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1
Yoon, Jungkeun. "Globalization and the Welfare State in Developing Countries." Business and Politics 11, no. 2 (2009): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1205.
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Most of the existing studies of the welfare state have dealt with OECD countries. Moreover, these studies have focused on government partisanship (left versus right), or institutional features under democracy, as primary causal variables. By providing four primary causal mechanisms (the power of popularly based parties, labor strength, democracy, and political instability) that are different from those of OECD countries, I answer the question of whether and why the efficiency or compensation hypothesis holds for developing countries. I show that either the efficiency or compensation thesis can hold for developing countries depending on the type of globalization with which popularly based governments interact.
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Yörük, Erdem, İbrahim Öker, and Gabriela Ramalho Tafoya. "The four global worlds of welfare capitalism: Institutional, neoliberal, populist and residual welfare state regimes." Journal of European Social Policy 32, no. 2 (2022): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09589287211050520.
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What welfare state regimes are observed when the analysis is extended globally, empirically and theoretically? We introduce a novel perspective into the ‘welfare state regimes analyses’ – a perspective that brings developed and developing countries together and, as such, broadens the geographical, empirical and theoretical scope of the ‘welfare modelling business’. The expanding welfare regimes literature has suffered from several drawbacks: (i) it is radically slanted towards organisation for economic co-operation and development (OECD) countries, (ii) the literature on non-OECD countries does not use genuine welfare policy variables and (iii) social assistance and healthcare programmes are not utilized as components of welfare state effort and generosity. To overcome these limitations, we employ advanced data reduction methods, exploit an original dataset ( https://glow.ku.edu.tr/ ) that we assembled from several international and domestic sources covering 52 emerging markets and OECD countries and present a welfare state regime structure as of the mid-2010s. Our analysis is based on genuine welfare policy variables that are theorized to capture welfare generosity and welfare efforts across five major policy domains: old-age pensions, sickness cash benefits, unemployment insurance, social assistance and healthcare. The sample of OECD countries and emerging market economies form four distinct welfare state regime clusters: institutional, neoliberal, populist and residual. We unveil the composition and performance of welfare state components in each welfare state regime family and develop politics-based working hypotheses about the formation of these regimes. Institutional welfare state regimes perform high in social security, healthcare and social assistance, while populist regimes perform moderately in social assistance and healthcare and moderate-to-high in social security. The neoliberal regime performs moderately in social assistance and healthcare, and it performs low in social security, and the residual regime performs low in all components. We then hypothesize that the relative political strengths of formal and informal working classes are key factors that shaped these welfare state regime typologies.
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NOËL, ALAIN. "The Politics of Minimum Income Protection in OECD Countries." Journal of Social Policy 48, no. 2 (2018): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279418000351.
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AbstractMinimum income protection (MIP) determines the disposable income a person obtains when she has no market or social insurance income, few assets and no family support. This last-recourse income, usually social assistance benefits plus associated transfers, constitutes a significant indicator of a country's commitment to social justice. Yet, we know little about the politics of MIP, in part because welfare state scholars have focused on more encompassing social insurance programmes, and in part because of a lack of good comparative data. This article takes the measure of MIP adequacy in 18 OECD countries for the 1990–2010 period, for single, able-to-work individuals, tracks its comparative evolution, and proposes an explanation of its determinants, with a times-series cross-sectional model. The main positive determinant of adequacy is a generous welfare state; the main negative force is the importance of the public debt. Overall, the politics of MIP appears consistent with that of the welfare state.
4
KWONHYEOKYONG and 신혜현. "Economic Constraints, Partisan Hegemony, and the Welfare State in OECD Countries." Korean Political Science Review 41, no. 3 (2007): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2007.41.3.006.
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Scruggs, Lyle, and James Allan. "Welfare-state decommodification in 18 OECD countries: a replication and revision." Journal of European Social Policy 16, no. 1 (2006): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928706059833.
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Boreham, Paul, Richard Hall, and Martin Leet. "Labour and Citizenship: The Development of Welfare State Regimes." Journal of Public Policy 16, no. 2 (1996): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007364.
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ABSTRACTThis paper is concerned with the political determinants of the significantly different rates of welfare expenditure which characterise advanced capitalist countries. The research concentrates on the connections between the organization and mobilization of a key political actor pursing social wage benefits – the labour movement – and different levels across nations of welfare provision, including expenditure on health, social security consumption expenditure and social security transfers. The paper uses disaggregated, pooled time series data on welfare provision in 15 OECD countries, 1974–1988, to test the association between more comprehensive welfare state regimes and state structures that facilitate the intervention of organized labour movements in the policy process.
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Halla, Martin, Mario Lackner, and Johann Scharler. "Does the Welfare State Destroy the Family? Evidence from OECD Member Countries." Scandinavian Journal of Economics 118, no. 2 (2015): 292–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sjoe.12144.
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Jackson, Aaron L., David L. Ortmeyer, and Michael A. Quinn. "Are immigrants really attracted to the welfare state? Evidence from OECD countries." International Economics and Economic Policy 10, no. 4 (2012): 491–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10368-012-0219-2.
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LYNCH, JULIA. "The Age-Orientation of Social Policy Regimes in OECD Countries." Journal of Social Policy 30, no. 3 (2001): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279401006365.
