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1
Svedberg, Douglas. « Gaining international legitimacy by improving women's rights and gender equality : The case of Nicaragua ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402545.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A reoccurring argument in previous research is that autocracies implement policy changes for women’s rights in order to gain international legitimacy. The idea is that by showing the international community that they are on-board with the global movement to empower women; focus is diverted they from their shortcomings in other democratic aspects. What is left out of the discussion though, is how such legitimization take shape. With help of qualitative content analysis, this thesis aims to investigate whether Nicaragua, an increasingly autocratic state which has implemented policy changes to improve women’s rights and gender equality, has gained international legitimacy in the reports of two different watch dog organizations, Amnesty International and Freedom House, and simultaneously received less criticism for their flaws as a state. The results of the analysis are not straightforward but provides two key findings that suggests that the theory cannot be completely dismissed. The first one is that, by comparing the reports by Freedom House, less criticism is detected simultaneously as the two policy changes are referred to more often in year 2012 compared to year 2011 which supports the theory. The second finding is that the amendments of Comprehensive Violence against Women Law in 2013 is referred to rather differently between Amnesty International and Freedom House, which brings more complexity to this issue. Thus, future research on the subject with similar methodology should analyze data from more than two organizations in order to understand if any view is more common than the other.
2
Jändel, Sara. « Fights for Rights : A Case Study of Two Vigilante Women's Movements : The Suffragettes and The Gulabi Gang ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353038.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a comparative case study of the Suffragette movement and the Gulabi Gang, two women’s movements using violence as a political strategy to fight patriarchal structures. Studying vigilante women’s movements is important as the current literature on the relationship between women and violence is deficient, focusing on women as victims of violence but neglecting the idea of women as contributors to violence. This study therefore aims to challenge the idea of female pacifism and to acknowledge women as rational, and sometimes violent, actors. This will be done by comparing the Suffragette movement and the Gulabi Gang, two most-different cases of vigilante women’s movements, with the purpose to find the motivations behind their strategic choice of violence. The study is of an explorative kind, aiming to contribute to the existing theories of vigilantism with why some women’s groups have felt compelled to step outside of traditional stereotypes and norms attributed to women to achieve their goals. The result shows that the existing theories explaining the motivations to vigilante actions coincide with the Suffragettes and the Gulabi Gang. They are however also proven to not adequately explain why some women’s movements use violence. This study therefore contributes, to the existing theories, with the conclusion that women’s movements use violence, generally seen as a masculine strategy, to shock and surprise the people and the decision-makers. The use of violence, in other words, creates a disturbance in the societal structures as a result of women generally being unexpected to use such strategies. It furthermore creates opportunities for the groups to increase the attention devoted to them in ways that would not have been possible if the groups would use more feminine strategies.
3
Rodriguez, Fernandez Gisela Victoria. « Reproduciendo Otros Mundos : Indigenous Women's Struggles Against Neo-Extractivism and the Bolivian State ». PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5094.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Latin America is in a political crisis, yet Bolivia is still widely recognized as a beacon of hope for progressive change. The radical movements at the beginning of the 21st century against neoliberalism that paved the road for the election of Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, beckoned a change from colonial rule towards a more just society. Paradoxically, in pursuing progress through economic growth, the Bolivian state led by President Morales has replicated the colonial division of labor through a development model known as neo-extractivism. Deeply rooted tensions have also emerged between indigenous communities and the Bolivian state due to the latter's zealous economic bond with the extractivist sector.
Although these paradoxes have received significant attention, one substantial aspect that remains underexplored and undertheorized is how such tensions affect socio-political relations at the intersections of class, race and gender where indigenous women in Bolivia occupy a unique position. To address this research gap, this qualitative study poses the following research questions: 1. How does neo-extractivism affect the lives of indigenous women? 2. How does the state shape relations between neo-extractivism and indigenous women? 3. How do indigenous women organize to challenge the impact of state-led extractivism on their lives and their communities? To answer these questions, I conducted a multi-sited ethnographic study between October 2017 and June 2018 in Oruro, Bolivia, an area that is heavily affected by mining contamination. By analyzing processes of social reproduction, I argue that neo-extractivism leads to water contamination and water scarcity, becoming the epicenter of the deterioration of subsistence agriculture and the dispossession of indigenous ways of life. Because indigenous women are subsistence producers and social reproducers whose activities depend on water, the dispossession of water has a dire effect on them, which demonstrates how capitalism relies on and exacerbates neo-colonial and patriarchal relations.
To tame dissent to these contradictions, the Bolivian and self-proclaimed "indigenist state" defines and politicizes ethnicity in order to build a national identity based on indigeneity. This state-led ethnic inclusion, however, simultaneously produces class exclusions of indigenous campesinxs (peasants) who are not fully engaged in market relations. In contrast to the government's inclusive but rigidly-defined indigeneity, indigenous communities embrace a fluid and dual indigeneity: one that is connected to territories, yet also independent from them; a rooted indigeneity based on the praxis of what it means to be indigenous. Indigenous women and their communities embrace this fluid and rooted indigeneity to build alliances across gender, ethnic, and geographic lines to organize against neo-extractivism. Moreover, the daily responsibilities of social reproduction within the context of subsistence agriculture, which are embedded in Andean epistemes of reciprocity, duality, and complementarity, have allowed indigenous women to build solidarity networks that keep the social fabric within, and between, communities alive. These solidarity networks are sites of everyday resistances that represent a threat and an alternative to capitalist, colonial and patriarchal mandates.
