Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Witchcraft – Germany – History »

From the late sixteenth to the late seventeenth century many of the territories and cities in Central Europe were the scene of witchcraft trials. As recent research shows, it was especially in the years around 1590, 1610, and 1630, and again in the 1650s, that many parts of Germany were overwhelmed by what might be called a tidal wave of witch-hunting, with thousands upon thousands of victims: women mostly, yet also men and children. So far, despite a large number of detailed studies, there is no convincing explanation of why witch-hunting should have played such a prominent role in Germany from the 1590s to the 1650s.

Abstract This article enhances our understanding of the development and dynamism of early modern witch stereotypes by focusing on the stereotype of the witch-cleric, the Christian minister imagined by early modern people as working for the devil instead of God, baptizing people into witchcraft, working harmful magic and even officiating at witches’ gatherings. I show how this stereotype first developed in relation to Catholic clerics in demonology, print culture and witch-trials, then examine its emergence in relation to Protestant clerics in Germany and beyond, using case studies of pastors from the Lutheran territory of Rothenburg ob der Tauber from 1639 and 1692 to explore these ideas in detail. I also offer a broader comparison of beliefs about Protestant witch-clerics and their susceptibility to formal prosecution with their Catholic counterparts in early modern Germany, showing that cases involving Protestant witch-clerics were part of a cross-confessional phenomenon that is best understood in a comparative, Europe-wide perspective. In addition to showing how the witch-cleric stereotype changed over time and spread geographically, I conclude by arguing that three distinct variants of this stereotype had emerged by the seventeenth century: the Catholic ‘witch-priest’ and Protestant ‘witch-pastor’ (who were supposedly witches themselves) and the overzealous clerical ‘witch-master’, who was thought to do the devil’s work by helping persecute innocent people for witchcraft. Despite these stereotypes, however, relatively few clerics of either confession were tried and executed as witches; overall, patriarchy worked to protect men of the cloth from the worst excesses of witch persecution.