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This article presents a series of measures of the extent to which social policies in twenty-one OECD countries are oriented towards the support of elderly (over 65 or in formal retirement) and non-elderly (under 65 and not retired) population groups. Employing breakdowns by age in spending on social insurance, education and health, tax expenditures on welfare substituting goods, and housing policy outcomes, this article shows that countries tend to demonstrate a consistent age-orientation across a variety of policy areas and instruments. After correcting for the demographic structure of the population, Greece, Japan, Italy, Spain and the United States have the most elderly-oriented social policy regimes, while the Netherlands, Ireland, Canada and the Nordic countries have a more age-neutral repertoire of social policies. In identifying the age-orientation of social policy as a dimension of distributive politics that is not captured by other welfare state typologies, this article suggests the need to develop new accounts of the development of welfare states that include the dimension of age.
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Park, Brandon Beomseob, and Jungsub Shin. "Do the welfare benefits weaken the economic vote? A cross-national analysis of the welfare state and economic voting." International Political Science Review 40, no. 1 (2017): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512117716169.
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Comparative economic voting studies have found great instability in economic voting across countries and over time. In explaining this instability, we highlight the role of welfare systems because strong welfare protection attenuates voters’ incentives to base their vote on government economic performance. By analyzing 174 legislature elections in 31 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries from 1980 to 2010 and by taking into account clarity of responsibility, we find that welfare protection weakens the linkage between macroeconomic outcomes and incumbent electoral fortunes. This result implies that strong welfare protection enables politicians to avoid blame for economic failures.
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Roumpakis, Antonios. "Revisiting Global Welfare Regimes: Gender, (In)formal Employment and Care." Social Policy and Society 19, no. 4 (2020): 677–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746420000342.
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Gender critiques of comparative welfare state research have so far predominantly focused on OECD countries but less so in countries across Africa, Asia and Latin America. Existing comparative social policy research in these regions often cites the importance of informal networks and family for social protection but less attention is paid into gender relations and their importance for the social reproduction of these welfare regimes. The article comparatively analyses gender differences in the sphere of production (captured by the gender gap in formal and informal employment) and social reproduction (captured by time spent on unpaid domestic work). The article identifies regional patterns and explores implications for women’s ability to access welfare and the labour market. Additionally, it shows that informal activities (employment, domestic work) are extensive among many African, Asian, Latin American, but also specific OECD, welfare regimes. The article contributes first by incorporating gender in the analysis of global welfare regime and second by highlighting the importance of informal relationships for the analysis of welfare regimes.
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Kushi, Sidita, and Ian P. McManus. "Gender, crisis and the welfare state: Female labor market outcomes across OECD countries." Comparative European Politics 16, no. 3 (2018): 434–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2016.21.
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Western, Bruce. "Decommodification and the Transformation of Capitalism: welfare state development in seventeen OECD countries." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 25, no. 2 (1989): 200–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078338902500203.
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Huh, Taewook, Yunyoung Kim, and Jiyoung Kim. "Towards a Green State: A Comparative Study on OECD Countries through Fuzzy-Set Analysis." Sustainability 10, no. 9 (2018): 3181. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10093181.
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This study aims to develop an empirical measurement framework of the green state and compare twenty-four OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries’ cases through the fuzzy-set multiple conjunctural analysis and the ideal type analysis. Based on the analysis model of the outcome set (Sustainable Development Goal Index) and the causal sets of seven variables on the four green state categories (‘ecological authoritarian state’, ‘ecological modern state’, ‘ecological democracy state’, and ‘ecological welfare state’), this study reveals the following results. Among OECD member countries, if ones have high environmental tax, high environmental innovation (patent), high economic development and democracy, high levels of environmental governance and social expenditure, or have high economic development and democracy, and high levels of environmental governance and environmental health, they can be seen to have reached a high level of green state (consistency: 0.980, total coverage: 0.675). Also, the thirteen ideal types of green state of twenty-four OECD countries were derived. Norway (fuzzy-set membership score of 0.515) is a country of Type 1, with a characteristic of ‘strong green state’ having all high features of the four green state categories. Greece (membership score, 0.692) and Ireland (0.577) belong to Type 13, characterized by ‘weak green state’ with all four low features. As a result, the green state types of the twenty-four OECD countries can be assorted into five levels: ‘Strong Green State’, ‘Quasi-Strong Green State’, ‘Quasi-Green State’, ‘Quasi-Weak Green State’, and ‘Weak Green State’.
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Hennessy, Peter, and Thierry Warin. "One Welfare State for Europe: A Costly Utopia?" Global Economy Journal 4, no. 2 (2004): 1850020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1027.
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This paper addresses the question of the social policy harmonization in the European Union. In adopting a common monetary policy, Europe is faced with structural and fiscal concerns, as national growth levels differ. Another possible factor in output shocks are the levels of various social expenditures in the member countries. OECD data on the level of social program expenditures in four EU countries will be compared to fluctuations in GDP growth to identify existing relationships. Significant relationships between independent social expenditure policy and GDP growth shocks suggest structural harmonization as an improvement if Europe is to take full advantage of the common market. However, the effects of expenditure levels may be easier to identify and predict than the dynamic effects of policy change. As the effects of future policy changes are more difficult to ascertain, harmonization may not consistently appear to be a Pareto-optimum solution to asymmetric shocks.