4
Johansen, Kine Fjell. « The state and civil society in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa : the case of women’s movements ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6875.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Both democracy and civil society is seen to be dysfunctional in many African countries. Political leaders are not accountable to the people and citizens’ participation in the democracies is low. Particularly, women have often been neglected both within formal politics and the civil society. The aim of this thesis has been to investigate the role of the women’s movements in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa. The study has focused on the relationship between the women’s movement and the state, and further addressed the extent to which the women’s movements have been able to direct the state and influence policymaking for improved women’s rights and gender equality in the respective countries. The thesis has found that the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in the three countries inhibits very different characteristics that give rise to varying degrees of success from the work of the women’s movements. Further, the relationship has been subjected to changes in accordance with the overall political developments in the three countries. In Uganda and South Africa the political transitions of the mid 1980s and early 1990s, each respectively represented a period of good connection and communication between the women’s movements and the state. The women’s movements were able to present a strong voice and, thereby, were able to influence the state for the adoption of national gender machineries. After the political transitions, the relationship between the women’s movements and the state in both Uganda and South Africa has, however, become more constrained. In South Africa, the debates on women’s rights and gender equality have been moved from the terrain of the civil society and into the state, leading to a seemingly weakened voice for the women’s movement outside the state. In Uganda, the women’s movement have come to be subjected to pressure for co-optation by the government. The government does not genuinely uphold a concern for increased women’s rights and gender equality, and the women’s movement has at times been directly counteracted. Further, in Kenya, the women’s movement’s relationship with the state is characterised by competition rather than communication. The women’s movement is subjected to high degrees of repression, attempts of cooptation and silencing from the state, and the women’s movement have been effectively restricted from presenting a strong voice and influence the state to any great. The three case- studies illustrates that the political opportunity structures present at a particular time influence the extent to which women’s movements can work effectively in different contexts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Menige Afrikaland se demokrasie sowel as burgerlike samelewing word as disfunksioneel beskou. Politieke leiers doen geen verantwoording aan die mense nie, en burgers se deelname aan demokrasie is gebrekkig. Veral vroue word afgeskeep in die formele politieke sfeer én die burgerlike samelewing. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die rol van die vrouebewegings in Uganda, Suid-Afrika en Kenia te ondersoek. Die studie konsentreer op die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat, en handel voorts oor die mate waarin die verskillende vrouebewegings die staat kan lei en beleidbepaling kan beïnvloed om beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid in die onderskeie lande teweeg te bring. Die tesis bevind dat die verhouding tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat in die drie lande onder beskouing baie uiteenlopende kenmerke toon, wat wisselende grade van sukses in die vrouebewegings se werk tot gevolg het. Voorts verander dié verhouding namate die oorkoepelende politieke bestel in die drie lande verander. Uganda en Suid-Afrika se politieke oorgange in die middeltagtiger- en vroeë negentigerjare onderskeidelik het ʼn tydperk van goeie bande en kommunikasie tussen die vrouebewegings en die staat verteenwoordig. Die vrouebewegings se stem het groot gewig gehad en kon dus die staat beïnvloed om nasionale beleid en werkswyses met betrekking tot gender in te stel. Ná die onderskeie politieke oorgange is die verhouding tussen die vrouebeweging en die staat in sowel Uganda as Suid-Afrika egter aansienlik ingeperk. In Suid-Afrika het die debat oor vroueregte en gendergelykheid van die gebied van die burgerlike samelewing na die staat verskuif, wat die vrouebeweging se stem buite die staat aansienlik verswak het. In Uganda is die vrouebeweging weer onderwerp aan druk van koöpsie deur die regering. Die regering blyk nie werklik besorg te wees oor beter vroueregte en gendergelykheid nie, en die vrouebeweging word by tye direk teengewerk. Daarbenewens word die Keniaanse vrouebeweging se verhouding met die staat gekenmerk deur kompetisie eerder as kommunikasie. Die vrouebeweging het te kampe met heelwat onderdrukking en koöpsie- en muilbandpogings van die staat, en word in effek daarvan weerhou om hul menings te lug en die staat in enige beduidende mate te beïnvloed met die oog op groter doelgerigtheid en beter beleidbepaling wat vroueregte en gendergelykheid betref. Die drie gevallestudies toon dat die politieke geleentheidstrukture op ʼn bepaalde tydstip ʼn uitwerking het op die mate waarin vrouebewegings doeltreffend in verskillende kontekste kan funksioneer.