Arbeit und Magie werden in der ländlichen Gesellschaft der Frühen Neuzeit neu bewertet. Während die Reformation die Arbeit aufwertet, verteufelt sie den Müßiggang. Als zentrale Lebensäußerung bei der man häufig mit dem Lebensbereich des Anderen in Berührung kommt, birgt Arbeit ein hohes Konfliktpotential in sich. Als Glaubensform basiert Magie auf kollektiven Übereinkünften und strebt einen praktikablen Umgang mit feindseligen Mächten an, so dass sie mit Formen alltäglicher Konfliktaustragung (Gegenzauber, Bezichtigung als Zauberer/Zauberin) bekämpft werden können. Auf Magie als Deutung oder Handlung haben ihre beginnende Kriminalisierung (Carolina) und das Vordringen der Schriftlichkeit nachhaltigen Einfluss. Aus diesen Veränderungen heraus empfängt das Themenpaar Arbeit und Magie seine Bedeutung, das hier in seinem Zusammenwirken erstmals untersucht wird und zwar am Beispiel der Mittelmark. Wie die Auswertung von Gesuchen mittelmärkischer Gerichte um Rechtsbelehrung an den Schöppenstuhl in Brandenburg zum neuen Delikt der Zauberei im Zeitraum von 1551 bis 1620 beweist, handelt es sich bei der Mittelmark um ein verfolgungsarmes Territorium, das sich daher bestens für die Untersuchung des selbstverständlichen Umgangs mit Magie eignet. In 98 von 136 Prozessen sind insgesamt 107 Frauen und 9 Männer angeklagt – darunter eine „weise Frau“ und zwei Männer als volksmagische Spezialisten. Der Höhepunkt der Spruchtätigkeit liegt zwischen 1571 und 1580. In dieser Phase tauchen erstmals dämonischer Vorstellungen auf und werden weibliche Magiedelikte auch auf Männer übertragen (Schadenszauber, Teufelspakt). Der Vorwurf des Teufelspaktes ist überwiegend im Nordwesten der Mittelmark anzutreffen und wird hier auch zuerst erhoben. Dennoch kann sich der dämonische Hexenglauben als städtisches Phänomen in der ländlich geprägten Mittelmark kaum durchsetzen, denn in keinem der untersuchten Fälle taucht der Terminus „Hexe“ auf. Die Rezeption der Hexenlehre in all ihren wesentlichen Elementen (Buhlschaft, Zusammenkunft auf dem Blocksberg und die Fahrt dorthin) ist erst 1613 abgeschlossen. Damit kommt sie für die Mittelmark zu spät, um ihre zerstörerische Wirkung zu entfalten: Die Auswirkungen des Dreißigjährigen Krieges überlagern alsbald die Vorstellungen von „bösen Zauberinnen“. Mit Hilfe der Studien von RAINER WALZ zur magischen Kommunikation und EVA LABOUVIE (Offizialisierungsstrategien) wurden drei Fälle näher untersucht, in denen die Arbeit entweder Konfliktanlass ist, mit magischen Mitteln beeinflusst wird oder es um die professionelle Ausübung von Magie im Bezug auf ländliche Arbeit geht. In Nassenheide wird 1573 dem Bauern Peter Calys das Abzaubern von Feldfrüchten unterstellt. Seine Nachbarschaft beobachtet ein ihr unbekanntes Ritual (vermutlich eine Schädlingsbekämpfung), was sie in kein geduldetes magisches Handeln einordnen kann. In Liebenwalde geht es 1614 um „fliegende Worte“, die im Streit um erschlagene Gänse ausgesprochen und später, nach einer Reihe von Unglücksfällen, vom Gescholtenen als Flüche umgedeutet werden. In Rathenow steht 1608 der Volksmagier Hermann Mencke vor Gericht. Sein Repertoire an magischen Hilfsleistungen umfasst Bann-, Heil- und Hilfszauber. Diese drei Fallstudien ergaben für das Thema Arbeit und Magie, dass Magie in der sich schwerfällig entwickelnden Landwirtschaft ein innovatives Potential zukommt. Das Experimentieren mit Magieformen bleibt jedoch Spezialisten der Volksmagie vorbehalten. Insbesondere in den Dörfern, wo die Grenzen zwischen männlicher und weiblicher Magie durchlässig sind, erweist sich die Geschlechtsspezifik der volkstümlichen Magie als Produkt der Lebens- und Arbeitsbeziehungen in der ländlichen Gesellschaft. Männer wie Frauen verfügen über die zu ihren Arbeitsbereichen passenden Hilfszauber. Dass Zauber zu Frauenarbeiten wie Milchverarbeitung und Bierbrauen überwiegen, liegt neben der Häufigkeit, mit der diese Verrichtungen anfallen, ihrer Anfälligkeit für Fehler und ihrer Bedeutung für die Ernährung daran, dass sie sich im Verborgenen abspielen und daher verdächtig sind. Außerdem handelt es sich um mühselige und monotone Tätigkeiten, die daher der Motivation durch Magie bedürfen. Die Schlichtheit der weiblichen Magie korrespondiert mit der geringeren Spezialisierung weiblicher Arbeit in der Landwirtschaft, die sich in der Verwendung einfacher Werkzeuge bekundet. Wörter können wegen der spezifischen Organisation der Hirnareale zur Sprachverarbeitung in einer auf Mündlichkeit beruhenden Kultur heilen oder eine lebensbedrohliche Waffe sein. Indem Magie das Profane dramatisiert, kommt ihr die Funktion einer Erinnerungskunst zu, die später durch die Schrift ausgefüllt wird. Die Schrift macht Magie als Mnemotechnik überflüssig und immunisiert gegen die Macht des Wortes. Damit reift auch die Skepsis an der Wirksamkeit von Magie. Schließlich werden Schadenszaubervorwürfe nur noch als Injurienklagen verhandelt. Sie bestimmen die Prozesse um Zauberei nach dem Großen Krieg.
Work and magic have been redefined by the rural society of the early modern period. The reformation revalorized labor and condemned idleness. As basic means of existence, which was highly interwoven with the living spheres of other people, labor contained a high potential of conflict. Magic was a set of beliefs based on collective agreements and aspired to deal with evil powers by fighting them with every day strategies of solving conflicts like counter spells or accusations of sorcery. As an interpretation or action, magic was greatly influenced by its definition as an act of crime and an increase in literacy. These changes inspired the subject of this paper, which will analyze for the first time the interplay of work and magic in the electorate of Brandenburg, more precisely the Mittelmark. The examination of legal proceedings between 1551 an 1620 proves that the Mittelmark has been less infected by witch craze, which makes it an appropriate area to investigate the everyday use of magic. In 98 of 136 proceedings 107 women and 9 men have been accused of sorcery, among them one midwife and two specialists of popular magic. The climax of the proceedings happened in the 1570s. Now, demonic imaginations occurred and former female acts of magic were attributed to men as well. The assumption of a pact between witches and devil was typical for the northwestern part of the Mittelmark and has also been brought up as a charge there for the first time. Witch craze, however, was a phenomenon of the cities and hardly infiltrated the rural Mittelmark. In none of the investigated proceedings the word “witch” has been used. The reception of witchcraft in all its details like the pact with the devil or the gathering and the flight to the Witches’ Sabbath was only completed in 1613, too late to develop its destructiveness: The effects of the Thirty Years’ War overshadowed the conceptions of evil witches. By using the studies of Rainer Walz and Eva Labouvie, I closely examined three legal proceedings, in which the cause of conflict was either work, influences of magic on work, or in which someone worked as a popular sorcerer within rural work life. In 1573, the peasant Peter Calys, living in Nassenheide, has been accused to spirit away the crops. His neighborhood observed an unknown ritual which did not appear to be any form of harmless magic. 1614 “flying words” have been spoken in Liebenwalde during a quarrel about slain geese and were reinterpreted later as curses. In Rathenow the popular sorcerer Hermann Mencke had to defend himself in a trial in 1608. His magic enabled him to banish, to cure diseases, or to repair misfortune. As one healing attempt failed, his whole practice was viewed in a different light by his clients. The investigation of these three cases showed that magic possessed an innovative potential in the otherwise only slowly developing agriculture. But only specialists of popular magic were allowed to experiment with magic. The gender specificity of magic proved rather to be a result of relations and working conditions in rural society than of abstract ideas. Both men and women were well grounded in suitable spells for their working sphere. The greater quantity of spells belonging to typical female tasks like dairy or brewery work can be explained not only by importance and frequency of such duties in peasant housekeeping. These error-prone procedures could also fail easily and were additionally executed in the seclusion of a chamber and therefore suspicious. Above all, the tasks were monotonous and exhausting and therefore needed a magical motivation. The more artless female magic, relying mostly on power of words, corresponded with the less specialized female labor in agriculture. Due to the different organization of the cerebral areas for speech processing in an oral society, words could be lethal or healing. By dramatizing the profane, magic fulfilled functions of a mnemotechnique which were substituted later by writing. Writing protected against the power of words and accelerated skepticism of magic. In the end, accusations of sorcery were taken as defamations, which dominated legal proceedings after the Thirty Years’ War.