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WAGSCHAL, UWE, and GEORG WENZELBURGER. "Roads to Success: Budget Consolidations in OECD Countries." Journal of Public Policy 28, no. 3 (2008): 309–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x08000901.
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ABSTRACTDuring the 1990s, some OECD countries succeeded in reducing their budget deficits. The average public debt ratio fell from more than 70 per cent of GDP in 1996 to about 63 per cent of GDP in 2001. Up to now, researchers have mainly focused on the economic effects of these consolidation efforts. This paper answers another question: How can balanced budgets be achieved? By means of a detailed review of nine budget consolidations, the study identifies different roads to successful fiscal adjustments, starting with a critical review of the definition of budget consolidation. We find a pattern on the expenditure side that follows different worlds of the welfare state. On the revenue side however, the tax structure seems to be more path-dependent and mainly driven by long-term developments. In the last section, we show that institutional reforms constitute very important components of budget consolidations.
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Clayton, Richard, and Jonas Pontusson. "Welfare-State Retrenchment Revisited: Entitlement Cuts, Public Sector Restructuring, and Inegalitarian Trends in Advanced Capitalist Societies." World Politics 51, no. 1 (1998): 67–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100007796.
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In recent years it has become commonplace for comparativists to emphasize the resilience of welfare states in advanced capitalist societies and the failure of neoliberal efforts to dismantle the welfare state. Challenging some tenets of the resilience thesis, this article seeks to broaden the discussion of welfare-state retrenchment. The authors argue that a sharp deceleration of social spending has occurred in most OECD countries since 1980, that welfare states have failed to offset the rise of market-generated inequality and insecurity, and that welfare programs have become less universalistic. They stress the distributive and political consequences of market-oriented reforms of the public sector.
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Iversen, Torben, and Thomas R. Cusack. "The Causes of Welfare State Expansion: Deindustrialization or Globalization?" World Politics 52, no. 3 (2000): 313–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100016567.
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An influential line of argument holds that globalization causes economic uncertainty and spurs popular demands for compensatory welfare state spending. This article argues that the relationship between globalization and welfare state expansion is spurious and that the engine of welfare state expansion since the 1960s has been deindustrialization. Based on cross-sectional-time-series data for fifteen OECD countries, the authors show that there is no relationship between globalization and the level of labor-market risks (in terms of employment and wages), whereas the uncertainty and dislocations caused by deindustrialization have spurred electoral demands for welfare state compensation and risk sharing. Yet, while differential rates of deindustri-alization explain differences in the overall size of the welfare state, its particular character—in terms of the share of direct government provision and the equality of transfer payments—is shaped by government partisanship. The argument has implications for the study and the future of the welfare state that are very different from those suggested in the globalization literature.
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Wagle, Udaya R. "The Heterogeneity Politics of the Welfare State: Changing Population Heterogeneity and Welfare State Policies in High-Income OECD Countries, 1980-2005." Politics & Policy 41, no. 6 (2013): 947–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12053.
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Takao, Yasuo. "Welfare State Retrenchment – The Case of Japan." Journal of Public Policy 19, no. 3 (1999): 265–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x99000707.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the implications for welfare state retrenchment of central-local financial relations. In the post-war period, welfare state expansion has been a dominant theme in the development of central-local government relations in advanced industrial democracies. By the 1980s, however, nearly all OECD member countries had resorted to deficit financing as stagnant tax revenues combined with political pressure for increased public services. Faced with the urgent necessity of fiscal reconstruction, conservatives in advanced industrial democracies have favoured cutting public services throughout the 1990s. As always in times of retrenchment, elected officials have needed to win the goodwill of voters and interest groups for these unpopular cutbacks. There is no doubt that the politics of retrenchment is distinctively different from that of growth. Despite this new stage in the development of the welfare state, few systematic attempts have been made to analyse the impact of retrenchment politics on central-local financial arrangements. This article contributes to the new debate on comparative theories of retrenchment by analysing the impact of welfare state retrenchment in the context of Japan's recent fiscal reconstruction.
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Salas-Velasco, Manuel. "Competitiveness and production efficiency across OECD countries." Competitiveness Review: An International Business Journal 29, no. 2 (2019): 160–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-07-2017-0043.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper was to measure the efficiency of resource utilization across OECD countries aiming to verify that higher levels of competitiveness enhance the production capacity – the maximum possible output of an economy in a given period with the available resources.Design/methodology/approachThe author used a two-stage procedure to first estimate the cross-sectional efficiency scores of 18 OECD economies by data envelopment analysis, and then to assess the impact of contextual variables on efficiency running regressions in the second-stage analysis. In particular, in the second stage, the author examined the effects of competitiveness on the production efficiency of the countries, while controlling for other independent variables.FindingsThe results confirmed that the higher the level of competitiveness, innovation and sophistication factors predominantly, the higher the level of productive efficiency of the countries analyzed.Originality/valueThe paper is novel because it opens the black box of the aggregate process of production of the conversion of resources into a national product. From the social point of view, it is relevant to know if a country could produce more output with the same resources, such as labor and capital and, therefore, could increase per capita income and social welfare.
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Jacques, Olivier, and Alain Noël. "Welfare state decommodification and population health." PLOS ONE 17, no. 8 (2022): e0272698. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0272698.