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Ada, Tchoukou Julie Ynes. « Legal Development and the Democratization of Human Rights in Post-modern Africa : A Case for the Legal Regulation of Cultural Violence Against Girls ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/42652.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The problem of cultural violence against girls in Nigeria has been discussed at length. A number of scholars have conducted empirical studies, others developed theories and tools to be used in measuring and monitoring improvement on eliminating specific cultural practices. This scholarship is vitally important. They launch feminist and other anthropological works into an arena of anti-violence work which without a doubt have a significant impact and far-reaching repercussions for girls who experience violence in Nigeria. Yet, despite the systemic change over the past years, the problem of violence against girls in Africa, more specifically Nigeria, is still persistent within cultural communities. Building on the important foundational works of these authors, my dissertation analyses this problem from a different perspective. This thesis identifies several governance gaps within the Nigerian legal framework that needs to be addressed before existing legal mechanisms can adequately address the problem of violence against girls. To ensure a proper examination of the different dimensions and changing patterns of cultural violence against girls, the dissertation focuses on the practice of child marriages within Muslim communities in Northern Nigeria. The complexity of the issues addressed in this dissertation required a variety of theoretical tools to unpack the different fields of inquiry. The dissertation uses a critical legal studies and feminist framework in studying the problem of cultural violence against girls in Nigeria. It also uses textuality, a method of inquiry within Dorothy Smith’s feminist socio-legal methodology, to investigate the text-based organization of social policy in Nigeria to ultimately reveal a legal and political system used as an instrument for consolidating power and legitimizing anti-women principles as traditional values. Using these tools, the thesis analyzed the complexity of the problem of cultural violence through a focus on co-existing institutional frameworks, that is, formal and informal legal structures and the roles they play in shaping the experiences of girls within cultural communities.
6
Woldegies, Belete Deribie Dr. « Economic Empowerment Through Income Generating Activities and Social Mobilization : The Case of Married Amhara Women of Wadla Woreda, North Wollo Zone, Ethiopia ». Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1414506522.
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Burgan, Rebecca. « A Feminist Oversight : The Reproductive Rights of Women in Prisons ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1400191200.
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Chen, Pei-Ching. « Women's studies and the women's movement in Taiwan / ». Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2639.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Essays (M.A.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006.Theses (Dept. of Women's Studies) / Simon Fraser University. Senior supervisor : Dr. Helen Hok-Sze Leung. Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.
9
Sabine, Kathryn Rose. « Post-Roe : In defense of reproductive rights ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291635.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Second wave feminists almost necessarily withdrew from the quagmire of motherhood politics to focus more directly on reproductive rights policy. Many third wave feminists have not yet experienced the hardships and heartache of attempting to balance career and motherhood, so there is a generational rift at play within the feminist movement. Being inclusive of all women's experiences and choices will help feminists create a reproductive rights policy that meets the needs of more women in their decisions to mother (or not) and provide invaluable information feminists need in seeking to address disparate measures of economic and social stability mothers are subjected to. By meeting the needs of more women, the feminist movement creates a sympathetic political constituent base to draw from when backlash efforts are enacted against such policies.
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Troh, Christian. « Violation of women's rights : Female Genital Mutilation FGM ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-96445.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study intends to analyze the causes of the high prevalence of the practice of female genital mutilations (FGM) in Sudan, Nigeria, and Iraq. For the attainment of this objective, the researcher had used the secondary data collection and the qualitative data analysis method. The results of the study indicate that the factors of culture, religion and society are the three most important ones which had directly contributed towards the high prevalence of FGM in the different developing nations like Sudan, Nigeria and Iraq among others. More importantly, the results also indicate that the practice of is an attempt on the part of the male dominated society of these nations to not only control the sexuality of the women but of almost all the aspects of their life. Furthermore, this ritual while adversely affecting the wellbeing as well as the health of the women and the girls is a gross violation of the human rights or the basic fundamental rights of the girls and the women. In addition to these, it had been seen that although the different nations of the world like Sudan and Iraq in the recent years had taken the help of various measures, legislations and others but they have failed to help these nations to effectively reduce the high prevalence of FGM. However, in the relation mention needs to be made of the nation of Nigeria which in the recent years had been able to reduce the prevalence of FGM by more than half through the usage of adequate implementation and monitoring strategies for the effective usage of the different legislations, regulations and others related to FGM. This as a matter of fact has important implications for the nations like Iraq and Sudan since they also have the option to reduce the high prevalence of FGM in their territory through the usage of similar measures. Lastly, the study recommends the usage of adequate implementation, monitoring and evaluation strategies for the legislations, regulations and others related to FGM, empowerment of women and the spread of required awareness regarding the harmful effects of FGM on the health and the wellbeing of the women for reducing the high prevalence of the same.Due to Convid 19 the presentation was virtual.
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Young, Shawna Hodges. « Women's collegiate wrestling : three case studies / ». ProQuest subscription required:, 2001. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=990270571&sid=4&Fmt=2&clientId=8813&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Mian, N. « Women's human rights in Islam and international human rights regime : the case of Pakistan ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.419450.
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Apelgren, Elin. « Promoting Women's Rights : The Case of Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374280.
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Hutchinson, Yvette. « Womanpower in the Civil Rights Movement ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625696.
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Floriani, Elena <1992>. « Legal protection of women's rights in Africa : The case of Tanzania ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12216.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The protection of women’s rights in Africa is a relatively young juridical field. Also, the feminist debate that developed in the last decades in the Western world cannot be directly applied to the African background. Thus, this thesis will look at women rights from an African perspective: after an excursus on the main legal achievements reached by African women for the safeguard of their rights, the two key instruments at an international level will be analysed: CEDAW and the Maputo Protocol. To enforce the law in defence of women’s rights, beside the African Commission, a decisive role can be played by the young African Court on Human and People’s rights. For this reason, its history, functions and potentiality will be examined. To present the possible developments of the Court, the European and the Inter-American Courts on Human Rights will be considered as references: their activity in the protection of women’s rights will be observed, as well as the example they could represent for the African Court. After this international perspective, the role of African domestic courts in the protection of women will be developed through the case study of Tanzania. The legal framework for the protection of women’s human rights will be outlined, including the Constitution of Tanzania and the international treaties ratified. Discriminatory laws and practices against women will be considered along with the approach of the domestic court in the cases challenging these practices.
