a comparison on the wage difference between the two sexes. The third chapter will show the contrast between women who are in high-class status versus those of lower socio-economic classes. The last chapter will be relating to the modern perspective on the rights of women post-Pinochet.
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Fleming, Safa Rebecca Lorraine. « Locating Women's Rhetorical Education and Performance : Early to Mid Nineteenth Century Schools for Women and the Congregationalist Mission Movement ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1209093895.
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Roome, Patricia Anne. « Henrietta Muir Edwards, the journey of a Canadian feminist ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq24346.pdf.
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Washington, Clare Johnson. « Women and Resistance in the African Diaspora, with Special Focus on the Caribbean (Trinidad and Tobago) and U.S.A ». PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/137.
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American history has celebrated the involvement of black women in the "underground railroad," but little is said about women's everyday resistance to the institutional constraints and abuses of slavery. Many Americans have probably heard of and know about Harriet Tubman and Sojourner Truth - two very prominent black female resistance leaders and abolitionists-- but this thesis addresses the lives of some of the less-celebrated and lesser-known (more obscure) women; part of the focus is on the common tasks, relationships, burdens, and leadership roles of these very brave enslaved women. Resistance history in the Caribbean and Americas in its various forms has always emphasized the role of men as leaders and heroes. Studies in the last two decades Momsen 1996, Mintz 1996, Bush 1990, Beckles and Shepherd, Ellis 1985, 1996, Hart 1980, 1985) however, are beginning to suggest the enormous contributions of women to the successes of many of the resistance events. Also, research revelations are being made correcting the negative impressions and images of enslaved women as depicted in colonial writings (Mathis 2001, Beckles and Shepherd 1996, Cooper 1994, Campbell 1986, Price 1996, Campbell 1987). Some of these new findings portray women as not only actively at the forefront of colonial military and political resistance operations but performed those activities in addition to their roles as the bearers of their individual original cultures. Their goal was achievement of freedom for their people. Freedom can be seen as a magic word that politicians, propagandists, psychologists and priests throw around with ease. Yet, to others freedom has a different meaning which varies with the individual's sense of associated values. Freedom without qualification is an abstract noun meaning, "not restricted, unimpeded", or simply, "liberty"; but when it is concretized in individual situations its meaning is narrowed, and it becomes clear that no one can be fully free. Yet the love of freedom is one of our deepest feelings, a truly heartfelt cry, freedom of wide open spaces, liberty to enjoy the taste, in unrestricted fashion, of the joys of nature, to live a life free from external anxieties and internal fears; freedom to be truly ourselves. All living creatures, even animals seem to value their freedom above all else. Enslaved people were not submissive towards their oppressors; attempts were made both subtly, overtly and violently to resist their so-called "masters" and slavery conditions. Violent and non-violent resistance were carried out by the enslaved throughout colonial history on both sides of the Atlantic, and modern historical literature shows that women oftentimes displayed more resistance than men. Enslaved Africans started to fight the transatlantic slave trade as soon as it began. Their struggles were multifaceted and covered four continents over four centuries. Still, they have often been underestimated, overlooked, or forgotten. African resistance was reported in European sources only when it concerned attacks on slave ships and company barracoons, but acts of resistance also took place far from the coast and thus escaped the slavers' attention. To discover them, oral history, archaeology, and autobiographies and biographies of African victims of the slave trade have to be probed. Taken together, these various sources offer a detailed image of the varied strategies Africans used to defend themselves and mount attacks against the slave trade in various ways. The Africans' resistance continued in the Americas, by running away, establishing Maroon communities, sabotage, conspiracy, and open uprising against those who held them in captivity. Freed people petitioned the authorities, led information campaigns, and worked actively to abolish the slave trade and slavery. In Europe, black abolitionists launched or participated in civic movements to end the deportation and enslavement of Africans. They too delivered speeches, provided information, wrote newspaper articles and books. Using violent as well as nonviolent means, Africans in Africa, the Americas, and Europe were constantly involved in the fight against the slave trade and slavery. Women are half the human race and they're half of history, as well. Until recent years, Black women's history has been even less than that. Much work has been done studying the lives of slaves in the United States and the slave system. From elementary school in the USA on through college we are taught the evils of slavery that took place right here in the Land of the Free. However, how much do we know about the enslaved in other places, namely the Caribbean? The Caribbean was the doorway to slavery here in the New World, and so it is important that we study the hardships that enslaved people suffered in that area. Slaves regularly resisted their masters in any way they could. Female slaves, in particular, are reported to have had a very strong sense of independence and they regularly resisted slavery using both violent and non-violent means. The focus of my research is on the lives of enslaved women in the Caribbean and their brave resistance to bondage. Caribbean enslaved women exhibited their strong character, independence and exceptional self worth through their opposition to the tasks they performed in the fields on plantations. Resistance was expressed in many different rebellious ways including not getting married, refusing to reproduce, and through various other forms as part of their open physical resistance. The purpose of this project is to identify the role enslaved women in both the Caribbean and the USA played in some of the major uprisings, revolts, and rebellions during their enslavement period. The research identifies individual female personalities, who played key roles in not only the everyday work on plantations, but also in planning resistance movements in the slave communities. This study utilizes plantations records, archival material, and official sources. Archival records from plantations located in archives and county clerks' offices; interviews with sources such as researchers and experts familiar with the plantations of slave communities in designated areas; and research in libraries, as well as other sources, oral histories, written and oral folklore, and personal interviews were used as well.