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A generous welfare state decommodifies social relations and frees citizens from relying excessively on markets. We argue that decommodification is associated with population health in two ways: directly, as it provides better social protection to households and indirectly, as it mitigates health-damaging labour market polarization and reduces the incidence of labour market risks. Using time-series cross-sectional quantitative analysis for 21 OECD countries from 1971 to 2010, we observe a negative relationship between decommodification and the age-standardized death rate. We then analyze three correlates of decommodification—income redistribution, labour market polarization and the reduction of labour market risk incidence—and find that only the latter two are associated with population health. Higher labour market polarization, measured by the share of market income allocated to the richest decile relative to the share of the poorest decile, is associated with a higher death rate. A new measure of risk reduction, the degree to which the welfare state reduces the prevalence of large income losses, is also associated with lower death rates, especially for men. Welfare state decommodification thus contributes to population health directly, and indirectly, via the attenuation of labour market polarization and the mitigation of labour market risks.
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Ilmakunnas, Pekka, and Vesa Kanniainen. "Entrepreneurship, Economic Risks, and Risk Insurance in the Welfare State: Results with OECD Data 1978±93." German Economic Review 2, no. 3 (2001): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00034.
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Abstract We find evidence in the OECD cross-country data to support the Knightian view that non-diversifiable economic risks shape equilibrium entrepreneurship in an occupational choice model. Differential social insurance of entrepreneurial and labor risk is found to be statistically significant and detrimental to entrepreneurship. The crowding-out effect of public production of private goods on entrepreneurship dominates the crowding-in effect of public production of public goods in the OECD data. Weak evidence is found for the proposition that the rate of entrepreneurship is related to the degree of income inequality and to the union power in the economy. The results also suggest that in countries with low GDP per capita ratio, self-employment is high.
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Crepaz, Markus M. L. "Veto Players, Globalization and the Redistributive Capacity of the State: A Panel Study of 15 OECD Countries." Journal of Public Policy 21, no. 1 (2001): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x01001015.
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Globalization is said to restrict severely the state's capacity to fulfill its welfare function in advanced industrial societies. This paper tests empirically the redistributive capacity of the state operationalized as the difference in percent of households who live below 50% of the median income in their respective country before taxes and transfers and after taxes and transfers, based on the latest Luxembourg Income Study data. Besides globalization, specific sets of domestic political institutions predictably and systematically affect the redistributive capacity of the state: what is termed ‘collective veto points’ buoy redistribution by the state, while ‘competitive veto points’ have the opposite effect. Partisan coloration is introduced as a control variable which, surprisingly, does not affect this critical function of the welfare state. The research design is a cross-sectionally dominant panel design (N=15, t=2). This study finds evidence that globalization and collective veto points both positively affect the redistributive capacity of the state while the converse is true for competitive veto points.
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Lyttkens, Carl Hampus, Terkel Christiansen, Unto Häkkinen, Oddvar Kaarboe, Matt Sutton, and Anna Welander. "The core of the Nordic health care system is not empty." Nordic Journal of Health Economics 4, no. 1 (2016): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/njhe.2848.
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The Nordic countries are well-known for their welfare states. A very important feature of the welfare state is that it aims at easy and equal access to adequate health care for the entire population. For many years, the Nordic systems were automatically viewed as very similar, and they were placed in the same group when the OECD classified health care systems around the world. However, close inspection soon reveals that there are important differences between the health care systems of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden. Consequently, it is perhaps no surprise that the Nordic countries fell into three different categories when the OECD revised its classification a few years ago. In this paper, we revisit this issue and argue that the most important similarity across the Nordic countries is the institutional context in which the health care sector is embedded. Nordic health care exists in a high-trust, high-taxation setting of small open economies. With this background, we find a set of important similarities in the manner in which health care is organized and financed in the Nordic countries. To evaluate the performance of the Nordic health care system, we compare a few health quality indicators in the Nordic countries with those of five non-Nordic similarly small open European economies with the same level of income. Overall, the Nordic countries seem to be performing relatively well. Whether they will continue to do so will depend to a large extent on whether the welfare state will continue to reform itself as it has in the past.Published: April 2016.
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Koster, Ferry. "The effects of social and political openness on the welfare state in 18 OECD countries." International Journal of Social Welfare 17, no. 4 (2008): 291–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2008.00552.x.
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Hossain, Md Belal, Michael A. Long, and Paul B. Stretesky. "Welfare State Spending, Income Inequality and Food Insecurity in Affluent Nations: A Cross-National Examination of OECD Countries." Sustainability 13, no. 1 (2020): 324. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13010324.
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Few studies examine the distribution of food insecurity in advanced capitalist nations. This research investigates cross-national food insecurity in the world’s largest economies by estimating the impact of welfare spending and income inequality on food availability (measured by the FAO’s Dietary Energy and Protein Supply indicators) and food accessibility (measured by the Food Insecurity Experience Scale) in 36 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries between the years of 2000 and 2018. Using a series of regression models on panel and cross-sectional data this research found that increases in state spending on social and health care are associated with (1) increases in food availability and (2) increases in food access. However, the findings also suggest that increases in food supplies do not produce more food security. Thus, for the OECD countries in this analysis, food availability is unrelated to food accessibility. We conclude by suggesting that high income countries that seek to promote global health should not only focus their efforts on poverty reduction polices that increase food accessibility within their own boarders, but must simultaneously ensure a more equitable global distribution of food.