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Tripp, Caitlin. « The American Impact on the Evolution of the Japanese Women’s Rights Movement ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/449.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this research is to explore the impact of America’s influence on Japanese women’s efforts to obtain equal rights. America’s role in various Japanese women’s rights groups and movements has been the subject of essays and theses in the past, yet the topic is generally centered specifically on the period during the American occupation following World War II in 1945. This paper aims to take a broader look at Japanese Women’s Rights efforts before and after the war to garner a better understanding of the ways in which the American influence aided in the development of the movement. Japanese women have fought for their rights without the aid of American influence, yet the relationship between the two has had benefits for both parties.
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Mast, Hallie Cierra. « Republican Motherhood and the Early Road to Women's Rights : 1765-1848 ». Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1336162089.
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Lidström, Karin. « The Matrilineal Puzzle : Women's Land Rights in Mozambique- Case study : Niassa Province ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-232909.
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This thesis aims to shed light on issues related to women’s rights to access and benefit from land in matrilineal communities in rural, northern Mozambique. It portrays the environment in which organisations working with implementation of land rights operate as well as proposes conclusions on the core obstacles to their work. A qualitative study was conducted and forms the basis of the study and is complemented with previous research on this topic. Women in rural, matrilineal communities in northern Mozambique are not equal with their male counterparts and they hold a lower social position despite the alleged matrilineal structure. However, they appear to be less marginalised than women in southern, patrilineal Mozambique, which suggests that the matrilineal structure does have a positive effect on the lives of the rural women. Furthermore, this study shows that the obstacles when implementing women’s land rights can be summarised as: (i) strong patriarchal attitudes, (ii) an insufficient level of education that excludes women from decision-making and (iii) a too narrow understanding of the gender-power relations.
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Marchesan, Lidia <1994>. « Women's rights and corporate social responsibility : a case of gender-based violence ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/13863.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present study aims at explaining how economic globalization and human rights interact, which represents a fundamental basis in order to deeply analyse the concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in relation to multinational corporations and its main implications with regard to women’s rights.
The interest in the concept of corporate social responsibility arises from the major role multinational corporations started to play on an international scale as consequence of economic globalization which allowed these new business entities to gain greater economic, political influence and power but also triggered new concerns with regard to the increased scope for human rights violations within their transnational operations. Therefore, the main purpose of the study is to investigate whether existing international human rights mechanisms and corporate social responsibility standards, including both intergovernmental and corporate codes of conduct, adequately ensure the protection, the respect and the promotion of women’s rights on the part of multinational corporations. Within this framework, the effectiveness of judicial mechanisms is crucial in order to ensure legal accountability of multinational corporations in case of alleged women’s rights abuses, as it is explained in the analysis of a case of gender-based violence, namely Caal v. Hudbay Minerals Inc.
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Heymann, Ababio Anita Mawusinu. « Trokosi, woryokwe, cultural and individual rights, a case study of women's empowerment and community rights in Ghana ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ56710.pdf.
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McConnell, Karen E. « Homophobia in women's intercollegiate athletics : a case study ». Scholarly Commons, 1994. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2261.
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Luswata, Kawuma Eva. « Reinvigorating women's rights in Africa : the case for the Special Rapporteur and Additional Protocol ». Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1037.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"The objectives of the study are as follows: 1. To critically examine the efficacy of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women in Africa (SRRWA) with particular emphasis on the new legal framework created by the Protocol. 2. To investigate the operation of some universal and regional organs with comparable mandate, and their possible relevance to the improvement of the SRRWA. 3. To put forward recommendations for the improvement of the mandate of the SRRWA that will enhance its impact on the promotion and protection of women's rights in Africa. ... Following this introduction, the study is divided into three chapters. The first chapter traces the envolvement of the SRRWA in the Commission, provides its current operations and briefly expounds on the other mechanisms in the Commission targeting women. The second chapter evaluates both the terms of the mandate (within the context of the Protocol), and its successes and shortcomings. The third chapter explores comparative international and regional protection mechanisms and their possible relevance to the SRRWA. The fourth chapter contains recommendations on improving the mandate and concluding remarks." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Baillargeon, Christine. « Aboriginal women claiming rights through writing : A comparative analysis of selected texts ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28078.
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Aboriginal women and their concerns are largely underrepresented in most political arenas in Canada. In order for their preoccupations to be adequately addressed by governing bodies, these must first be identified and better understood. An exploration of how Aboriginal women resist and challenge oppression is thus needed. In this thesis, I examine a selection of academic works, authored by three prominent Aboriginal women activists in Canada: Sharon Donna McIvor, Patricia A. Monture and Kim Anderson. Their writings address the multiple injustices faced by Aboriginal women. The authors' methods for claiming individual and collective rights range widely, from awareness spreading, to reviving traditional ways, to taking legal action. They all express the difficulties and contradictions they face as indigenous women, though they diverge in their opinions concerning possible solutions. This, as well as their decisions to label themselves feminists or not, is perhaps due to their personal backgrounds and histories.
