Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Welsh Conservative Party. National Assembly »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Sommaire
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Welsh Conservative Party. National Assembly ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Welsh Conservative Party. National Assembly"
1
Jones, J. Barry. « The First Welsh National Assembly Election ». Government and Opposition 34, no 3 (juillet 1999) : 323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00484.x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
THE WELSH LABOUR PARTY COULD HAVE ANTICIPATED THE FIRST elections to the National Assembly with a fair degree of equanimity, if not optimism. In the 1997 General Election, the party had won 55 percent of the vote and delivered on its promise of a devolution referendum which it won, albeit by a narrow majority. The architect of Labour's devolution policy, Ron Davies, the Welsh Secretary of State, who was widely respected within and beyond the Labour Party, had spoken of a new Welsh politics, with policy-making open to and inclusive of other Welsh parties. All this, however, was called into question by what Ron Davies subsequently described as his ‘moment of madness’ on Clapham Common in October 1998. Although the circumstances remain unclear, they resulted in his resignation from the post of Secretary of State and leader of the Welsh Labour Party. Alun Michael, a Cardiff MP and a minister at the Home Office, was appointed Welsh Secretary and subsequently endured a bitter and bruising leadership contest with Rhodri Morgan, during which claims were made that he was Blair's man, and not really an enthusiastic devolutionist but part of the Millbank control system. Large sections of the party were disillusioned by the process and serious questions were raised as to what extent disillusioned party activists would be involved in the Assembly election campaign.
2
Pavlenko, Valerii, et Mykola Polovin. « History of the Scottish and welsh independence movements : comparison and analysis ». European Historical Studies, no 18 (2021) : 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.12.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article addresses the history of the Scottish and Welsh approaches towards nationalism within the United Kingdom and features inherent in them. Similarities and differences between the Scottish and Welsh independence movements have been shown. Analysis of historical underpinnings of the creation of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales has been conducted. Influence of the Scottish and Welsh nationalism’s unique characteristics on the parties’ electoral performance has been analyzed. Research on the Scottish and Welsh independence movements from the perspective of Anglo–Scottish and Anglo–Welsh relations has been carried out. Influence of the British colonial empire on the suppression of the nationalistic tendencies in Scotland in Wales has been demonstrated. Scottish and Welsh societies’ special features concerning the differences between the independence movements in these countries have been analyzed. Causes of the relative success of the Scottish independence movement and reasons behind the relatively low popularity of nationalism in Wales have been identified. Based on the tendencies in the Scottish and Welsh societies, an analysis of future outlook of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales has been conducted. Special attention is paid to the 1979 and 1997 referendums on the restoration of the Scottish Parliament and creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Research on the causes of the referendums has been carried out, electoral preferences have been demonstrated, differences between the Scottish and Welsh national movements and different levels of home rule support among the Scottish and Welsh have been shown. It is argued that independence movements in Scotland and Wales are different in their nature, from which stem the Scottish national party’s and Plaid Cymru’s contrasting electoral results. It is demonstrated that the causes of such electoral performances are not only the historical underpinnings that have shaped both countries throughout centuries, but also the differences in Scotland’s and Wales’ economic development and the ideological distinctions within the Scottish and Welsh independence movements.
3
Wall, Matthew, et Sophie Williams. « Seeking Evidence for a Welsh Progressive Consensus : Party Positioning in the 2016 National Assembly for Wales Election ». Parliamentary Affairs 71, no 4 (7 novembre 2017) : 820–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsx045.
Texte intégral
4
Yun, Seongyi. « South Korea in 2022 ». Asian Survey 63, no 2 (mars 2023) : 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.63.2.225.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the presidential and local levels, progressives were replaced by conservatives in 2022. But the National Assembly is still dominated by the opposition Democratic Party, so the government is more divided than ever. As a conservative government came into power in South Korea, North Korea fired the most missiles ever, and inter-Korean relations were very strained. The economy is in serious condition due to inflation, interest rate hikes, and slowing growth.
5
Lee, Han Soo, Hee Min et Jungkun Seo. « Legislative Response to Constituents’ Interests in New Democracies : The 18th National Assembly and Income Inequality in Korea ». Government and Opposition 53, no 2 (15 août 2016) : 312–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.27.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Legislative responses to social changes signify how representative democracy works. Yet research is still needed to find out whether and how representatives in new democratic countries address the constituents’ interests and demands. We revisit the 18th National Assembly in Korea (2008–12) to examine legislative activities surrounding the issue of economic inequality. To understand how lawmakers in the new democracy like Korea respond to the demands of redistributive policies, we turn to representatives’ co-sponsorship behaviour. We find that Korean lawmakers do respond to constituents’ preferences. More specifically, Korean lawmakers representing conservative districts tend to care less about economic inequality than other representatives while controlling their partisanship. This study fleshes out the link between the represented and the representatives in a new democracy where party discipline at the expense of constituency connection has long dominated legislative politics.