Fairy Tales have been an important part of peoples' cultural heritage since time immemorial. From a very early age on, children hear stories about witches, giants, dwarf's, and magicians which make up their first entry into the literary world. Only recently have scholars begun to research just how much influence these stories have on children and how they might have a different impact on girls than on boys. This thesis will investigate the world of fairy tales in relation to their historical context and their differing relevance for male and female readers. I will examine the fairy tales of the brothers Grimm and of Ludwig Bechstein because these three scholars count among the most important fairy tale narrators in the German-speaking region. I will limit my examination to the witch in fairy tales because of all the figures she seems to have the most impact on the audience.

Examining Board: Professor Martin van Gelderen (Supervisor), European University Institute / Georg-August-Universität Göttingen; Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, European University Institute; Professor Hans-Erich Bödeker, Max Planck Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte; Professor Brian Cummings, University of Sussex.
Defence date: 14 December 2012
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Early Modern Professors of Law in the Holy Roman Empire were more than mere teachers. In judicial matters they were called upon to judge and speak justice / especially in witch-trials. This study focuses on bridging discourses of demonology as they were elaborated and taught at Protestant universities in Northern Germany with the social and cultural sphere of the professors. By coupling an intellectual approach to theories of witchcraft, the role of the Devil and demons, with micro-historical investigations into the social and cultural practices of professors engaged in theorising and judging witchcraft, this study renders a more complex and nuanced contribution to the history of the university, its epistemic culture as well as its impact on its surroundings. This study traces the academic discourses of demonology from the high-times of orthodox belief and persecution to that of scepticism and reform. It does so by focusing on the demonological argumentation and the scientific methods employed by Hermann Goehausen (1593-1632), Heinrich Bode (1652-1720), and Christian Thomasius (1655-1728). What comes to the fore is a system of beliefs that accommodated the Devil, demons and witches in compatible and consistent ways with other intellectual dealings until academic practices, including the rendering of legal decisions in witch-trials and new methods of scientific enquiry (the purging of Scholastic Aristotelianism in the context of the Early German Enlightenment) necessitated a reconsideration of the theoretical principles underpinning the theological, philosophical and political aspects of demonology.

This Introduction sets out the intentions of this book: to use the rich witch-trial records from the early modern duchy of Württemberg in south-western Germany to explore the central themes of emotions, gender, and selfhood. It provides an overview of the key historiographical debates on witchcraft persecutions in the early modern period, and suggests new questions that need to be asked. It also provides a methodological and theoretical framework in which to address these questions, and provides an overview of the current state of the field of the history of emotions, and, by drawing on psychological approaches to listening to self-narratives, it suggests ways in which historical studies of emotions can be pushed further by incorporating the body and subjective states. It also sets out the legal, political, and religious framework of the Lutheran duchy of Württemberg, in order to put the witch-hunts in this region into context.