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Turbine, Vikki. « Women's perceptions of human rights and rights-based approaches in everyday life a case study from provincial Russia / ». Thesis, Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/126/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2007.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, 2007. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Thompson, Shelby Maria. « Women's Work : Human Rights Journalism in Chechnya, A Case Study of Anna Politkovskaya ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77580.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to evaluate and consider the topic of human rights journalism conducted by women in Chechnya. The primary research question that will be supported by this research, is whether or not Anna Politkovskaya's gender impacted her work, the reception of her work, and her overall experience as a human rights advocate in Chechnya. Anna Politkovskaya is being used as a primary case study due to the volume and breadth of the reports that she produced, and because she was the most well-known reporter in Chechnya during the Second Chechen War, giving her a wider audience. The work of other female journalists will be covered, but those works will serve a secondary purpose of aiding in looking at how Politkovskaya's journalistic legacy impacted other female journalists within Chechnya.
The current state of affairs within the Chechen Republic is one of limited civil liberties and increasing violence on behalf of the authoritarian state government towards advocacy groups and opposition parties. The environment for human rights has not notably improved since the official conclusion of the Second Chechen War, but the level of media attention dedicated to issues there has dramatically decreased. Chechnya is currently lacking a voice of passionate reason, and as a result lacks an effective advocate for civilian interests, which was the role previously filled by Politkovskaya.Master of Arts
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Rabinowitz, Amy Phyllis. « Education for empowerment : the role of emerging statewide organizations in gaining economic justice for women / ». Access Digital Full Text version, 1991. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/11168638.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ed.D.) -- Teachers College, Columbia University, 1991.Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Ellen Condliffe Lagemann. Dissertation Committee: Lawrence Cremin. Includes bibliographical references: (leaves 118-121).
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Sharafeldin, Marwa. « Personal status law reform in Egypt : women's rights : NGOs navigating between Islamic law and human rights ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d389f66-f8f6-4c0a-8755-1f7d2186a1ba.
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This thesis explores the ways in which Islamic law and human rights interact within the work of women’s rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that advocate the reform of the Egyptian Personal Status Law (PSL) in the period between 2006 and 2010. The thesis shows the relevance of the human rights framework as well as the flexibility of Islamic legal discourse in the work of the NGOs. Drawing on both Islamic law and human rights enabled NGOs to develop a more gender-sensitive religious discourse, which supported their PSL reform demands. However the interaction between these two frameworks was largely affected by several important factors, which sometimes led NGOs to dilute some of their demands. These factors included the implications of the change in the form of Shari‘a as codified law under the modern nation-state; the Egyptian political context both internally and externally; the common local perception that human rights are a Western production and an extension of Western colonialism; the dominant religious but patriarchal discourse governing the PSL; the implications of activism through the NGO structure; and the personal religiosity of individual activists. The thesis explores NGOs’ PSL reform demands in depth bearing in mind these factors. It investigates NGOs’ discourse and shows its strengths and weaknesses. It shows that the interaction between Islamic law and human rights within NGOs’ work in this particular Egyptian context produced reform demands that were innovative and practically appealing on one hand, but epistemologically problematic in some instances, on another.
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Mitchell, Anne Michelle. « Civil Rights Subjectivities and African American Women’s Autobiographies : The Life-Writings of Daisy Bates, Melba Patillo Beals, and Anne Moody ». The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282156678.
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McQuerry, Elizabeth 1964. « Central American women's organizations : Two case studies of political participation ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291498.
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Guatemala's Grupo de Apoyo Mutuo (GAM) and the Asociacion de Mujeres Nicaraguenses Luisa Amanda Espinoza (AMNLAE) in Nicaragua exemplify the resurgence of social movements arising from the turmoil in Central America. They are female collective agents pursuing the self-defined interests of their membership. Via humanitarian activism, the GAM struggles to locate the desaparecidos, while AMNLAE exercises institutional activism as a means to incorporate women and promote gender-specific interests. Women in both groups became active to protect "practical gender interests" and, as a result, women's level of consciousness is growing but the acquisition of a gender awareness does not necessarily follow political conscientization. The growing level of political participation and consciousness provides the women with training to become active and efficacious participants in the dynamics of their country.
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El-gousi, Hiam Sa. « Women's rights in Islam and contemporary Ulama : limitations and constraints : Egypt as case study ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15221/.
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There is a general notion that Islam, as a religion, looks down upon women and encourages discrimination against them. Thus, the status of Arab and Muslim women has become a controversial issue, drawing significant research attention amongst scholars in different fields such as sociology, social development, theology and feminist studies. This thesis aims to explain and understand both the actual status of Muslim Egyptian women and their rights in Muslim societies and also the influential role played by the ulama. The case of Egypt offers a useful focus for this research since the matter can be studied from multiple angles; political, and cultural. The emphasis given to introducing Muslim women's views, especially at the grassroots level on the subject under examination, are based on their current status and personal experiences. Field research was conducted in two main governorates in Egypt; Cairo and Qena. A total of 233 Informants participated in this study, representing different social, economic, educational, geographical, and cultural backgrounds. The findings of the study suggest that women hold a good level of awareness and knowledge of the rights granted to them by Islam, despite the discrepancy in the percentages obtained in both governorates. There is also a strong link between the content of Television drama and raising awareness about current legislations, given that the Media represent the main source of education for women about their rights in both locations. Finally recommendations are made at both macro and micro levels with the aim of creating sustainable improvement in women's rights in Egypt.