6
Jung, Hoyong. « A different choice, a different outcome : budgetary effects of a conservative legislator in liberal local regions of South Korea ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no 2 (28 mai 2021) : 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000062.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractIn Korean society, regionalism has deep historical roots and has had a great influence on elections. A historic event occurred in 2014 when a conservative party candidate, Lee Jung-hyun, was elected as a member of the National Assembly in Suncheon-si, Jeollanam-do, where liberal parties have been in the midst of powerful political influence. This was possible because voters responded to the candidate's appeal to vote based on benefits to the local economy, that is, securing greater funding from the central government. Exploiting the synthetic control method, this article identifies how this different choice has affected the budget of the local district. The results show that the community budget has increased dramatically, and a battery of robustness checks also supports these basic results. On the basis of the empirical evidence, the study suggests the possibility of overcoming a long-standing parochial regionalism in Korean politics through economic voting and its practical benefits.
7
Strnad, Grażyna. « Wyzwania i kierunki nowej administracji prezydenta Yoon Suk Yeola ». Azja-Pacyfik 25, no 1 (30 juin 2022) : 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ap2022.1.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of the article is to describe the 2022 South Korean presidential election against the backdrop of a paradigm shift and to show the challenges and directions of Yoon Suk Yeol’s new administration. The author focuses on the research problems present in the new South Korean politics. Elements of change and continuity, which were also present in previous administrations are highlighted. In May 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol was sworn into the South Korea’s highest office. Yoon’s win in the presidential election ended a trend in which a decade of progressive rule was followed by a change to conservative rule. Since 1998, progressive and conservative presidents have alternated every two terms. The minimal difference in votes in favor of the conservative candidate reflected the divisions and social preferences of Koreans who favored a change from progressive to conservative government. The results of the 2022 presidential election revealed the polarization of South Korean society. Yoon will face a series of difficult challenges. In domestic politics, he must confront the housing crisis, widespread dissatisfaction with economic inequality, and generational tensions, among other issues. Yoon will also be challenged by the parliamentary majority currently held by the Democratic Party in the National Assembly. In foreign policy, South Korea’s new president advocates strengthening the alliance with the United States and cooperation with the Quad countries; he promises to improve relations with Japan, and to take steps toward South Korea playing a greater role in the world. In his inter-Korean policy, on the other hand, Yoon follows the traditional position of the conservatives, pledging to strengthen a policy of deterrence against acts of aggression and provocation by North Korea.
8
Robinson, Sarah L., Clara Kulich, Yvette Assilaméhou-Kunz, Cristina Aelenei et Vincenzo Iacoviello. « Women and Ethnic Minority Candidates Face Dynamic Party Divergent Glass Cliff Conditions in French Elections ». International Review of Social Psychology 37, no 1 (7 juin 2024) : 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/irsp.770.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political glass cliffs arise when candidates from low-status groups disproportionately run for less-winnable seats. The burden of these worse odds has been shown to negatively impact election outcomes, slowing progress toward fair political representation. Relying on research suggesting signaling motives for glass cliff appointments, we investigated the potential of these political party decisions to persuade voters in the context of evolving social norms. We hypothesized that party differences in the signaling context underlie variation in the magnitude, impact, and dynamic evolution of elective glass cliff conditions over time, leading to more rapid improvements in the representation of women and ethnic, racial, and immigrant (ERI) minorities in left-leaning versus right-leaning parties. We examined glass cliff candidacies in elections for the French National Assembly from 2002 to 2017. Relying on three measures of seat winnability, we adopted a multiple group structural equation approach to investigate whether variation in glass cliff conditions and their effect on outcomes differed by election year and party belonging. We found larger glass cliff disadvantages for right-leaning women and ERI candidates compared to left-leaning. While the magnitude of glass cliffs for women decreased over time as representation increased, this link for ERI candidates was less clear. Outcomes demonstrate that dynamic glass cliff conditions can be a major obstacle on the road to representational fairness in politics. We argue that because the impact of glass cliffs can depend on party-dependent variation in the signaling value of women and ERI minorities, it is essential to focus more on this issue for socially conservative political parties and for all political parties in elective contexts where low-status candidates remain largely underrepresented.