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KOCH, MAX, and MARTIN FRITZ. "Building the Eco-social State: Do Welfare Regimes Matter?" Journal of Social Policy 43, no. 4 (2014): 679–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727941400035x.
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AbstractAuthors such as Dryzek, Gough and Meadowcroft have indicated that social-democratic welfare states could be in a better position to deal with development of the ‘green’ or ‘eco’ state, and the intersection of social and environmental policies, than conservative or liberal welfare regimes (synergy hypothesis). However, this hypothesis has as yet not been examined in comparative empirical research. Based on comparative empirical data from EUROSTAT, the World Bank, the OECD, the Global Footprint Network and the International Social Survey Programme, we are carrying out two research operations: First, by applying correspondence analysis, we contrast the macro-structural welfare and sustainability indicators of thirty countries and ask whether clusters largely follow the synergy hypothesis. Second, we raise the issue of whether differences in the institutional and organisational capabilities of combining welfare with environmental policies are reflected in people's attitudes and opinions. With regard to the first issue, our results suggest that there is no ‘automatic’ development of the ecostate based on already existing advanced welfare institutions. Representatives of all welfare regimes are spread across established, deadlocked, failing, emerging and endangered ecostates. As for the second issue, the results are mixed. While responses to the statements ‘economic growth always harms the environment’ and ‘governments should pass laws to make ordinary people protect the environment, even if it interferes with people's rights to make their own decisions’ did not vary according to welfare regimes, people from social-democratic countries expressed more often than average their willingness to accept cuts in their standard of living in order to protect the environment.
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Johnson, Paul. "Social Policy in Europe in the Twentieth Century." Contemporary European History 2, no. 2 (1993): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000424.
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The 1980s proved to be a tough decade for European welfare states. The post-war ‘welfare consensus’, which perhaps had never been quite so strong or coherent as many contemporary historians and commentators had assumed, was finally laid to rest. The five great spectres identified by Beveridge want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness had not been humbled by public welfare provision despite its ever growing scale and cost. At the beginning of the 1980s the OECD published a report on The Welfare State in Crisis which pointed out that as welfare state expenditure had roughly doubled as a percentage of national income in most west European countries since the late 1950s, so economic growth rates had plummeted. The European welfare states appeared to produce few positive welfare benefits, and this minimal achievement was produced at enormous cost which was to the detriment of overall economic growth and societal well-being.
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Kyoung Don, Park. "The Efficiency in Welfare Expenditure and Economic Growth." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 26, no. 3 (2011): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps26308.
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This paper analyzes the various arguments that support or oppose expansion in social welfare spending. A critical concern is the fear that as welfare expenditure increases, at some point, economic development will decrease. However, increased welfare investment is essential for achieving a welfare state to ensure the optimal growth of the economy and social welfare. OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries with a particular welfare regime that efficiently invests welfare spending are regarded as a reference for Korea. In consideration of the environmental factors in each nation, the relative efficiency Level of welfare spending is calculated with panel data. It is evident that Korea`s investment in social welfare from 2003 to 2007 was inefficient. One way to achieve an appropriate balance between social welfare and economic growth is to lessen the inefficiency of welfare investment.
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Burgoon, Brian. "Globalization and Welfare Compensation: Disentangling the Ties that Bind." International Organization 55, no. 3 (2001): 509–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00208180152507542.
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Three perspectives dominate debate over the relationship between globalization and the welfare state in industrialized countries: that globalization constrains the welfare that hitherto legitimated openness, that globalization still sparks demands for welfare while opening few forces to flee or fight against it, and that openness has little effect on welfare. A closer look at the “globalization” and “welfare” aggregates on which most scholars focus, however, reveals varying politics connecting different elements of globalization and welfare that may help reconcile this debate. First, compared to general trade openness, low-wage competition may spark stronger pressure to expand and less pressure to constrain welfare compensation. Second, all kinds of openness affect vulnerable and thriving groups in ways that differ across social policies, especially training and relocation benefits compared to benefits for youth dependents and the elderly. Consequently, different faces of openness may spark predictably different politics that spur some aspects of welfare, retrench others, and have little effect on still others. Panel data for eighteen OECD countries supports this argument.
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Rothstein, Bo, Marcus Samanni, and Jan Teorell. "Explaining the welfare state: power resources vs. the Quality of Government." European Political Science Review 4, no. 1 (2011): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000051.
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The hitherto most successful theory explaining why similar industrialized market economies have developed such varying systems for social protection is the Power Resource Theory (PRT), according to which the generosity of the welfare state is a function of working class mobilization. In this paper, we argue that there is an under-theorized link in the micro-foundations for PRT, namely why wage earners trying to cope with social risks and demand for redistribution would turn to the state for a solution. Our approach, the Quality of Government (QoG) theory, stresses the importance of trustworthy, impartial, and uncorrupted government institutions as a precondition for citizens’ willingness to support policies for social insurance. Drawing on data on 18 OECD countries during 1984–2000, we find (a) that QoG positively affects the size and generosity of the welfare state, and (b) that the effect of working class mobilization on welfare state generosity increases with the level of QoG.
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Hay, Colin. "Too Important to Leave to the Economists? The Political Economy of Welfare Retrenchment." Social Policy and Society 4, no. 2 (2005): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404002313.