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Goodwin-Kucinsky, Molly. « Filling the Gaps : How Women’s Groups Meet Changing Needs in Post-Soviet Russia ». The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243868760.
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Gill, Amy. « In Their Finest Hour : Deciphering the Role of the Canadian Women's Movement in the Formulation of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28645.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyzes the role of the Canadian women's movement in the formulation of sections 15 and 28 in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Grounded in the context of the decade leading up to the 1980-1982 mega-constitutional debates, the ideas and actions of the women's movement demonstrate both their intellectual and political agency in securing a new interpretation of equality rights within the Charter. Intellectually, women drew on the legal experiences of Canadian, American, and international interpretations of equality as well as feminist ideology to conceive of a more substantive equality. Built out of two principles, equality of opportunity and equality of results, Canadian women devised a new language to reinforce the interpretation of substantive equality and sought out the means to transform their idea into reality.
The success of the women's movement in this era is typically attributed to its effective mobilization, profiting from an environment in which Canadian women were able to develop a complex network of organizations at the national, provincial, local, and grass roots level. Moreover, the structure of the women's movement provided a powerful platform for key figures within the movement to articulate women's concerns and have those opinions respectfully considered. Only in tandem do the ideals championed by the women's movement and the structure of the movement allow for its eventual success. The women's movement was riddled by strong cleavages, including ideological, regional, class, and ethnic cleavages, but held together in this era by a common commitment to substantive equality.
Providing an arena for action, the critical events that mark the 1980-1982 mega-constitutional debates showcase these elements and illustrate how Canadian women transformed their ideas into action. Examining the context leading up to the debates along with the events during the fourteen-month span of negotiations, it is argued that women played both an intellectual and political role in shaping equality rights in Canada. Their contributions not only secured an effective path to substantive equality but also irrevocably altered the nature of the debate surrounding human rights and changed the way Canadians understand, interpret, and practice equality.
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Schnieder, Elizabeth F. « The Devil is in the Details : Nebraska's Rescission of the Equal Rights Amendment, 1972-1973 ». Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1262547247.
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O'Leary, Melissa. « Women's advocacy and firearms control, the case of Bill C-68 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ57153.pdf.
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Torres, Mary Ann Rado. « Transnational feminism in the academy : linking humanities and human rights / ». Electronic version (Microsoft Word), 2005. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2005/torresm/marytorres.doc.
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Lotto, William. « Second class people a case study on the political and cultural rights of Japanese women throughout the 19th and 20th centuries / ». Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2005. http://thesis.haverford.edu/120/01/2005LottoW.pdf.
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Azerad, Jessica. « Negotiating Intersectionality : Women in the Civil Rights Movement and the Zapatista National Liberation Front ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1640.
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This thesis set out to determine the interaction between gender and social movement participation. In other words, it is answering the questions: how are women able to interact social movements and how do social movements enable women to be full participants in their struggle? It uses an intersectional framework to examine two social movements: the Black Civil Rights Movements that took place in the U.S. in the 1950s and 1960s, and the Zapatista National Liberation Front (EZLN) that began in Chiapas, Mexico in the 1980s and works to this day.
For the Civil Rights Movement, it finds that the major organizations did not enact any policies or make any structural changes to incorporate women more fully into the Movement. Furthermore, women that wanted leadership roles in the Movement often had to forge their own by means of grassroots organizing and local women-led political action groups.
For the EZLN, it finds that the organization gave women both leadership positions and military titles, passed the Women's Revolutionary Law that codified women's rights within the organization and the community, and lastly created autonomous municipal governance structures to enforce women's rights.
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Lynch, Judith Marie. « Case Studies of Undergraduate Women's Leadership Development at a State University ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/29991.
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Leadership development among undergraduate college women is essential to institutions of higher education and to society. Research has indicated that sex-bias and sex-stereotypes are abundant, with men frequently being labeled as the more prominent gender in leadership roles and situations. Opportunities for women to emerge as leaders have not been as plentiful as they have for men, often limiting the self-awareness that women may have of their own strengths. The purpose of this study was to identify the leadership development factors associated with individual women leaders at a state institution of higher education.
The methodology used in this study focused on personal interviews with women who had been selected for the Who's Who Among Students in American Universities and Colleges (Who's Who) 1998-1999 membership. Two-hour individual sessions were arranged for 20 undergraduate women student leaders. An interview protocol was designed to ask seven questions to each of the participants to answer five research questions regarding influences that affected their undergraduate leadership development. While 18 women participated in the study, a total of 17 stories are included in this dissertation after one woman decided not to share her study following her interview.
The results from this study indicate that higher education did not create leadership in the women who participated. Colleges and universities nurture and develop pre-existing leadership characteristics that women bring with them from their pre-college experiences. Institutions also provide mechanisms to allow women to become aware of their leadership strengths.
The intent of this study was to share the individual stories of women's leadership development. Prominent leadership development themes emerged from the analysis of the interviews. Values, attitudes, behaviors, and personal attributes were most influential to the leadership development of the majority of undergraduate women who participated in this study. The institutional environment and family members of many of the participants were also very influential to their undergraduate leadership development. The women reported that peers, faculty, staff, administration, and society in general had little or no influence on their leadership development.Ph. D.