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Harris, Jenny Lynn Mcgee. « The Silent Majority : Conservative Perception, Mobilization, and Rhetoric at the Utah State International Women's Year Conference ». Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2005. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd703.pdf.
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Hosseinioun, Mishana. « The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.
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Ottoni, Jony Ramos. « Retratos da violência contra o sexo feminino através de fontes judiciais : análise de processos-crime ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2015. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/1081.
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O presente estudo buscou fazer uma releitura dos processos-crime na cidade de Caxias do Sul/RS, na década de trinta do século passado, que envolveram a violência contra o sexo feminino. Tomando os processos-crime como fonte, foram escolhidos os que continham os crimes de defloramento, estupro e violência sexual. O trabalho teve como objetivo estudar a trajetória da mulher caxiense vítima de violência, com enfoque no contexto social, político, cultural e organizacional, verificando, assim, as relações de trabalho e poder, condições de vida, educacional e sexual. Sendo o estudo de suma importância, pois nos reporta para a realidade atual, melhorando, assim, a compreensão das relações existentes entre os sexos. Realizou-se, também, um recorte sobre a legislação vigente na época em que ocorreram os crimes, abordouse um breve histórico sobre os processos-crime catalogados em Caxias do Sul. O estudo permeia a formação da Comarca de Caxias do Sul, seus primeiros habitantes, a imigração italiana, bem como o papel da mulher caxiense na sociedade e como ela foi apresentada na história, por meio do discurso e da prática de submissão e dependência. Propõe-se a implantação, nas escolas, da temática de igualdade de gêneros e a abordagem do papel da escola como agente de transformação social.Submitted by Ana Guimarães Pereira (agpereir@ucs.br) on 2015-12-08T13:09:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Jony Ramos Ottoni.pdf: 2454119 bytes, checksum: 82551d0f8b7ce112b0d8ab38c27eb7cb (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-08T13:09:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Jony Ramos Ottoni.pdf: 2454119 bytes, checksum: 82551d0f8b7ce112b0d8ab38c27eb7cb (MD5)
This study aimed to make a rereading of criminal cases in the city of Caxias do Sul/RS, in the thirties of the last century, involving violence against women. Taking the criminal proceedings as a source, they were chosen that contained the deflowering of crimes, rape and sexual violence. The work aimed to study the trajectory of caxiense woman victim of violence, focusing on social, political, cultural and organizational, checking thus labor relations and power, living conditions, educational and sexual. And the study of paramount importance because the reports for the current reality, thus improving the understanding of the relationship between the sexes. Held also a cutout on the legislation in force at the time they occurred the crimes, addressed to a brief history of the criminal cases cataloged in Caxias do Sul. The study permeates the formation of Caxias do Sul County, its first inhabitants, the Italian immigration and the role of women in society caxiense and how it was presented in history, through discourse and practice of submission and dependence. It is proposed the implementation in schools, the issue of gender equality and the approach of the school's role as agents of social transformation.
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Cherland, Kelsey. « The Development Of Personal Status Law In Jordan & ; Iraq ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/865.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the historical development of personal status law, which governs a person’s marriage, divorce, and custody rights. It is significant because it is part of a framework that has defined women’s rights for centuries. I will argue that personal status law is a patriarchal framework that has been reinforced over time, leading up to the creation of nation-states in the Middle East. As such, this is the “institution” of personal status that will be traced using historical institutionalism theory. In this thesis I will argue that personal status has undergone a critical juncture, or crucial moment of potential to change, in both Jordan and Iraq’s founding, and that this has consequentially affected personal status law development and responses to the women’s movement throughout the 20th century in both countries. This thesis briefly reviews the role of women’s rights and the development of law in pre-Islam era, Islam and the Qur’an, and the Ottoman Empire in order to describe the institution of personal status law. Next, I review the history of Jordan and then Iraq and identify the critical juncture of personal status in historical context. In each chapter I will also explore the matter of de facto, or what women’s rights are like in practice, as an example of the institution at work in the patriarchal protection paradox.