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The future of the welfare state in advanced liberal democracies is increasingly judged in economic terms. For, in an era of economic globalisation and heightened competition between economies, it is invariably suggested that the welfare state must prove its value in an exhaustive competitive audit if it is not to reveal itself an indulgent luxury and an unsustainable burden on competitiveness. Given the influence of such assumptions among policy-makers, it is unremarkable that social policy goals are increasingly subordinated to perceived economic imperatives. The critical dissection of the prevailing orthodox on the competitive-corrosive qualities of the welfare state in an era of (supposed) globalisation and welfare retrenchment is, then, a most urgent task for social policy analysts. In this paper I provide a review of the most recent comparative political economy of globalisation and regionalisation. This challenges, quite fundamentally, the view that globalisation is the proximate cause of welfare retrenchment in OECD countries and that high levels of welfare expenditure are incompatible with an open and competitive economy.
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STARKE, PETER, ALEXANDRA KAASCH, and FRANCA VAN HOOREN. "Political Parties and Social Policy Responses to Global Economic Crises: Constrained Partisanship in Mature Welfare States." Journal of Social Policy 43, no. 2 (2014): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279413000986.
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AbstractBased on empirical findings from a comparative study on welfare state responses to the four major economic shocks (the 1970s oil shocks, the early 1990s recession, the 2008 financial crisis) in four OECD countries, this article demonstrates that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, policy responses to global economic crises vary significantly across countries. What explains the cross-national and within-case variation in responses to crises? We discuss several potential causes of this pattern and argue that political parties and the party composition of governments can play a key role in shaping crisis responses, albeit in ways that go beyond traditional partisan theory. We show that the partisan conflict and the impact of parties are conditioned by existing welfare state configurations. In less generous welfare states, the party composition of governments plays a decisive role in shaping the direction of social policy change. By contrast, in more generous welfare states, i.e., those with highly developed automatic stabilisers, the overall direction of policy change is regularly not subject to debate. Political conflict in these welfare states rather concerns the extent to which expansion or retrenchment is necessary. Therefore, a clear-cut partisan impact can often not be shown.
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Meijer, Mathias. "Befolkningensaldringens overvurderede konsekvenser: Ældrebyrden til eftersyn." Dansk Sociologi 16, no. 1 (2005): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v16i1.552.
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Mathias Meijer: Overselling the burden of the ageing population. 
 
 This article challenges the apocalyptic discourse of population ageing that maintains that the ageing of the Danish population is one of the greatest challenges to the welfare state making it unsustainable without considerable welfare reforms. By relating the future demographic projections to historical and international trends, the article shows that population ageing is not a new phenomenon, and that Denmark is one of countries with the slowest rate of ageing in the OECD. Contrary to most other Western countries, Denmark has already made several reforms that reduce the future economic pressure posed by an ageing population. In addition, economic projections about Danish economy artificially amplify the future economic challenges caused by population ageing by not taking the dynamic development of the population into account. The article argues that the reason population ageing is continuously referred to as a major challenge to the welfare state is that it is used as a neutral, non-ideological and apolitical pretext to discredit the welfare state in its current form in order to legitimatise neo-liberal welfare reforms. Hence population ageing is used as a Trojan horse to change the structural relationship between state, market and civil society by transforming Denmark into an all-working society and by strengthening political discourses aiming to reduce the role of state in the economy by intensifying privatisation and contracting out of public services.
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Noël, Alain. "Is social investment inimical to the poor?" Socio-Economic Review 18, no. 3 (2018): 857–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwy038.
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Abstract In the last two decades, the social investment strategy has been the main approach to welfare state reform. Concretely, two spending programs have dominated the agenda: the expansion of active labor market programs and the development of childcare services. Many authors have suspected, however, that these social investments were realized at the expense of income protection for the poor. This article assesses this potential trade-off with time-series cross-sectional models of the determinants of active labor market policies expenditures, childcare spending and the adequacy of minimum income protection (MIP), for 18 OECD countries between 1990 and 2009. It turns out that social investments are rather akin to traditional welfare state programs, and are explained by similar institutional, political and economic factors. More importantly, they do not develop at the expense of income protection. Social investment initiatives are consistent with the usual politics of the welfare state and, overall, they are not inimical to the poor.
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Sarfati, Hedva. "Interaction between Labour Market and Social Protection Systems: Policy Implications and Challenges for the Social Partners." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 19, Issue 2 (2003): 253–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2003014.
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Abstract: This article highlights the major shifts that have taken place in the labour market and the broader socio-economic context over the past three decades in the OECD countries, bringing about major changes in the welfare state to ensure its sustainability. These ongoing reforms challenge a broad range of acquired rights and raise major policy issues for decision-makers and the social partners. They also provoke adverse effects and therefore require a broad social dialogue on the most effective policy mix. There are major obstacles to achieving consensus, but some countries have succeeded more than others, by adopting different strategies.
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Forslund, Maria. "The state of dying. Mortality in a comparative perspective – the interplay between cash and care*." European Journal of Social Security 19, no. 1 (2017): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262717699446.
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The purpose of this paper is to explore the interplay between cash and care in the welfare state by analysing a specific mortality cause, cerebrovascular disease, in relation to health care and sickness benefits. Data from the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) Health Statistics and the Comparative Welfare Entitlements Dataset2 (CWED2) are pooled for the time period 1980–2011. Fourteen countries are analysed by Prais-Winsten regression with panel correct standard errors, using fixed effect models. The results show that health care and sickness benefits have a combined effect on reducing mortality. The results indicate that the level of sickness benefits to some extent modifies the mortality. Holding health-care provision at a fixed level, measured as medication and technology, mortality is reduced when increasing the level of sickness benefits. The results are quite similar for men and women.