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Green, Carla. « Strengthening linkages between United Nations agencies and NGOs, the case of women's rights in Zimbabwe ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ58425.pdf.
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Poirrier, Lauren. « A Comparative Study of the National First Ladies' Library and the Women's Rights National Historical Park ». Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1277819335.
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Henry, Colin, et edu au jillj@deakin edu au mikewood@deakin edu au wildol@deakin edu au kimg@deakin. « CASE STUDIES IN HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION AND CRITICAL EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE ». Deakin University. School of Education, 1995. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20041214.144057.
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This thesis offers an account of the history and effects of three curriculum projects sponsored by the Australian Human Rights Commission between 1983 and 1986. Each project attempted to improve observance of human rights in and through Australian schools through participatory research (or critical educational science). That is, the research included, as a conscious feature, the effort to develop new forms of curriculum work which more adequately respect the personal and professional rights of teachers, especially their entitlement as persons and professionals to participate in planning, conducting and controlling the curriculum development, evaluation and implementation that constitutes their work. In more specific terms, the Australian Human Rights Commission's three curriculum projects represented an attempt to improve the practice and theory of human rights education by engaging teachers in the practical work of evaluating, researching, and developing a human rights curriculum.
While the account of the Australian Human Rights Commission curriculum project is substantially an account of teachers1 work, it is a story which ranges well beyond the boundaries of schools and classrooms. It encompasses a history of episodes and events which illustrate how educational initiatives and their fate will often have to set within the broad framework of political, social, and cultural contestation if they are to be understood. More exactly, although the Human Rights Commission's work with schools was instrumental in showing how teachers might contribute to the challenging task of improving human rights education, the project was brought to a premature halt during the debate in the Australian Senate on the Bill of Rights in late 1985 and early 1986. At this point in time, the Government was confronted with such opposition from the Liberal/National Party Coalition that it was obliged to withdraw its Bill of Rights Legislation, close down the original Human Rights Commission, and abandon the attempt to develop a nationwide program in human rights education. The research presents an explanation of why it has been difficult for the Australian Government to live up to its international obligations to improve respect for human rights through education. More positively, however, it shows how human rights education, human rights related areas of education, and social education might be transformed if teachers (and other members of schools communities) were given opportunities to contribute to that task. Such opportunities, moreover, also represent what might be called the practice of democracy in everyday life. They thus exemplify, as well as prefigure, what it might mean to live in a more authentically democratic society.
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Barbieri, Julie Laut. « Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, anti-imperialist and women's rights activist, 1939-41 ». Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218456911.
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Frehill-Rowe, Lisa Marie. « Education and occupational sex segregation : The case of women in engineering ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186277.
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Occupational sex segregation is one explanation for the sex gap in pay. Traditionally female occupations offered low wages, few benefits and lacked ladders of upward mobility. In the United States, education is viewed as a route to upward mobility. Prior to legislation enacted in the early 1970's, however, men's and women's educational opportunities varied. Women's enrollments at medical, law and engineering schools were limited. After removal of such limitations, however, women's penetration of these fields over the past twenty years has varied. Women comprised one third of all new medical doctors and more than 40% of all new lawyers, but only 14% of all bachelors degrees in engineering were awarded to women in 1987. This dissertation answers two questions. First, what factors are instrumental in college students' decision to major in engineering? Second, given they major in engineering, what factors account for sex differences in the completion of a bachelors degree in engineering? Multinomial logit models of major choice are constructed with data from the 1980 senior cohort of the High School and Beyond longitudinal survey. The base year (1980), three follow-up waves (1982, 1984, and 1986) and the Post-Secondary Transcript data were used. Enrollment characteristics of engineering schools in the early 1980's are compiled from several archival sources. The multinomial logit models are decomposed to determine the percent of the sex gap in major choice explained by the models and the relative importance of high school preparation and skills, attitudes and structural constraints as explanations of the sex differences in engineering education. It is shown that, at most, 9.2% of the sex gap in the choice of engineering is explained by the factors specified by the policy literature (i.e., sex differences in high school preparation and skills and occupational attitudes). As much as 77% of the sex gap is attributable to sex differences in how fields of study are viewed. Finally, women who majored in engineering in 1982 were more likely than their male counterparts to complete a bachelors degree in engineering by 1986. Therefore, the primary issue regarding women and engineering education concerns the initial attraction of women to engineering programs.
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Moyo, Kerbina. « Women's Access to Land in Tanzania : The Case of the Makete District ». Doctoral thesis, KTH, Fastighetsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-202913.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Access to land is crucial for combating discrimination. Women who are denied such access tend to be disadvantaged, a pattern that results in economic powerlessness. Tanzana is among the most undeveloped nations in the world, where gender inequalities with respect to accessing land are central problems. This study consequently aims at investigating women's access to land through customary land tenure in the Makete district in Tanzania. A case study strategy was adopted to address the research problem, whereby interviews, focus group discussions and documentary reviews were the main data collection methods. The findings indicate that the majority of women within villages are illiterate; unaware of any existing entitlements and lacking insufficient assets to fight for their rights, and that their involvement in land administration institutions is limited. At the familiy level, daughters and women are deprived of any right to possess land through inheritance because relatives believe they will be married to other families from which they will then gain access to land. This generally has been proven not to be the case. After marriage, women commonly are apportioned land strictly for crop cultivation (usufruct rights). Consequently, there are many challenges in realising women's property rights in Tanzania. These challenges include the dualisim of the property rights system: customary tenure operates alongside statutory tenure; inadequate knowledge about women's property rights by both women and men; negative attitudes towards women's influence, position, capability and reputation; outdated customs; archaic and conflicting interests in laws; and lack of legal capacity (empowerment) as to property rights. The most important tools for meeting these challenges include education and awareness campaigns that are designed to build the capacity of citizens as to the necessity of equity in access to property rights (land) using various legal tools at varying levels. Other measures include amending and repealing outdated laws, including provisons dicriminating against women's property rights and contradicting constitutional provisons and other international instruments. Other avenues are advocacy and working for behavioural chages can also be invoked by empowering individuals at all stages of life, supporting their involvement in productive activities and creating group networks, and facilitating the formation of community-based organisations as well as building capacity by mainstreaming land adminstration institutions.QC 20170315
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Randall, Njoki M. « The impact of structural adjustment policies on maternal mortality and morbidity : a case study of Kenya ». DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2001. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/2549.