9
Ellis, John S. « “The Methods of Barbarism” and the “Rights of Small Nations” : War Propaganda and British Pluralism ». Albion 30, no 1 (1998) : 49–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052383.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The “methods of barbarism” and the “rights of small nations” are perhaps the most recognizable of British slogans arising out of the wars of the early twentieth century. They are instantly associated with the Boer War and the First World War respectively, but seldom are they associated with each other. However, the Pro-Boer rhetoric of “the methods of barbarism” and the First World War propaganda of “the rights of small nations” are intimately linked through their roots in the pluralist Liberal vision of Britishness.These slogans and the propaganda campaigns that they epitomized must be understood within the context of a multicultural Britain and opposing notions of British national identity. Defining “barbarism” as the oppression of small nations through the brutal use of force, the Pro-Boers associated the term with the Anglocentric vision of the British nation reflected in the “New Imperialism” of the Conservatives. Through their belief in Anglo-Saxon racial superiority, the Conservative imperialists maintained that small nations like those of the Irish, the Welsh, and the Boers would either be assimilated or swept aside by the historical progress of an expanding Anglo-Saxon nation state. In contrast to this notion of Conservative “barbarism,” the Pro-Boer Liberals drew on the Gladstonian heritage of their party in defining the United Kingdom as a multinational state at the center of a multinational empire. They eschewed the use of force in the maintenance of empire and argued that the bonds of imperialism must be based upon mutual goodwill, voluntarism, and the recognition of the principle of nationality.When the First World War broke out in 1914, propagandists drew upon these contrasting constructions of Liberal cultural pluralism and Conservative cultural uniformity. In terms similar to those employed by the Pro-Boers, British propagandists depicted the First World War as a struggle against German “barbarism” and as a fight to vindicate the “rights of small nations.” Solidly based upon the Liberal construction of the multicultural and multinational nature of Britishness, Britain's role as the champion of the principle of nationality was proclaimed with an eye not only to the international context of Europe but to the domestic context of the British state and empire as well.
10
McAllister, L. « J. Barry Jones and J. Osmond (eds), Inclusive Government and Party Management, the National Assembly for Wales and the Work of its Committees, IWA/Welsh Governance Centre, 2001, 192 pp., pb. 15 ». Parliamentary Affairs 56, no 2 (1 avril 2003) : 381–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/parlij/gsg072.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Welsh Conservative Party. National Assembly"
1
1946-, Osmond John, et Institute of Welsh Affairs, dir. Welsh labour takes control : Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru = The National Assembly for Wales : March to June 2003. Cardiff : Institute of Welsh Affairs, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Welsh Conservative Party. National Assembly"
1
Uslaner, Eric M. « The United Kingdom ». Dans National Identity and Partisan Polarization, 67—C3.F1. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197633946.003.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The United Kingdom has long had a political system based upon class voting. In recent years cultural shifts and increased immigration have led to a shift in attitudes such that historical identity is now more critical than socioeconomic divisions in vote choice. These nationalist sentiments have led many in Britain to favor withdrawal from the European Union and to highlight English, rather than Scottish or Welsh, identity as the historical legacy of the country. This ultimately led to the withdrawal of Britain from the European Union and the shift of the Conservative Party from one based upon anti-government economic policies to a party more focused on cultural issues.
2
Leeworthy, Daryl. « A miner cause ? » Dans Waiting for the Revolution. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526113658.003.0011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
If twentieth century politics in Wales has largely been defined by class, and therefore along the typical cleavage of Labour versus Conservative; it is nevertheless true that for a significant proportion of Welsh activists and voters, the cleavage is between nation and union (identifiable with the British state). Closely identified with Plaid Cymru, the Welsh nationalist party, a political manifestation of the Welsh nation was a direct inheritance from nineteenth-century liberalism and its persistence for much of the postwar period was a result of the persistence of that form of politics. But there was an alternative form of left nationalism that emerged through the Communist Party of Great Britain, which this chapter focuses its attention on. Beginning in the 1930s, and spanning almost the entire life of the party thereafter, communists engaged with and developed ideas about nationalism, nationhood and national liberation. This chapter considers the development of these ideas and argues that rather than Plaid Cymru, it was the Communist Party of Great Britain that enabled the persistence of left-nationalist thought and action after 1945 and that it was, to a large extent, communist activists who were the most consistently nationalist in that period.
3
Bishop, Jonathan, et Mark Beech. « Exploring the Counting of Ballot Papers Using “Delegated Transferable Vote” ». Dans Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 227–43. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-1862-4.ch014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Delegated transferable voting (DTV) refers to an approach to counting votes in elections that extends non-preferential voting systems like First Past The Post (FPTP) to include a transferable element similar to Single Transferable Voting (STV) but instead of voters indicating who they wish their votes to go to on an individual level they entrust that decision in the candidate they vote for, who could be from a small political party that might otherwise be deemed a “wasted vote” under first-past-the-post systems where the candidate they least want could win by having the most votes but still have less than 50% of the popular vote. This chapter discusses how DTV might work in practice through an auto-ethnographic approach in which the authors play an active part in elections in order to test the approach. The elections contested in the UK included to local council level in the Pontypridd area and national elections to the UK Parliament and Welsh Assembly. The potential impact of DTV on these election and method of campaigning used at some of these elections might have had on the voting outcome are discussed.