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FARNSWORTH, KEVIN. "Bringing Corporate Welfare In." Journal of Social Policy 42, no. 1 (2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279412000761.
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AbstractOne of the consequences of the post-2008 global economic crisis is that it has thrust into the public spotlight the issue of state provision for corporations, putting paid to the myth that capitalism and businesses could ultimately be more profitable, more efficient and more competitive without state interference and direct support. The reality is that corporations of every size and within every sector depend on government support in some way. Hence, while the measures taken by governments in response to the global crisis have been exceptional in their scale, they are not exceptional by design. Rather, direct and indirect state support to corporations – referred to here as corporate welfare – is commonplace and is deeply embedded within the state's operations with various forms of assistance being delivered through social policies. In such an environment, the fact that social policy has very little to say about ‘corporate welfare’ is a serious omission. Bringing corporate welfare into social policy analysis reinforces the potential defence of the welfare state and, at the same time, increases our understanding of how best to balance the needs of private businesses with those of citizens on the one hand, and the burden of paying for welfare on the other. To this end, this paper argues for a deeper recognition, understanding, consideration and embedding of corporate welfare in social policy analysis. The first half of the paper advances conceptually the analysis of corporate welfare, mapping corporate and social welfare along a continuum. The second half provides some empirical evidence of the relative size of corporate and social welfare provision in a number of OECD countries.
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Jakobsen, Vibeke, and Peder J. Pedersen. "Poverty risk among older immigrants in a scandinavian welfare state." European Journal of Social Security 19, no. 3 (2017): 242–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262717725937.
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The focus of this paper is on poverty among immigrants and refugees aged 60 years and older coming to Denmark from countries outside of the OECD, with an emphasis on immigrants who came as guest workers before 1974, as refugees and as family members and marriage partners (tied movers) of the individuals coming as guest workers and as refugees. A large proportion of people in this group were fairly young at the time of their arrival in Denmark. Guest workers who came before 1974 and refugees and tied movers who arrived in the 1970s and 1980s are now either close to or above the age of 60, with conditional eligibility to a labour market-related early retirement programme or to the State pension. Poverty rates by national background are described using alternative household concepts. A number of background factors with relevance for poverty are summarised. We focus on age, gender, marital status, occupational status at age 55, and duration of residence, and find major differences between migrant groups and between immigrants and natives regarding how income is dependent at different ages on market income, pensions and benefits. We also present a number of regressions aiming at explaining differences in the risk of poverty risk in terms of these background factors.
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Rudolph, Maximilian, and Peter Starke. "How does the welfare state reduce crime? The effect of program characteristics and decommodification across 18 OECD-countries." Journal of Criminal Justice 68 (May 2020): 101684. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2020.101684.
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Collins, Micheál L. "Private Pensions and the Gender Distribution of Fiscal Welfare." Social Policy and Society 19, no. 3 (2020): 500–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746420000111.
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The provision of taxation relief to support pension savings has become a large and expensive aspect of the welfare state in many countries. Among OECD member states this exceeds $200 billion in revenue forgone each year. Previous research has consistently found this fiscal welfare to have pronounced regressive distributive outcomes. However, little is known about the gendered impact of these fiscal welfare supports, a void this article addresses. Using data for Ireland the article finds that the current structure of fiscal welfare supports notably favours males over females. Nominal contribution levels are higher among males, and males are more likely to be active contributors to pension savings. The associated tax supports are consequently skewed, with two-thirds received by men and one-third by women. This outcome suggests a continuation of the gender earnings gap into retirement and a discontinuity between longevity expectations and tax policy supports for pension provision.
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Ali Asadullah, Muhammad. "Quadratic Indirect Effect of National TVET Expenditure on Economic Growth Through Social Inclusion Indicators." SAGE Open 9, no. 1 (2019): 215824401983055. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244019830557.
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The recent movement of social-investment state encouraged national educational initiatives taken by the policy makers of developed countries to enhance individual’s social inclusion for national economic gains. Benefiting from human capital theory, the author has reexamined the indirect effect of nation expenditure of technical and vocational education and training (TVET) on economic growth through social inclusion by isolating the effective key social inclusion dimensions (employment, earnings, and multidimensional poverty) from each other. A 15-year data set, ranging from 2000 to 2014, collected from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) database of 21 OECD member European countries was used for hypotheses testing. The statistical results obtained through the quadratic indirect effects demonstrate clear support for the entire hypotheses. However, the results demonstrate that the indirect effects decrease as the values of TVET expenditure increases, particularly, when the indirect effect is investigated through the wages or when the overall index value of social inclusion indicators is introduced as a mediator. The study offers some implications for the researchers and the policy makers who are interested in determining the overall effectiveness of human capital development initiatives in the welfare-state/social-investment states.
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Jacques, Olivier, and Alain Noël. "The case for welfare state universalism, or the lasting relevance of the paradox of redistribution." Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 1 (2018): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717700564.