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This study examines the conflicting and differing political-economic crisis facing Kenya over time in an effort to explain people’s health and, especially women’s health in the areas of maternal mortality and morbidity. In that respect, this study has particularly assessed structural adjustment policies instituted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), in order to determine how they might have exacerbated the health conditions of women in Kenya.
Since maternal mortality and morbidity in Kenya have escalated under structural adjustment policies, this study used two methodological approaches to assess the health situation: (1) the historical-comparative approach and (2) interviews with appropriate medical personnel. Basically, the historical approach allowed for a historical investigation of the imposition of colonial rule and the state policies on the general welfare of the Kenyan people, including the health care system. Interviews were used to assess specific behavioral patterns, conditions and circumstances related to the provision of health care services.
Numerous factors such as the discrepancy between the growth in population and medical care, unsafe and clandestine abortions due to laws that prohibit abortion in Kenya, the problems of unmet need and poverty influence maternal mortality and morbidity. While the above explanations are relevant, it is important to note that the following factors are also relevant:
1. The colonial legacy is a factor.
2. The level of postcolonial appropriations to the health system which has declined over time; and
3. Post-1986 pressures placed on the government by the International Financial Institutions through structural adjustment policies.
Conclusions drawn from the findings establish that, while other underlying endogenous causes have played an adverse role in the maternal health of Kenyans in particular, the problem has been exacerbated by the exogenous factors of structural adjustment policies.
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Sunsanee, Sutthisunsanee Sriprapha Petcharamesree. « Response of Asean to human rights violations in Southeast Asia : case studies of Cambodia and East Timor / ». Abstract, 2006. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2549/cd395/4537357.pdf.
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Taylor, Shockley Megan Newbury. « "We, too, are Americans" : African American women, citizenship, and civil rights activism in Detroit and Richmond, 1940-1954 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284135.
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This dissertation explores the activities of middle- and working-class African American women during and immediately after World War II in Detroit and Richmond, Virginia, in order to examine how World War II enabled African American women to negotiate new state structures in order to articulate citizenship in a way that located them within the state as contributors to the war effort and legitimated their calls for equality. This study provides a new understanding of the groundwork that lay behind the civil rights activism of the 1950s and 1960s. By looking at African American women's wartime protest and exploring how those women created templates for activism and networks for the dissemination of new discourses about citizenship, it reveals the gendered roots of the civil rights movement. This study uses a cross-class analysis within a cross-regional analysis in order to understand how African American women of different socioeconomic levels transformed their relationship with the state in order to use state structures to gain equality in diverse regions of the country. Class and region framed African American women's possibilities for activism. In both Detroit and Richmond, women's class positions and local government structures affected how African American women constructed claims to citizenship and maintained activist strategies to promote equality. This study finds that the new discourse and programs of middle-class African American women, linked with the attempts of working-class women to gain and retain jobs and better living conditions, contributed to a new sense of militancy and urgency within the civil rights movement of the 1940s and 1950s. By attempting to claim their rights based solely on their status as citizens within the state, African American women greatly contributed to the groundwork and the ideology of the more aggressive civil rights campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s. African American women's initial forays into desegregating restaurants, jobs, transportation, and housing created the momentum for the entire African American community's struggle for equality.
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Smith, Kelly Eitzen. « Turning points and adaptations : A case study of four women in poverty ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289003.
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This research is an in-depth exploration of turning points and adaptations in the lives of four women living below the poverty line in Tucson, Arizona. From the most extremely impoverished woman living on the streets to the housed, poor working woman, a life history approach is used to explore the mechanisms by which these four women fell into, stayed in, and may eventually climb out of poverty. While the life history reveals great complexity among the women, it also reveals common turning points among their troubled lives. All four women have had a least one parent who was an alcoholic and/or drug addict, all four women quit pursuing their education after high school and have a history of low-wage, low-mobility jobs. All four women have had prolonged relationships with men who were alcoholic and/or drug addicts and were physically abusive. Finally, all four women have had major health problems which have hindered their ability to work. It is concluded that the life history method and the emphasis on turning points and adaptations is an improvement over quantitative studies which gloss over the true mechanisms behind poverty and fail to capture real lives.
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Laurie, Nina. « A women's co-operative in Lima : a case study of community development ». Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61671.
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Bouclin, Suzanne. « Organizing resistance : The case of erotic dancers ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26319.
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