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In 1998, Walter Korpi and Joakim Palme proposed a political and institutional explanation to account for the greater redistributive success of welfare states that relied more on universal than on targeted programmes. Effective redistribution, they argued, resulted less from a Robin Hood logic – taking from the rich to give to the poor – than from a broad and egalitarian provision of services and transfers. Hence, the paradox: a country obtained more redistribution when it took from all to give to all than when it sought to take from the rich to help the poor. Recent studies, however, failed to confirm the existence of this paradox. This article suggests that the original argument was theoretically sound but inadequately operationalized. Korpi and Palme measured universalism indirectly, not by the design or character of social programmes, but rather by their outcomes, namely, by their income effects. These outcomes, however, are influenced by exogenous factors. We use two new Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) indicators to capture universalism directly, through the institutional design of social programmes: (1) the percentage of social benefits that are means or income tested and (2) the proportion of private spending in total social expenditures. These two indicators are combined into a universalism index and tested with a time-series cross-sectional design for 20 OECD countries between 2000 and 2011. This approach, we argue, better captures institutional design, in a way that is consistent with Korpi and Palme’s original argument, and it suggests that there is still a paradox of redistribution in the 21st-century welfare state.
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Jae-eun Seok. "Towards a Sustainable Welfare State: An Evaluation and Typology of OECD Countries Through the Fuzzy-set Ideal Types Analysis." Health and Social Welfare Review 34, no. 4 (2014): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15709/hswr.2014.34.4.5.
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Seung-yoon Sophia Lee, KANGMINAH, and 정무권. "’Quality of Government’ as the Necessary Condition for Welfare State: A Comparative Analysis of OECD Countries Using fs/QCA." Journal of Governmental Studies(JGS) 21, no. 1 (2015): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19067/jgs.2015.21.1.1.
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Kangas, Olli. "One hundred years of money, welfare and death: mortality, economic growth and the development of the welfare state in 17 OECD countries 1900-2000." International Journal of Social Welfare 19 (April 23, 2010): S42—S59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2010.00735.x.
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TULAI, Oksana, and Andrii YAMELYNETS. "PERSONAL INCOME TAX: EXPERIENCE OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." WORLD OF FINANCE, no. 1(58) (2019): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/sf2019.01.076.
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Introduction. In the current conditions of the integration movement of Ukraine to the European Union and the reform of the institutions of state power, the issue of studying foreign experience of the system of taxation of individuals' incomes is actualized. The application of effective practices of other states will contribute to increasing the fiscal role of the personal income tax in Ukraine, reducing social inequality and increasing the welfare of the population. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to find out the features, trends and problems of the functioning of the personal income tax in foreign countries. Results. The article deals with the foreign experience of functioning of the system of personal income taxation. The role and role of PIT in the EU and OECD countries is shown. The proportional and progressive approach to taxation of this tax is considered, their key advantages and disadvantages are determined. An analogy has been made between the European states, the OECD member states and Ukraine. The objective necessity of establishing a non-taxable minimum or partial exemption of citizens' incomes from taxes in the context of support of low-income categories of the population and ensuring social justice is substantiated. Conclusions. It is concluded that in developed countries, the progressive system of taxation of the PIT along with the minimum non-taxable minimum is an effective tool for generating budget revenues and solving social inequalities in society. Instead, third-world states can not use this mechanism in a qualitative way due to significant tax compliance problems. They apply a proportional taxation system for PIT that minimizes tax evasion and international competitiveness.
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Schmitt, Carina, and Peter Starke. "The political economy of early exit: The politics of cost-shifting." European Journal of Industrial Relations 22, no. 4 (2016): 391–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680115621137.
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Large-scale exit from the labour market began in the 1970s in many OECD countries. The literature indicates that individual early retirement decisions are facilitated by generous and accessible ‘pathways’ into retirement in the public pension system, unemployment insurance or disability benefits. It is unclear, however, why early exit became so much more prevalent in some countries than in others and why such differences remain, despite a recent shift back towards higher employment rates and ‘active ageing’. We test a logic of sectoral cost-shifting politics involving cross-class alliances in the tradable sector, against a more traditional class-based logic of welfare state policy-making. Quantitative analysis of employment outcomes in 21 countries shows that the political economy of early exit clearly rests on the sectoral politics of cost-shifting.
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Bojar, Abel. "Biting the Hand that Feeds: Reconsidering the Partisan Determinants of Welfare Spending in Times of Austerity." Government and Opposition 53, no. 4 (2017): 621–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.3.
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The New Politics of the welfare state suggests that periods of welfare retrenchment present policymakers with a qualitatively different set of challenges and electoral incentives compared to periods of welfare expansion. An unresolved puzzle for this literature is the relative electoral success of retrenching governments in recent decades, as evidenced by various studies on fiscal consolidations. This article points to the importance of partisan biases as the main explanatory factor. I argue that partisan biases in the electorate create incentives for incumbent governments to depart from their representative function and push the burden of retrenchment on the very constituencies to which they owe their electoral mandate (‘Nixon-goes-to-China’). After offering a simple model on the logic of partisan biases, the article proceeds by testing the unexpected partisan hypotheses that the model generates. My findings from a cross-section time-series analysis in a set of 23 OECD countries provide corroborative evidence on this Nixon-goes-to-China logic of welfare retrenchment: governments systematically inflict pain on their core constituencies. These effects are especially pronounced in periods of severe budgetary pressure.